Biography of Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England 1437-1492

Paternal Family Tree: Woodville

Maternal Family Tree: Jeanne Sabran

1433 John Duke of Bedford marries Jacquetta Luxemburg

1460 Battle of Wakefield

1461 Second Battle of St Albans

1461 Edward IV marries Eleanor Talbot possibly

1464 Marriage of Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodville

1465 Coronation of Elizabeth Woodville

1467 Tournament Bastard of Burgundy

1468 Marriage of Charles the Bold and Margaret of York

1469 Execution of the Woodvilles

1472 Death of Jacquetta of Luxembourg

1478 Marriage of Richard Duke of York and Anne Mowbray

1478 Execution of George Duke of Clarence

1483 Death of Edward IV

1483 Funeral of Edward IV

1483 Elizabeth Woodville takes Sanctuary at Westminster Abbey

1483 Robert Stillington Claims Edward IV's Marriage to Elizabeth Woodville to be Bigamous

1483 Execution of William Hastings by Richard III

1483 Execution of the Woodvilles and their Affinity

1483 Coronation of Richard III

1484 Richard III Secures Elizabeth Woodville's Daughters

1485 Marriage of Ralph Scrope and Cecily York

1486 Marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth York

1486 Birth and Christening of Arthur Prince of Wales

John Duke of Bedford marries Jacquetta Luxemburg

On 22 Apr 1433 John Duke Bedford (age 43) and [her mother] Jacquetta Luxemburg (age 18) were married at Thérouanne [Map]. She by marriage Duchess Bedford. The difference in their ages was 25 years. She the daughter of Peter Luxemburg I Count Saint Pol (age 43) and Margherita Baux (age 39). He the son of Henry IV King England and Mary Bohun. She a great x 5 granddaughter of King Henry III of England.

The marriage caused a rift with Philip "Good" Duke Burgundy (age 36), John's late wife's brother, who regarded the marriage, some five months after his sister's death, an insult to her memory. There was no issue from the marriage with John dying a year and a half later.

Before 1437 [her father] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 32) and [her mother] Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 21) were married. She the daughter of Peter Luxemburg I Count Saint Pol and Margherita Baux (age 42). She a great x 5 granddaughter of King Henry III of England.

Around 1437 Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England was born to Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 32) and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 22) at Grafton Regis, Northamptonshire [Map].

On 09 May 1448 [her father] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 43) was created 1st Baron Rivers by King Henry VI of England and II of France (age 26). [her mother] Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 33) by marriage Baroness Rivers.

Around 1454 John Grey (age 22) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 17) were married. She the daughter of Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 49) and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 39). He a great x 5 grandson of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England.

In 1455 [her son] Thomas Grey 1st Marquess Dorset was born to [her husband] John Grey (age 23) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 18).

In 1457 [her son] Richard Grey was born to [her husband] John Grey (age 25) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 20).

In 1460 John Cheney 1st Baron Cheyne (age 18) was appointed Esquire to the Body to Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 23).

Before Jul 1460 Thomas Scales 7th Baron Scales (age 63) and Robert Hungerford 3rd Baron Hungerford 1st Baron Moleyns (age 29) were commissioned to hold London for the Lancastrians. They retreated to the Tower of London [Map] where they set the guns of the Tower towards the City; it isn't known whether they were fired or not. They eventually surrendered for lack of food. He was sent to Sanctuary Westminster Abbey [Map].

On 20 Jul 1460 Thomas Scales 7th Baron Scales (age 63) was murdered by boatmen whilst travelling from the Tower of London [Map] to Sanctuary Westminster Abbey [Map]. His daughter Elizabeth Scales Countess Rivers succeeded 8th Baroness Scales. She was, or had been married to, Henry Bourchier (the year of his death may been 1458). She was in 1466 married to [her brother] Anthony Woodville 2nd Earl Rivers (age 20), brother of [her future husband] King Edward IV's (age 18) wife Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 23); an example of the Woodville family marrying rich heiresses.

Battle of Wakefield

On 30 Dec 1460 the Lancastrian army took their revenge for the defeats of the First Battle of St Albans and the Battle of Northampton during the Battle of Wakefield at Sandal Castle [Map]. The Lancastrian army was commanded by Henry Holland 3rd Duke Exeter (age 30), Henry Beaufort 2nd or 3rd Duke Somerset (age 24) and Henry Percy 3rd Earl of Northumberland (age 39), and included John Courtenay 15th Earl Devon (age 25) and William Gascoigne XIII (age 30), both knighted, and James Butler 1st Earl Wiltshire 5th Earl Ormonde (age 40), John "Butcher" Clifford 9th Baron Clifford (age 25), John Neville 1st Baron Neville of Raby (age 50), Thomas Ros 9th Baron Ros Helmsley (age 33), Henry Roos and Thomas St Leger (age 20).

The Yorkist army was heavily defeated.

Richard Plantagenet 3rd Duke York (age 49) was killed. His son [her future husband] King Edward IV of England (age 18) succeeded 4th Duke York, 7th Richard Plantagenet 3rd Duke York (age 49), 9th Earl Ulster, 3rd Earl Cambridge.

Thomas Neville (age 30), Thomas Harrington (age 60), and Edward Bourchier were killed.

William Bonville 6th Baron Harington (age 18) was killed. His daughter [her future daughter-in-law] Cecily Bonville Marchioness Dorset succeeded 7th Baroness Harington.

Thomas Parr (age 53) fought in the Yorkist army.

Following the battle Richard Neville 5th Earl Salisbury (age 60) was beheaded by Thomas "Bastard of Exeter" Holland. William Bonville (age 40) was executed.

Edmund York 1st Earl of Rutland (age 17) was killed on Wakefield Bridge [Map] by John "Butcher" Clifford (age 25) by which he gained his sobriquet "Butcher". Earl of Rutland extinct.

Second Battle of St Albans

On 17 Feb 1461 the Lancastrian army defeated the Yorkist army at Second Battle of St Albans and rescued King Henry VI of England and II of France (age 39). The Lancastrian army was commanded by Henry Holland 3rd Duke Exeter (age 30) and included Henry Percy 3rd Earl of Northumberland (age 39), John Mowbray 3rd Duke of Norfolk (age 45), Henry Grey 4th or 7th Baron Grey of Codnor (age 26), Henry Roos and Richard Welles 7th Baron Willoughby 7th Baron Welles (age 33).

Thomas Ros 9th Baron Ros Helmsley (age 33), William Tailboys 7th Baron Kyme (age 46), John Talbot 3rd Earl of Shrewsbury (age 12) and Thomas Tresham (age 41) were knighted.

The Yorkist army included Richard "Kingmaker" Neville Earl Warwick, 6th Earl Salisbury (age 32), William Fitzalan 16th Earl Arundel (age 43), John Wenlock 1st Baron Wenlock (age 61) and Henry Bourchier 2nd Count Eu 1st Earl Essex (age 57). John Neville 1st Marquess Montagu (age 30) was captured. Robert Poynings (age 42) and James Luttrell (age 34) were killed.

[her husband] John Grey (age 29) was killed fighting for Lancaster. A death that was to have far reaching consequences; his widow Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 24) subsequently married [her future husband] King Edward IV of England (age 18).

During the battle William Bonville 1st Baron Bonville (age 68) and Thomas Kyriell (age 65) were assigned to the protection of the King Henry VI (age 39). After the battle both were beheaded against all decent laws of battle.

William Bonville 1st Baron Bonville (age 68) was beheaded. His great granddaughter [her future daughter-in-law] Cecily Bonville Marchioness Dorset succeeded 2nd Baroness Bonville.

Thomas Kyriell (age 65) was beheaded.

William Cotton (age 21) was killed.

Edward IV marries Eleanor Talbot possibly

Around Jun 1461, the record is very vague, [her future husband] King Edward IV (age 19) and Eleanor Talbot (age 25) were possibly secretly married by Bishop Robert Stillington (age 41). The marriage came to light after Edward's death. Bishop Robert Stillington (age 41) provided the information to the future [her future brother-in-law] King Richard III of England (age 8) in 1483; Richard used the information to justify his succeeding to be King since Edward IV's (age 19) children with Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 24) were, therefore, illegitimate as a result of their marriage being bigamous and [her future brother-in-law] George Duke of Clarence's (age 11) children were barred from the throne as a consequence of their father's attainder.

Marriage of Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodville

Chronicle of Gregory 1464. 01 May 1464. That same yere, the fyrste day of May be fore sayde or wrete, oure soverayne lorde the [her husband] Kynge, Edwarde the iiij (age 22), was weddyd to the [her father] Lorde Ryvers (age 59) doughter; hyr name ys Dame Elyzabethe (age 27), that was wyffe unto [her former husband] Syr John Grey, sone and heyre unto the [her former mother-in-law] Lady Ferys of Groby (age 45). And thys maryage was kepte fulle secretely longe and many a day, that no man knewe hyt; but men mervelyd that oure soverayne lorde was so longe with owte any wyffe, and were evyr ferde that he had be not chaste of hys levynge.

On 01 May 1464 King Edward IV of England (age 22) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 27) were married at Grafton Regis, Northamptonshire [Map]. Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 49), Elizabeth's mother, being the only witness. The date not certain. She the daughter of Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 59) and Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 49). He the son of Richard Plantagenet 3rd Duke York and Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York (age 48). He a great x 2 grandson of King Edward III of England.

Around 1465 Alice Haute (age 18) was appointed Lady in Waiting to her first cousin Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 28). Alice's mother [her aunt] Joan Woodville was sister to Elizabeth's father [her father] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 60).

Coronation of Elizabeth Woodville

Chronicle of Gregory 1464. May 1465. Alle soo in thys yere in the mony the of May was Quene Elyzabet (age 28) crownyd at Westemyster. And many knyghtys were made of the Bathe, of the whyche the were v [5] aldyrmen of the cytte of London i-made with hem. Thes v [5] aldyrmen were made knyghtys of the Bathe:

Syr Hewe Wyche, mercer,

Thomas Coke, draper,

Raffe Gosselyn, draper,

Syr John Plomer,

Syr Harry Whafyr.

And no moo of the cytte but thes v [5], and hyt ys a grete worschyppe unto alle the cytte.

On 26 May 1465 Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 28) was crowned Queen Consort England by Cardinal Thomas Bourchier (age 47) at Westminster Abbey [Map].

[her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 23) attended.

John Cheney 1st Baron Cheyne (age 23), [her brother] Anthony Woodville 2nd Earl Rivers (age 25), [her brother] Richard Woodville 3rd Earl Rivers (age 12) and William Calthorpe (age 55) were created Knight of the Bath.

Elizabeth Tilney Countess of Surrey (age 21) carried her train.

Judge Richard Choke (age 45) was created Knight of the Bath.

After 1466 Elizabeth Tilney Countess of Surrey (age 22) was appointed Lady in Waiting to Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 29).

On 11 Feb 1466 [her daughter] Elizabeth York Queen Consort England was born to [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 23) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 29) at Westminster Palace [Map].

Before Mar 1466 [her father] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 61) was created 1st Earl Rivers by [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 23).

In Oct 1466 [her son] Thomas Grey 1st Marquess Dorset (age 11) and [her daughter-in-law] Anne Holland (age 5) were married at Greenwich, Kent [Map]. See She the daughter of Henry Holland 3rd Duke Exeter (age 36) and Anne York Duchess Exeter (age 27). He the son of John Grey and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 29). She a great x 3 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.

In 1467 Thomas Cooke was charged with high treason for lending money to Margaret (age 36), the queen of the deposed Lancastrian King Henry VI (age 45), on the strength of a confession of a statement obtained under torture from one Hawkins. Chief Justice Markham directed the jury to find it only misprision of treason, whereby Cooke's lands and life were saved, though he was heavily fined and long imprisoned. While awaiting his trial in the Tower his effects, both at his town house and at Gidea Hall [Map], were seized by [her father] Lord Rivers (age 62), then treasurer of England, and his wife was committed to the custody of the mayor. On his acquittal he was sent to the Bread Street compter [Map], and afterwards to the king's bench [Map], and was kept there until he paid eight thousand pounds to the [her husband] king (age 24) and eight hundred pounds to the queen (age 30). Lord Rivers (age 62) and his [her mother] wife (age 52), the Duchess of Bedford, also obtained the dismissal of Markham from his office for having determined that Cooke was not guilty of treason.

Tournament Bastard of Burgundy

On 14 Jun 1467 the Tournament ended with a great banquet attended by [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 25) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 30) at the Grocer's Hall. John "Butcher of England" Tiptoft 1st Earl of Worcester (age 40) and William Fitzalan 16th Earl Arundel (age 49) were present.

On 16 Jun 1467 a great banquet was hosted by the King's older sister [her sister-in-law] Anne York Duchess Exeter (age 27) and, in the absence of her husband Henry Holland 3rd Duke Exeter (age 36) who remained, her future husband Thomas St Leger (age 27). [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 25) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 30) attended as did Antoine "Bastard of Burgundy" (age 46).

On 11 Aug 1467 [her daughter] Mary York was born to [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 25) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 30) at Windsor Castle [Map].

Marriage of Charles the Bold and Margaret of York

Before 03 Jul 1468 Charles "Bold" Valois Duke Burgundy (age 34) and [her sister-in-law] Margaret of York Duchess of Burgundy (age 22) were married at Bruges [Map]. She the daughter of Richard Plantagenet 3rd Duke York and Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York (age 53). He the son of Philip "Good" Valois III Duke Burgundy and Isabella Aviz Duchess Burgundy (age 71). They were half second cousins. He a great x 2 grandson of King Edward III of England. She a great x 2 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.

John Paston (age 24) and John Scott Comptroller (age 45) travelled with Margaret. The marriage re-enforced King Edward IV's connection with the Low Countries.

On 20 Mar 1469 [her daughter] Cecily York Viscountess Welles was born to [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 26) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 32) at Westminster Palace [Map]. Named after her father's mother [her mother-in-law] Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York (age 53).

Execution of the Woodvilles

On 12 Aug 1469 Woodvilles father and son were beheaded at Kenilworth Castle [Map] by supporters of Richard "Kingmaker" Neville Earl Warwick, 6th Earl Salisbury (age 40).

[her father] Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers (age 64) was beheaded. His son [her brother] Anthony Woodville 2nd Earl Rivers (age 29) succeeded 2nd Earl Rivers. Elizabeth Scales Countess Rivers by marriage Countess Rivers.

[her brother] John Woodville (age 24) was beheaded.

On 02 Nov 1470 [her son] the future Edward V was born to [her husband] Edward IV (age 28) and Elizabeth Woodville (age 33) in Sanctuary Westminster Abbey [Map]. His father was abroad in Flanders. His Godparents included the Abbot and Prior of Westminster, and Elizabeth St John Baroness Scrope Bolton Baroness Zouche Harringworth.

Letters. 1471. Letter XXXVIII. Anne Countess of Warwick (age 14) to the House of Commons.

To the right worshipful and discreet Commons of this present Parliament.

Sheweth unto your wisdoms and discretions the king's true liege woman, Anne countess of Warwick, which never offended his most redoubted highness; for she, immediately after the death of her lord and husband (age 17) - on whose soul God have mercy - for none offence by her done, but dreading only trouble, being that time within this realm, entered into the sanctuary of Beaulieu [Map] for surety of her person, to dispose for the weal and health of the soul of her said lord and husband, as right and conscience required her so to do; making within five days, or near thereabouts, after her entry into the said sanctuary, her labours, suits, and means to the king's highness for her safeguard, to be had as diligently and effectually as her power would extend. She not ceasing, but after her power continiling in such labours, suits, and means, insomuch that, in absence of clerks, she hath written letters in that behalf to the king's highness with her own hand, and not only making such labours, suits, and means to the king's highness, soothly also to the queen's (age 34) good grace, to my right redoubted lady the king's mother, to my lady the king's eldest daughter, to my lords the king's brethren, to my ladies the king's sisters, to my [her mother] lady of Bedford (age 56), mother to the queen, and to other ladies noble of this realm; in which labours, suits, and means, she hath continued hitherto, and so will continue, as she owes to do, till it may please the king, of his most good and noble grace, to have consideration that, during the life of her said lord and husband, she was covert baron, which point she remits to your great wisdoms, and that after his decease, all the time of her being in the said sainctuary, she hath duly kept her fidelity and liegeance, and obeyed the king's commandments. Howbeity it hath pleased the king's highness, by some sinister information to his said highness made, to direct his most dread letters to the abbot of the monastery of Beaulieu, with right sharp commandment that such persons as his highness sent to the said monastery should have guard and strait keeping of her person, which was and is to her great heart's grievance, she specially fearing that the privileges and liberties of the church, by such keeping of her person, might be interrupted and violated, where the privileges of the said sanctuary were never so largely attempted unto this time, as is said; yet the said Anne and Countess, under protestations by her made, hath suffered strait keeping of her person and yet doth, that her fidelity and liegeance to the king's highness the better might be understood, hoping she might the rather have had largess to make suits to the king's highness in her own person for her livelihood and rightful inheritance, which livelihood and inheritance, with all revenues and profits thereto pertaining, with her jointure also, and dower of the earldom of Salisbury, fully and wholly hath been restrained from her, from the time of the death of her said lord and husband unto this day. And forasmuch as our sovereign lord the king of his great grace hath set and assembled his high court of Parliament for reformations, right, and equity to all his subjects and liege people duly to be ministered, the said Anne and Countess humbly beseecheth your great wisdom to ponder and weigh in your consciences her right and true title of her inheritance, as the earldom of Warwick and Spencer's lands, to which she is rightfully born by lineal succession, and also her jointure and dower of the earldom of Salisbury aforesaid. And to shew her your benevolence, that by the king's good grace and authority of this his noble Parliament she may to her foresaid livelihood and rightful inheritance duly be restored and it enjoy, as the laws of Almighty God and of this noble realm, right, also, and conscience doth require; beseeching heartily your great goodnesses, in the reverence of Almighty God and of his most blessed mother, will of grace to consider the poor estate she stands in, how in her own person she may not solicit the premises as she would, an she might, nor is of power any sufficient solicitor in this behalf to make; and though she might, as (she; may not, there is none that dare take it upon him; to have also this poor bill in your tender remembrance, that your perfect charity and good will may solicit the eflFect of the same, which to do, her power at this time may not extend. And shall pray and do pray to God for you.

On 10 Apr 1472 [her daughter] Margaret York was born to [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 29) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 35).

Death of Jacquetta of Luxembourg

On 30 May 1472 [her mother] Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford (age 57) died. Not known where she was buried.

On 11 Dec 1472 [her daughter] Margaret York died. She was buried at Westminster Abbey [Map].

On 17 Aug 1473 [her son] Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke York was born to [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 31) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 36) at Westminster Palace [Map]. He was created 1st Duke York by his father on the same day.

On 05 Sep 1474 [her son] Thomas Grey 1st Marquess Dorset (age 19) and [her daughter-in-law] Cecily Bonville Marchioness Dorset (age 14) were married. He the son of John Grey and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 37). They were half second cousin once removed. She a great x 3 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.

On 02 Nov 1475 [her daughter] Anne York was born to [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 33) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 38) at Westminster Palace [Map].

In Mar 1477 [her son] George York 1st Duke Bedford was born to [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 34) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 40) at Windsor Castle [Map].

Marriage of Richard Duke of York and Anne Mowbray

On 15 Jan 1478 Edward IV's youngest son [her son] Richard of Shrewsbury (age 4) and [her daughter-in-law] Anne Mowbray (age 5) were married at St Stephen's Chapel in Westminster [Map]. She by marriage Duchess Norfolk. She the daughter of John Mowbray 4th Duke of Norfolk and Elizabeth Talbot Duchess Norfolk (age 35). He the son of King Edward IV of England (age 35) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 41). They were second cousin once removed. She a great x 3 granddaughter of King Edward III of England.

The ceremony was attended by Edward's daughters [her daughter] Elizabeth (age 11), [her daughter] Mary (age 10) and [her daughter] Cecily (age 8).

The day before Thomas Howard (age 35) was knighted.

In 1483 Parliament changed the succession so Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke York (age 4) would continue to enjoy her inheritance (she died in 1481) effectively dis-inheriting William Berkeley 1st Marquess Berkeley (age 52) (who was subsequently created Earl and Marquess), and who accepted a payment of £34,000, and John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk (age 53), who was subsequently created Duke of Norfolk, possibly in compensation.

Thomas Frowyk (age 55) was created Knight of the Bath.

See Woodville Marriages.

Execution of George Duke of Clarence

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. [her brother-in-law] George, Duke of Clarence (age 28), was a goodly noble prince, and at all points fortunate, if either his own ambition had not set him against his [her husband] brother (age 35), or the envy of his enemies had not set his brother against him. For were it by the Queen (age 41) and the lords of her blood, who highly maligned the King's kindred (as women commonly, not of malice but of nature, hate them whom their husbands love), or were it a proud appetite of the Duke (age 28) himself intending to be king, in any case, heinous treason was there laid to his charge, and, finally, were he faulty or were he faultless, attainted was he by Parliament and judged to the death, and thereupon hastily drowned in a butt of malmesey, whose death, King Edward (although he commanded it), when he knew it was done, piteously bewailed and sorrowfully repented. .

On 14 Aug 1479 [her daughter] Catherine York Countess Devon was born to [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 37) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 42).

On 10 Nov 1480 [her daughter] Bridget York was born to [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 38) and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 43) at Eltham Palace, Kent [Map].

Before 1481 [her former brother-in-law] Edward Grey 1st Viscount Lisle (age 49) and Elizabeth Talbot Viscountess Lisle were married. He by marriage Baron Lisle. They were third cousin once removed. He a great x 5 grandson of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England. She a great x 5 granddaughter of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England.

On 23 May 1482 [her daughter] Mary York (age 14) died at Palace of Placentia, Greenwich [Map]. She was buried at St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle [Map].

In 1483 [her former brother-in-law] Edward Grey 1st Viscount Lisle (age 51) was created 1st Viscount Lisle. Elizabeth Talbot Viscountess Lisle by marriage Viscountess Lisle.

Death of Edward IV

On 09 Apr 1483 [her husband] King Edward IV of England (age 40) died at Westminster [Map]. His son [her son] King Edward V of England (age 12) succeeded V King England. Those present included Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 46), William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 52) and [her son] Thomas Grey 1st Marquess Dorset (age 28).

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. As soon as the [her husband] King (age 40) was departed, that noble [her son] Prince (age 12) his son drew toward London, who at the time of his father's death kept household at Ludlow, Shropshire [Map] in Wales. Such country, being far off from the law and recourse to justice, was begun to be far out of good will and had grown up wild with robbers and thieves walking at liberty uncorrected. And for this reason the Prince (age 12) was, in the life of his father, sent thither, to the end that the authority of his presence should restrain evilly disposed persons from the boldness of their former outrages. To the governance and ordering of this young Prince (age 12), at his sending thither, was there appointed [her brother] Sir Anthony Woodville, Lord Rivers (age 43) and brother unto the Queen (age 46), a right honorable man, as valiant of hand as politic in counsel. Adjoined were there unto him others of the same party, and, in effect, every one as he was nearest of kin unto the Queen (age 46) was so planted next about the Prince (age 12).

Funeral of Edward IV

On 10 Apr 1483, in the morning, the coffin of [her former husband] King Edward IV of England (deceased) was moved to St Stephen's Chapel [Map]. Bishop Edward Story sang the masses. Richard Fiennes 7th Baron Dacre Gilsland (age 68), Chamberlain to Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 46), offered on the Queen's behalf.

Elizabeth Woodville takes Sanctuary at Westminster Abbey

Around 03 May 1483 Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 46) took Sanctuary Westminster Abbey [Map] with [her son] Richard of Shrewsbury 1st Duke York (age 9) and [her son] Thomas Grey 1st Marquess Dorset (age 28). Her brother [her brother] Bishop Lionel Woodville (age 36) was with her.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. But then, by and by, the lords assembled together at London. To ward which meeting, the Archbishop of York (age 59), fearing that it would be ascribed (as it was indeed) to his overmuch lightness that he so suddenly had yielded up the Great Seal to the Queen-to whom the custody thereof nothing pertained without special commandment of the King-secretly sent for the Seal again and brought it with him after the customary manner. And at this meeting, the Duke of Buckingham, whose loyalty toward the King no man doubted nor needed to doubt, persuaded the lords to believe that the Duke of Gloucester (age 30) was sure and fastly faithful to his Prince and that the [her brother] Lord Rivers (age 43) and [her son] Lord Richard (age 26) with the other knights were, for matters attempted by them against the Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham, put under arrest for the dukes' safety not for the King's jeopardy and that they were also in safeguard and should remain there no longer till the matter were, not by the dukes only but also by all the other lords of the King's Council indifferently examined and by other discretions ordered, and either judged or appeased. But one thing he advised them beware, that they judged not the matter too far forth before they knew the truth-for by turning their private grudges into the common hurt, irritating and provoking men unto anger, and disturbing the King's coronation, toward which the dukes were coming up, they might perhaps bring the matter so far out of joint, that it should never be brought in frame again. This strife, if it should happen to come to battle, as it was likely, though both parties were in all things equal, yet should the authority be on that side where the King is himself.

With these arguments of the Duke of Buckingham - part of which he believed; part, he knew the contrary - these commotions were somewhat appeased, but especially because the Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham (age 28) were so near, and came so quickly on with the King, in none other manner, with none other voice or semblance, than to his coronation, causing the story to be blown about that those lords and knights who were taken had contrived the destruction of the Dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham (age 28) and of other noble blood of the realm, to the end that they themselves would alone manage and govern the King at their pleasure. And for the false proof thereof, some of the dukes' servants rode with the carts of the stuff that were taken (among such stuff, no marvel, but that some of it were armor, which, at the breaking up of that household, must needs either be brought away or cast away), and they showed it unto the people all the way as they went: "Lo, here be the barrels of armor that these traitors had privately conveyed in their carriage to destroy the noble lords withal." This device, although it made the matter to wise men more unlikely, who well perceived that, if the intenders meant war, they would rather have had their armor on their backs than to have bound them up in barrels, yet much part of the common people were therewith very well satisfied, and said it were like giving alms to hang them.

When the King approached near to the city, Edmund Shaa (age 47), goldsmith then mayor, with William White and John Mathew, sheriffs, and all the other aldermen in scarlet, with five hundred horse of the citizens in violet, received him reverently at Hornsey, and riding from thence, accompanied him in to the city, which he entered the fourth day of May, the first and last year of his reign.

But the Duke of Gloucester bore himself in open sight so reverently to the Prince, with all semblance of lowliness, that from the great obloquy in which he was so late before, he was suddenly fallen in so great trust, that at the Council next assembled, he was the only man chosen and thought most suitable to be Protector (age 30) of the King and his realm, so that-were it destiny or were it folly-the lamb was given to the wolf to keep. At which Council also the Archbishop of York (age 59), Chancellor of England, who had delivered up the Great Seal to the Queen (age 46), was thereof greatly reproved, and the Seal taken from him and delivered to Doctor Russell, Bishop of Lincoln, a wise man and good and of much experience, and one of the best learned men undoubtedly that England had in his time. Diverse lords and knights were appointed unto diverse offices. The Lord Chamberlain and some others kept still their offices that they had before.

Now all was such that the Protector (age 30) so sore thirsted for the finishing of what he had begun-though he thought every day a year till it were achieved-yet he dared no further attempt as long as he had but half his prey in hand, well knowing that if he deposed the one brother, all the realm would fall to the other, if he either remained in sanctuary or should by chance be shortly conveyed farther away to his liberty.

Wherefore straight away at the next meeting of the lords at the Council, he proposed unto them that it was a heinous deed of the Queen (age 46), and proceeding from great malice toward the King's counselors, that she should keep in sanctuary the King's brother from him, whose special pleasure and comfort were to have his brother with him. And that by her such was done to no other intent, but to bring all the lords in obloquy and murmur of the people, as though they were not to be trusted with the King's brother-they who were, by the assent of the nobles of the land, appointed as the King's nearest friends for the protection of his own royal person.

"The prosperity whereof stands," said he, "not all in keeping from enemies or ill viands, [poison?] but partly also in recreation and moderate pleasure, which he cannot in this tender youth take in the company of elder persons, but in the familiar conversation of those who be neither far under nor far above his age, and nevertheless of state appropriate to accompany his noble majesty. Wherefore with whom rather than with his own brother? And if any man think this consideration light (which I think no man thinks who loves the King), let him consider that sometimes without small things, greater cannot stand. And verily it redounds greatly to the dishonor both of the King's Highness and of all us that have been about his Grace, to have it run in every man's mouth, not in this realm only, but also in other lands (as evil words walk far), that the King's brother should be glad to keep sanctuary. For every man will suppose that no man will so do for nothing. And such evil opinion, once fastened in men's hearts, hard it is to wrest out, and may grow to more grief than any man here can divine.

"Wherefore I think it were not worst to send unto the Queen (age 46) for the redress of this matter some honorable trusty man, such as both values the King's welfare and the honor of his Council, and is also in favor and credible with her. For all which considerations, none seems to me more suitable than our reverent father here present, my Lord Cardinal (age 65), who may in this matter do most good of any man, if it please him to take the pain. Which I doubt not of his goodness he will not refuse, for the King's sake and ours, and the well being of the young Duke himself, the King's most honorable brother, and after my Sovereign Lord himself, my most dear nephew, considering that thereby shall be ceased the slanderous rumor and obloquy now going about, and the hurts avoided that thereof might ensue, and much rest and quiet grow to all the realm.

"And if she be perchance so obstinate, and so precisely set upon her own will that neither his wise and faithful instruction can move her, nor any man's reason content her, then shall we, by mine advice, by the King's authority, fetch him out of that prison, and bring him to his noble presence, in whose continual company he shall be so well cherished and so honorably treated that all the world shall to our honor, and her reproach, perceive that it was only malice, audacity, or folly, that caused her to keep him there. This is my mind in this matter for this time, except any of your lordships anything perceive to the contrary. For never shall I by God's grace so wed myself to mine own will, but that I shall be ready to change it upon your better advice."

When the Protector (age 30) had spoken, all the Council affirmed that the motion was good and reasonable, and to the King and the Duke his brother, honorable, and a thing that should cease great murmur in the realm, if the mother might be by good means induced to deliver him. Such a thing the Archbishop of Canterbury (age 65), whom they all agreed also to be thereto most appropriate, took upon himself to move her, and therein to give his uttermost best effort. However, if she could be in no way entreated with her good will to deliver him, then thought he and such others as were of the clergy present that it were not in any way to be attempted to take him out against her will. For it would be a thing that should turn to the great grudge of all men, and high displeasure of God, if the privilege of the holy place should now be broken, which had so many years been kept, and which both king and popes so good had granted, so many had confirmed, and which holy ground was more than five hundred years ago by Saint Peter, his own person come in spirit by night, accompanied with great multitude of angels, so specially hallowed and dedicated it to God (for the proof whereof they have yet in the Abbey Saint Peter's cloak to show) that from that time forward was there never so undevout a king who dared that sacred place to violate, or so holy a bishop that dared presume to consecrate.

"And therefore," said the Archbishop of Canterbury, "God forbid that any man should for any earthly enterprise break the immunity and liberty of that sacred sanctuary that has been the safeguard of so many a good man's life. And I trust," said he, "with God's grace, we shall not need it. But for any manner need, I would not we should do it. I trust that she shall be with reason contented, and all things in good manner obtained. And if it happen that I bring it not so to pass, yet shall I toward it so far forth do my best, that you shall all well perceive that no lack of my dutiful efforts, but the mother's dread and womanish fear, shall be the impediment."

"Womanish fear, nay womanish perversity," said the Duke of Buckingham. "For I dare take it upon my soul, she well knows she needs no such thing to fear, either for her son or for herself. For as for her, here is no man that will be at war with women. Would God some of the men of her kin were women too, and then should all be soon at rest. However, there is none of her kin the less loved for that they be her kin, but for their own evil deserving. And nevertheless, if we loved neither her nor her kin, yet were there no cause to think that we should hate the King's noble brother, to whose Grace we ourself be of kin. Whose honor, if she as much desired as our dishonor and as much regard took to his well being as to her own will, she would be as loath to suffer him from the King as any of us be. "For if she have any wit (as would God she had as good will as she has shrewd wit), she reckons herself no wiser than she thinks some that be here, of whose faithful mind, she nothing doubts, but verily believes and knows that they would be as sorry of his harm as herself, and yet would have him from her if she abide there. And we all, I think, are satisfied that both be with her, if she come thence and abide in such place where they may with their honor be.

"Now then, if she refuse in the deliverance of him, to follow the counsel of them whose wisdom she knows, whose truth she well trusts, it is easy to perceive that perversity hinders her, and not fear. But go to, suppose that she fear (as who may let her to fear her own shadow), the more she fears to deliver him, the more ought we fear to leave him in her hands. For if she cast such fond doubts that she fear his hurt, then will she fear that he shall be fetched thence. For she will soon think that if men were set (which God forbid) upon so great a mischief, the sanctuary would little impede them, for good men might, as I think, without sin somewhat less regard it than they do.

"Now then, if she doubt lest he might be fetched from her, is it not likely enough that she shall send him somewhere out of the realm? Verily, I look for none other. And I doubt not but she now thinks with great exertion on it, even as we consider the hindrance of sanctuary. And if she might happen to bring that to pass (as it were no great accomplishment, we letting her alone), all the world would say that we were a wise sort of counselors about a King-we that let his brother be cast away under our noses. And therefore I assure you faithfully for my mind, I will rather defy her plans, fetch him away, than leave him there, till her perversity or fond fear convey him away. "And yet will I break no sanctuary therefore. For verily since the privileges of that place and other like have been of long continued, I am not he that would be about to break them. And in good faith if they were now to begin, I would not be he that should be about to make them. Yet will I not say nay, but that it is a deed of pity that such men of the sea or their evil debtors have brought in poverty, should have some place of liberty, to keep their bodies out of the danger from their cruel creditors. And also if the Crown happen (as it has done) to come in question, while either part takes the other as traitors, I will well there be some places of refuge for both. But as for thieves, of which these places be full, and which never fall from the craft after they once fall thereto, it is pity the sanctuary should serve them. And much more murderers whom God bade to take from the altar and kill them, if their murder were willful. And where it is otherwise there need we not the sanctuaries that God appointed in the old law. For if either necessity, his own defense or misfortune draw him to that deed, a pardon serves which either the law grants of course, or the King of pity may.

"Then look me now how few sanctuary men there be whom any favorable necessity compelled to go thither. And then see on the other side what a sort there be commonly therein, of them whom willful prodigality has brought to nought. What a rabble of thieves, murderers, and malicious, heinous traitors, and that in two places specially: the one at the elbow of the city, the other in the very bowels. I dare well avow it. Weigh the good that they do with the hurt that comes of them, and you shall find it much better to lack both, than have both. And this I say, although they were not abused as they now be, and so long have been, that I fear me ever they will be while men be afraid to set their hands to the amendment: as though God and Saint Peter were the patrons of ungracious living.

"Now prodigals riot and run in debt upon the boldness of these places; yea, and rich men run thither with poor men's goods; there they build, there they spend and bid their creditors go whistle them. Men's wives run thither with their husbands' money, and say they dare not abide with their husbands for beating. Thieves bring thither their stolen goods, and there live thereon. There devise they new robberies; nightly they steal out, they rob and pillage and kill, and come in again as though those places gave them not only a safeguard for the harm they have done, but a license also to do more. However, much of this mischief, if wise men would set their hands to it, might be amended with great thanks to God and no breach of the privilege. The residue, since so long ago I knew never what pope and what prince more piteous than prudent has granted it, and other men because of a certain religious fear have not broken it, let us take a pain therewith, and let it in God's name stand in force, as far forth as reason will. Which is not fully so far forth as may serve to prevent us from fetching forth this noble man to his honor and wealth, out of that place in which he neither is nor can be a sanctuary man.

"A sanctuary serves always to defend the body of that man that stands in danger abroad, not of great hurt only, but also of lawful hurt. For against unlawful harms, never pope nor king intended to privilege any one place. For that privilege has every place. Know you any man any place wherein it is lawful for one man to do another wrong? That no man unlawfully take hurt, that liberty, the King, the law, and very nature forbid in every place and make to that regard for every man a sanctuary every place. But where a man is by lawful means in peril, there needs he the protection of some special privilege, which is the only ground and cause of all sanctuaries. From which necessity this noble prince is far. His love to his King, nature and kindred prove, whose innocence to all the world his tender youth proves. And so sanctuary as for him, neither none he needs, nor also none can have.

"Men come not to sanctuary as they come to baptism, to require it by their godfathers. He must ask it himself that must have it. And what reason-since no man has cause to have it but whose conscience of his own fault makes him feign need to require it-what reason then will yonder babe have? which, even if he had discretion to require it, if need were, I dare say would now be right angry with them that keep him there. And I would think without any scruple of conscience, without any breach of privilege, to be somewhat more homely with them that be there sanctuary men indeed. For if one go to sanctuary with another man's goods, why should not the King, leaving his body at liberty, satisfy the part of his goods even within the sanctuary? For neither king nor pope can give any place such a privilege that it shall discharge a man of his debts, being able to pay."

And that diversity of the clergy that were present, whether they said it for his pleasure or, as they thought, agreed plainly that by the law of God and of the church the goods of a sanctuary man should be delivered in payment of his debts, and stolen goods to the owner, and only liberty reserved him to get his living with the labor of his hands.

"Verily," said the Duke, "I think you say very truth. And what if a man's wife will take sanctuary because she wishes to run from her husband? I would think if she can allege none other cause, he may lawfully-without any displeasure to Saint Peter-take her out of Saint Peter's church by the arm. And if nobody may be taken out of sanctuary that says he will abide there, then if a child will take sanctuary because he fears to go to school, his master must let him alone. And as simple as that example is, yet is there less reason in our case than in that. For therein, though it be a childish fear, yet is there at the leastwise some fear. And herein is there none at all. And verily I have often heard of sanctuary men. But I never heard before of sanctuary children. And therefore, as for the conclusion of my mind, whosoever may have deserved to need it, if they think it for their safety, let them keep it. But he can be no sanctuary man that neither has wisdom to desire it nor malice to deserve it, whose life or liberty can by no lawful process stand in jeopardy. And he that takes one out of sanctuary to do him good, I say plainly that he breaks no sanctuary."

When the Duke had done, the laymen entire and a good part of the clergy also, thinking no earthly hurt was meant toward the young babe, agreed in effect that, if he were not delivered, he should be fetched. However, they all thought it best, in the avoiding of all manner of rumor, that the Lord Cardinal should first attempt to get him with her good will. And thereupon all the Council came unto the Star Chamber at Westminster. And the Lord Cardinal, leaving the Protector (age 30) with the Council in the Star Chamber, departed into the sanctuary to the Queen (age 46) with diverse other lords with him-were it for the respect of his honor, or that she should by presence of so many perceive that this errand was not one man's mind, or were it for that the Protector (age 30) intended not in this matter to trust any one man alone, or else, if she finally were determined to keep him, some of that company had perhaps secret instruction immediately, despite her mind, to take him and to leave her no chance to take him away, which she was likely to plan after this matter was revealed to her, if her time would in any way serve her.

When the Queen (age 46) and these lords were come together in presence, the Lord Cardinal showed unto her that it was thought by the Protector (age 30) and the whole Council that her keeping of the King's brother in that place was the thing which highly sounded, not only to the great rumor of the people and their obloquy, but also to the unbearable grief and displeasure of the King's royal majesty; to whose Grace it were as singular comfort to have his natural brother in company, as it was to both their dishonor and all theirs and hers also, to suffer him in sanctuary-as though the one brother stood in danger and peril of the other. And he showed her that the Council therefore had sent him unto her to require her the delivery of him that he might be brought unto the King's presence at his liberty, out of that place that they reckoned as a prison. And there should he be treated according to his estate. And she in this doing should both do great good to the realm, pleasure to the Council and profit to herself, assistance to her friends that were in distress, and over that (which he knew well she specially valued), not only great comfort and honor to the King, but also to the young Duke himself, for both of them great wealth it were to be together, as well for many greater causes, as also for their both entertainment and recreation; which thing the lords esteemed not slight, though it seem light, well pondering that their youth without recreation and play cannot endure, nor find any stranger according to the propriety of both their ages and estates so suitable in that point for any of them as either of them for the other.

"My lord," said the Queen (age 46), "I say not nay, but that it were very appropriate that this gentleman whom you require were in the company of the King his brother. And in good faith I think it were as great advantage to them both, as for yet a while, to be in the custody of their mother, the tender age considered of the elder of them both, but especially the younger, who besides his infancy that also needs good looking to, has awhile been so sore diseased, vexed with sickness, and is so newly rather a little amended than well recovered, that I dare put no earthly person in trust with his keeping but myself alone, considering, that there is, as physicians say, and as we also find, double the peril in the relapse that was in the first sickness, with which disease-nature being forelabored, forewearied and weakened-grows the less able to bear out a new excess of the illness. And although there might be found another who would by chance do their best unto him, yet is there none that either knows better how to order him than I that so long have kept him; or is more tenderly like to cherish him than his own mother that bore him."

"No man denies, good Madam," said the Cardinal, "but that your Grace were of all folk most necessary about your children, and so would all the Council not only be content but also glad that you were, if it might stand with your pleasure to be in such place as might stand with their honor. But if you appoint yourself to tarry here, then think they yet more apt that the Duke of York were at his liberty honorably with the King-to the comfort of them both than here as a sanctuary man to both their dishonor and obloquy. Since there is not always so great necessity to have the child be with the mother, but that occasion may sometime be such that it should be more expedient to keep him elsewhere. Which in this well appears that, at such time as your dearest son, then Prince and now King, should for his honor and good order of the country, keep household in Wales far out of your company, your Grace was well content therewith yourself."

"Not very well content," said the Queen (age 46), "and yet the case is not like: for the one was then in health, and the other is now sick. In which case I marvel greatly that my Lord Protector (age 30) is so desirous to have him in his keeping, where if the child in his sickness miscarried by nature, yet might he run into slander and suspicion of fraud. And where they call it a thing so sore against my child's honor and theirs also that he abides in this place, it is all their honors there to suffer him abide where no man doubts he shall be best kept. And that is here, while I am here, which as yet I intend not to come forth and jeopardize myself after the fashion of my other friends, who, would God, were here in surety with me rather than I were there in jeopardy with them."

"Why, Madam," said another lord, "know you anything why they should be in jeopardy?"

"Nay, verily, Sir," said she, "nor why they should be in prison neither, as they now be. But it is, I trust, no great marvel, though I fear lest those that have not omitted to put them in duress without falsity will omit as little to procure their destruction without cause." The Cardinal made a countenance to the other lord that he should harp no more upon that string. And then said he to the Queen (age 46) that he nothing doubted but that those lords of her honorable kin, who as yet remained under arrest should, upon the matter examined, do well enough. And as toward her noble person, neither was nor could be any manner of jeopardy.

"Whereby should I trust that?" said the Queen (age 46). "In that I am guiltless? As though they were guilty. In that I am with their enemies better beloved than they? When they hate them for my sake. In that I am so near of kin to the King? And how far be they away, if that would help, as God send grace it hurt not. And therefore as for me, I purpose not as yet to depart hence. And as for this gentleman my son, I mind that he shall be where I am till I see further. For I assure you, because I see some men so greedy without any substantial cause to have him, this makes me much the more further from delivering him."

"Truly, madam," said he, "and the further that you be to deliver him, the further be other men to suffer you to keep him, lest your causeless fear might cause you farther to convey him. And many be there that think that he can have no privilege in this place, who neither can have will to ask it, nor malice to deserve it. And therefore they reckon no privilege broken, though they fetch him out, which, if you finally refuse to deliver him, I verily think they will (so much dread has my Lord, his uncle, for the tender love he bears him), lest your Grace should by chance send him away."

"Ah, sir," said the Queen (age 46), "has the Protector (age 30) so tender zeal to him that he fears nothing but lest he should escape him? Thinks he that I would send him hence, which neither is in the plight to send out, and in what place could I reckon him sure, if he be not sure in this the sanctuary, whereof there was never tyrant yet so devilish that dared presume to break. And, I trust God, the most holy Saint Peter-the guardian of this sanctuary-is as strong now to withstand his adversaries as ever he was.

"But my son can deserve no sanctuary, and therefore he cannot have it. Forsooth he has found a goodly gloss by which that place that may defend a thief may not save an innocent. But he is in no jeopardy nor has no need thereof. Would God he had not. Trusts the Protector (age 30) (I pray God he may prove a Protector (age 30)), trusts he that I perceive not whereunto his painted process draws? He says it is not honorable that the Duke abide here and that it were comfortable for them both that he were with his brother because the King lacks a playfellow. Be you sure. I pray God send them both better playfellows than him who makes so high a matter upon such a trifling pretext-as though there could none be found to play with the King unless his brother, who has no lust to play because of sickness, come out of sanctuary, out of his safeguard, to play with him. As though princes as young as they be could not play but with their peers, or children could not play but with their kindred, with whom for the most part they agree much worse than with strangers.

"But the child cannot require the privilege-who told him so? He shall hear him ask it, if he will. However, this is a gay matter: Suppose he could not ask it; suppose he would not ask it; suppose he would ask to go out. If I say he shall not, if I ask the privilege but for myself, I say he that against my will takes out him, breaks the sanctuary. Serves this liberty for my person only, or for my goods too? You may not hence take my horse from me, and may you take my child from me? He is also my ward, for as my learned Council shows me, since he has nothing by descent held by knight's service, the law makes his mother his guardian. Then may no man, I suppose, take my ward from me out of sanctuary, without the breech of the sanctuary. And if my privilege could not serve him, nor he ask it for himself, yet since the law commits to me the custody of him, I may require it for him-unless the law give a child a guardian only for his goods and his lands, discharging him of the care and safekeeping of his body, for which only both lands and goods serve.

"And if examples be sufficient to obtain privilege for my child, I need not far to seek. For in this place in which we now be (and which is now in question whether my child may take benefit of it) mine other son, now King, was born and kept in his cradle and preserved to a more prosperous fortune, which I pray God long to continue. And as all you know, this is not the first time that I have taken sanctuary, for when my lord, my husband, was banished and thrust out of his kingdom, I fled hither being great with child, and here I bore the Prince. And when my lord, my husband, returned safe again and had the victory, then went I hence to welcome him home, and from hence I brought my babe the Prince unto his father, when he first took him in his arms. And I pray God that my son's palace may be as great safeguard to him now reigning, as this place was sometime to the King's enemy. In which place I intend to keep his brother.

"Wherefore here intend I to keep him because man's law serves the guardian to keep the infant. The law of nature wills the mother keep her child. God's law privileges the sanctuary, and the sanctuary my son, since I fear to put him in the Protector's (age 30) hands that has his brother already; and if both princes failed, the Protector (age 30) were inheritor to the crown. The cause of my fear has no man to do but examine. And yet fear I no further than the law fears, which, as learned men tell me, forbids every man the custody of them by whose death he may inherit less land than a kingdom. I can no more, but whosoever he be that breaks this holy sanctuary, I pray God shortly send him need of sanctuary, when he may not come to it. For taken out of sanctuary would I not my mortal enemy were."

The Lord Cardinal, perceiving that the Queen (age 46) grew ever longer the further off and also that she began to kindle and chafe and speak sore, biting words against the Protector (age 30), and such as he neither believed and was also loath to hear, he said unto her for a final conclusion that he would no longer dispute the matter. But if she were content to deliver the Duke to him and to the other lords there present, he dared lay his own body and soul both in pledge, not only for his safety but also for his estate. And if she would give them a resolute answer to the contrary, he would forthwith depart therewithal, and manage whosoever would with this business afterward; for he never intended more to move her in that matter in which she thought that he and all others, save herself, lacked either wit or truth-wit, if they were so dull that they could nothing perceive what the Protector (age 30) intended; truth, if they should procure her son to be delivered into his hands, in whom they should perceive toward the child any evil intended.

The Queen (age 46) with these words stood a good while in a great study. And forasmuch to her seemed the Cardinal more ready to depart than some of the remnant, and the Protector (age 30) himself ready at hand, so that she verily thought she could not keep him there, but that he should immediately be taken thence; and to convey him elsewhere, neither had she time to serve her, nor place determined, nor persons appointed, all things unready because this message came on her so suddenly, nothing less expecting than to have him fetched out of sanctuary, which she thought to be now beset in such places about that he could not be conveyed out untaken, and partly as she thought it might fortune her fear to be false, and so well she knew it was either needless or without remedy to resist; wherefore, if she should needs go from him, she thought it best to deliver him. And over that, of the Cardinal's faith she nothing doubted, nor of some other lords neither, whom she there saw, which as she feared lest they might be deceived, so was she well assured they would not be corrupted. Then thought she it should yet make them the more warily to look to him and the more circumspect to see to his safety, if she with her own hands gave him to them of trust. And at the last she took the young Duke by the hand, and said unto the lords:

"My Lord," said she, "and all my lords, I neither am so unwise to mistrust your wits, nor so suspicious to mistrust your truths. Of which thing I purpose to make you such a proof that, if either of both lacked in you, might turn both me to great sorrow, the realm to much harm, and you to great reproach. For, lo, here is," said she, "this gentleman, whom I doubt not but I could here keep safe if I would, whatsoever any man say. And I doubt not also but there be some abroad, so deadly enemies unto my blood, that if they knew where any of it lay in their own body, they would let it out.

"We have also had experience that the desire of a kingdom knows no kindred. The brother has been the brother's bane. And may the nephews be sure of their uncle? Each of these children is the other's defense while they be asunder, and each of their lives lies in the other's body. Keep one safe and both be sure, and nothing for them both more perilous than to be both in one place. For what wise merchant ventures all his goods in one ship?

"All this notwithstanding, here I deliver him and his brother in him-to keep into your hands-of whom I shall ask them both before God and the world. Faithful you be, that know I well, and I know well you be wise. Power and strength to keep him, if you wish, neither lack you of yourself, nor can lack help in this cause. And if you cannot elsewhere, then may you leave him here. But only one thing I beseech you for the trust that his father put in you ever, and for trust that I put in you now, that as far as you think that I fear too much, be you well wary that you fear not as far too little." And therewithal she said unto the child: "Farewell, my own sweet son. God send you good keeping. Let me kiss you once yet before you go, for God knows when we shall kiss together again." And therewith she kissed him, and blessed him, turned her back and wept

and went her way, leaving the child weeping as fast.

When the Lord Cardinal and these other lords with him had received this young duke, they brought him into the Star Chamber where the Protector (age 30) took him in his arms and kissed him with these words:

"Now welcome, my Lord, even with all my very heart." And he said in that of likelihood as he thought. Thereupon forthwith they brought him to the King, his brother, into the Bishop's Palace at Paul's, and from thence through the city honorably into the Tower, out of which after that day they never came abroad.

When the Protector (age 30) had both the children in his hands, he opened himself more boldly, both to certain other men, and also chiefly to the Duke of Buckingham, although I know that many thought that this Duke was privy to all the Protector's (age 30) counsel, even from the beginning.

And some of the Protector's (age 30) friends said that the Duke was the first mover of the Protector (age 30) to this matter, sending a private messenger unto him, straight after King Edward's death. But others again, who knew better the subtle cunning of the Protector (age 30), deny that he ever opened his enterprise to the Duke until he had brought to pass the things before rehearsed. But when he had imprisoned the Queen's (age 46) kinsfolks and gotten both her sons into his own hands, then he opened the rest of his purpose with less fear to them whom he thought meet for the matter, and specially to the Duke, who being won to his purpose, he thought his strength more than half increased.

The matter was broken unto the Duke by subtle folks, and such as were masters of their craft in the handling of such wicked devices, who declared unto him that the young king was offended with him for his kinsfolks' sakes, and that if he were ever able, he would revenge them, who would prick him forward thereunto if they escaped (for the Queen's (age 46) family would remember their imprisonment). Or else if his kinsfolk were put to death, without doubt the young king would be sorrowful for their deaths, whose imprisonment was grievous unto him. And that with repenting the Duke should nothing avail: for there was no way left to redeem his offense by benefits, but he should sooner destroy himself than save the King, who with his brother and his kinsfolks he saw in such places imprisoned, as the Protector (age 30) might with a nod destroy them all; and that it were no doubt but he would do it indeed, if there were any new enterprise attempted. And that it was likely that as the Protector (age 30) had provided private guard for himself, so had he spies for the Duke and traps to catch him if he should be against him, and that, perchance, from them whom he least suspected. The state of things and the dispositions of men were then such that a man could not well tell whom he might trust or whom he might fear. These things and such like, being beaten into the Duke's mind, brought him to that point where he had repented the way he had entered, yet would he go forth in the same; and since he had once begun, he would stoutly go through. And therefore to this wicked enterprise, which he believed could not be avoided, he bent himself and went through and determined that since the common mischief could not be amended, he would turn it as much as he might to his own advantage.

Then it was agreed that the Protector (age 30) should have the Duke's aid to make him king, and that the Protector's (age 30) only lawful son should marry the Duke's daughter, and that the Protector (age 30) should grant him the quiet possession of the Earldom of Hertford, which he claimed as his inheritance and could never obtain it in King Edward's time. Besides these requests of the Duke, the Protector (age 30) of his own mind promised him a great quantity of the King's treasure and of his household stuff. And when they were thus at a point between themselves, they went about to prepare for the coronation of the young king as they would have it seem. And that they might turn both the eyes and minds of men from perceiving their plans, the lords, being sent for from all parties of the realm, came thick to that solemnity.

But the Protector (age 30) and the Duke, after that, once they had set the Lord Cardinal, the Archbishop of York (then Lord Chancellor), the bishop of Ely (age 63), Lord Stanley, and Lord Hastings (age 52) (then Lord Chamberlain) with many other noble men to commune and devise about the coronation in one place, as fast were they in another place contriving the contrary, and to make the Protector (age 30) king. To which council, although there were admittedly very few, and they very secret, yet began there, here and there about, some manner of muttering among the people, as though all should not long be well, though they neither knew what they feared nor wherefore: Were it that before such great things, men's hearts of a secret instinct of nature misgives them, as the sea without wind swells of itself sometime before a tempest; or were it that some one man haply somewhat perceiving, filled many men with suspicion, though he showed few men what he knew. However, somewhat the dealing itself made men to muse on the matter, though the council was closed. For little by little all folk withdrew from the Tower and drew to Crosby's Place in Bishopsgate Street where the Protector (age 30) kept his household. The Protector (age 30) had the people appealing to him; the King was in manner alone. While some for their business made suit to them that had the doing, some were by their friends secretly warned that it might haply turn them to no good to be too much attendant about the King without the Protector's (age 30) appointment, who removed also many of the Prince's old servants from him, and set new ones about him. Thus many things coming together-partly by chance, partly by purpose-caused at length not only common people who wave with the wind, but also wise men and some lords as well, to mark the matter and muse thereon, so far forth that the Lord Stanley, who was afterwards Earl of Darby, wisely mistrusted it and said unto the Lord Hastings (age 52) that he much disliked these two several councils.

"For while we," said he, "talk of one matter in the one place, little know we whereof they talk in the other place."

"My Lord," said the Lord Hastings (age 52), "on my life, never doubt you. For while one man is there who is never thence, never can there be things once minded that should sound amiss toward me, but it should be in mine ears before it were well out of their mouths."

This meant he by Catesby, who was of his near secret counsel and whom he very familiarly used, and in his most weighty matters put no man in so special trust, reckoning himself to no man so dear, since he well knew there was no man to him so much beholden as was this Catesby, who was a man well learned in the laws of this land, and by the special favor of the Lord Chamberlain in good authority and much rule bore in all the county of Leicester where the Lord Chamberlain's power chiefly lay. But surely great pity was it that he had not had either more truth or less wit. For his dissimulation alone kept all that mischief up. If the Lord Hastings (age 52) had not put so special trust in Catesby, the Lord Stanley and he had departed with diverse other lords and broken all the dance, for many ill signs that he saw, which he now construed all to the best, so surely thought he there could be none harm toward him in that council intended where Catesby was. And of truth the Protector (age 30) and the Duke of Buckingham made very good semblance unto the Lord Hastings (age 52) and kept him much in company. And undoubtedly the Protector (age 30) loved him well and loath was to have lost him, saving for fear lest his life should have quelled their purpose. For which cause he moved Catesby to prove with some words cast out afar off, whether he could think it possible to win the Lord Hastings (age 52) to their part. But Catesby, whether he tried him or questioned him not, reported unto them that he found him so fast and heard him speak so terrible words that he dared no further say. And of truth the Lord Chamberlain, with great trust, showed unto Catesby the mistrust that others began to have in the matter.

Robert Stillington Claims Edward IV's Marriage to Elizabeth Woodville to be Bigamous

Around 09 Jun 1483 Bishop Robert Stillington (age 63) informed a Council meeting that the coronation of [her son] King Edward V of England (age 12) could not proceed since he was illegitimate since his father's marriage to his mother Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 46) had been bigamous since [her former husband] King Edward IV of England had previously married Eleanor Talbot at which Bishop Robert Stillington (age 63) presided. The only witness being Bishop Robert Stillington (age 63).

Execution of William Hastings by Richard III

On 13 Jun 1483 [her former brother-in-law] King Richard III of England (age 30) arranged a Council meeting at the Tower of London [Map] attended by William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 52), Cardinal John Morton (age 63), Archbishop Thomas Rotherham (age 59) and Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 28). During the course of the evening Richgard accused William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 52), Cardinal John Morton (age 63) and Archbishop Thomas Rotherham (age 59) of treasonable conspiracy with the Queen (age 46).

William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings (age 52) was beheaded at Tower Green, Tower of London [Map]. He was buried in North Aisle St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle [Map] next to [her former husband] King Edward IV of England. His son Edward Hastings 2nd Baron Hastings Baron Botreaux, Hungerford and Moleyns (age 16) succeeded 2nd Baron Hastings.

Cardinal John Morton (age 63) and Archbishop Thomas Rotherham (age 59) were arrested.

Execution of the Woodvilles and their Affinity

On 25 Jun 1483 supporters of the Woodviles were executed at Pontefract Castle [Map] ...

[her brother] Anthony Woodville 2nd Earl Rivers (age 43) was beheaded. His brother [her brother] Richard Woodville 3rd Earl Rivers (age 30) succeeded 3rd Earl Rivers.

[her son] Richard Grey (age 26) and Thomas Vaughan (age 73) were beheaded.

Coronation of Richard III

On 06 Jul 1483 [her former brother-in-law] King Richard III of England (age 30) was crowned III King England by Cardinal Thomas Bourchier (age 65) at Westminster Abbey [Map]. Anne Neville Queen Consort England (age 27) by marriage Queen Consort England. Duke Gloucester merged with the Crown.

John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk (age 58) was appointed Lord High Steward. William Brandon (age 58), Thomas Fitzalan 17th Earl Arundel (age 33), Thomas St Leger (age 43), Richard Hastings Baron Willoughby (age 50), Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 46), [her former sister-in-law] Elizabeth York Duchess Suffolk (age 39), Giles Daubeney 1st Baron Daubeney (age 32) and Humphrey Dacre 1st Baron Dacre Gilsland (age 59) attended.

Robert Dymoke (age 22) attended as the Kings' Champion.

Edmund Grey 1st Earl Kent (age 66) carried The Pointed Sword of Justice. Thomas Howard 2nd Duke of Norfolk (age 40) carried the Crown. Francis Lovell 1st Viscount Lovell (age 27) carried the Third Sword of State. John de la Pole 2nd Duke of Suffolk (age 40) carried the Sceptre. John de la Pole 1st Earl Lincoln (age 21) carried the Cross and Ball. Henry Stafford 2nd Duke of Buckingham (age 28) carried the king's train. Edward Stafford 2nd Earl Wiltshire (age 13) bore the Queen's Crown.

Thomas Stanley 1st Earl of Derby (age 48) carried the Lord High Constable's Mace. Margaret Beaufort Countess Richmond (age 40) held Queen Anne's train. Henry Percy 4th Earl of Northumberland (age 34) carried The Blunt Sword of Mercy. Christopher Willoughby 10th Baron Willoughby (age 30) was appointed Knight of the Bath.

Humphrey Dacre 1st Baron Dacre Gilsland (age 59) attended.

[her former mother-in-law] Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York (age 68) refused to attend the Coronation of Richard III. History doesn't record her reason.

Richard III Secures Elizabeth Woodville's Daughters

In Mar 1484 [her former brother-in-law] King Richard III of England (age 31) attempted to persuade Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 47) to leave Sanctuary in Westminster Abbey [Map] by promising to secure suitable marriages for her daughters.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. [her former husband] King Edward in his life, although this dissension between his friends somewhat irked him, yet in his good health he somewhat the less regarded it because he thought whatsoever business should fall between them, he should always be able to rule both parties. But in his last sickness, when he perceived his natural strength so sore enfeebled that he despaired all recovery, then he, considering the youth of his children, suspecting nothing less than what would happen, and well foreseeing that many harms might grow by family debates while the youth of his children lacked discretion of themselves, and good counsel of their friends-because either party should counsel for their own advantage and by pleasant advice win themselves favor, rather than by profitable advertisement do the children good-he called some of them before him who were at variance, and especially, the [her son] Lord Marquis Dorset (age 30), the Queen's (age 48) son by her first [her former husband] husband, and Lord Hastings [Note. Text says Richard? Should be William!], a noble man, then Lord Chamberlain, against whom the Queen (age 48) specially grudged for that great favor the King showed him, and also because she thought him secretly familiar with the King in wanton company. Her kindred also bore him dislike, as well for that the King had made him Captain of Calais (which office the [her brother] Lord Rivers, brother to the Queen (age 48), claimed because of the King's former promise), and for diverse other great gifts which he received that they looked for.

Marriage of Ralph Scrope and Cecily York

Before 07 Aug 1485 [her son-in-law] Ralph Scrope 9th Baron Scrope Masham and [her daughter] Cecily York, daughter of Edward IV (age 16) were married. The marriage had been arranged by King Richard III of England (age 32). There had been rumours that the King was going to marry one of his nieces, [her daughter] Elizabeth York Queen Consort England (age 19) or Cecily York Viscountess Welles (age 16) so this marriage quelled those rumours. The marriage was annulled after the Battle of Bosworth as "as not being in the interests of the dynasty" [Note. No sources for this information.] The date of the marriage is unknown. However, see Mary Anne Everett Green Live of the Princesses of England Volume 1 Cecilia Third Daughter of Edward IV. She the daughter of King Edward IV of England and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 48). They were half second cousin once removed. He a great x 4 grandson of King Edward III of England.

Marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth York

On 18 Jan 1486 [her son-in-law] King Henry VII of England and Ireland (age 28) and [her daughter] Elizabeth, Edward IV's eldest daughter (age 19) were married at Westminster Abbey [Map]. She by marriage Queen Consort England. She the daughter of King Edward IV of England and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 49). He the son of Edmund Tudor 1st Earl Richmond and Margaret Beaufort Countess Richmond (age 42). They were third cousins. He a great x 3 grandson of King Edward III of England.

Birth and Christening of Arthur Prince of Wales

On 24 Sep 1486 Prince Arthur Tudor was christened at Winchester Cathedral [Map] by Bishop John Alcock (age 56).

[her former mother-in-law] Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York (age 71) held the child. His godparents included Thomas Stanley 1st Earl of Derby (age 51), William Fitzalan 16th Earl Arundel (age 68), John de Vere 13th Earl of Oxford (age 44), Thomas Fitzalan 17th Earl Arundel (age 36), Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 49) and [her daughter] Cecily York Viscountess Welles (age 17).

[her brother] Richard Woodville 3rd Earl Rivers (age 33) was present.

In Dec 1487 [her son-in-law] John Welles 1st Viscount Welles (age 37) and [her daughter] Cecily York Viscountess Welles (age 18) were married. She by marriage Viscountess Welles. She the daughter of King Edward IV of England and Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 50). He the son of Lionel Welles 6th Baron Welles and Margaret Beauchamp Duchess Somerset. They were half fourth cousins. He a great x 5 grandson of King Edward "Longshanks" I of England.

Wriothesley's Chronicle 1485-1509. 08 Jun 1492. The Queenes (age 26) mother (age 55)l deceased, and the Lowersm set upon Guylde Hall [Map].

Note l. Elizabeth Woodville (age 55), widow of Edward IV.

Note m. Towers.

On 08 Jun 1492 Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England (age 55) died at Bermondsey [Map]. She was buried at the Altar, St George's Chapel [Map].

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. Of these two, the one had a sermon in praise of the Protector before the coronation, the other after; both so full of tedious flattery that no man's ears could abide them. Penker in his sermon so lost his voice that he was glad to leave off and come down in the midst. Doctor Shaa by his sermon lost his honesty and soon after his life, for very shame of the world, into which he dared never after come abroad. But the friar cared not for shame, and so it harmed him the less. However, some doubt and many think that Penker was not of counsel of the matter before the coronation, but after the common manner fell to flattery afterwards; namely, because his sermon was not immediately after it, but at Saint Mary's Hospital on the Easter after. But certain is it that Doctor Shaa was of counsel in the beginning so far forth that they determined he should first break the matter in a sermon at Paul's Cross, in which he should, by the authority of his preaching, incline the people to the Protector's ghostly purpose.

But now was all the labor and study in the device of some appropriate pretext for which the people should be content to depose the Prince and accept the Protector for king, for which diverse things they devised. But the chief thing, and the most weighty of all that invention, rested in this: they should allege bastardy, either in King Edward himself, or in his children, or both, so that he should seem unable to inherit the crown by the Duke of York, and the Prince by him. To lay bastardy in King Edward sounded openly to the rebuke of the Protector's own mother, who was mother to them both; for in that point could be none other color, but to pretend that his own mother was one adulteress, which, not withstanding, to further his purpose he omitted not; but nevertheless, he would the point should be less and more favorably handled, not even fully plain and directly, but that the matter should be touched upon, craftily, as though men spared, in that point, to speak all the truth for fear of his displeasure. But the other point, concerning the bastardy that they devised to surmise in King Edward's children, that would he be openly declared and enforced to the uttermost. The color and pretext whereof cannot be well perceived but if we first repeat to you some things long before done about King Edward's marriage.

After King Edward the Fourth had deposed King Henry the Sixth and was in peaceful possession of the realm, determining himself to marry, as it was requisite both for himself and for the realm, he sent over in embassy the Earl of Warwick with other noble men in his company unto Spain to entreat and conclude a marriage between King Edward and the king's daughter of Spain. In which thing the Earl of Warwick found the parties so toward and willing that he speedily, according to his instructions, without any difficulty brought the matter to a very good conclusion.

Now it happened in the meanwhile that there came to make a suit by petition to the King, Dame Elizabeth Gray, who was after his Queen, at that time a widow born of noble blood, specially by her mother, who was [her mother] Duchess of Bedford before she married the [her father] Lord Woodville, Elizabeth's father. However, this Dame Elizabeth, herself being in service with Queen Margaret, wife unto King Henry the Sixth, was married unto one John Gray, a squire, whom King Henry made knight upon the battlefield where he had fought on Shrove Tuesday at Saint Albans against King Edward. And little while enjoyed he that knighthood, for he was at the same field slain. After he had died, and the Earl of Warwick being in his embassy about the before mentioned marriage, this poor lady made humble suit unto the King that she might be restored unto such small lands as her late husband had given her during their marriage. Whom when the King beheld and heard her speak, as she was both fair, of a good favor, moderate of stature, well made and very wise, he not only pitied her, but also grew enamored with her. And taking her afterward secretly aside, began to enter into talking more familiarly. Whose appetite, when she perceived it, she virtuously denied him. But that did she so wisely, and with so good manner, and words so well set, that she rather kindled his desire than quenched it. And finally after many a meeting, much wooing, and many great promises, she well spied the King's affection toward her so greatly increased that she dared somewhat the more boldly say her mind, as to him whose heart she perceived more firmly set than to fall off for a word. And in conclusion she showed him plain that as she knew herself too simple to be his wife, so thought she herself too good to be his concubine. The King, much marveling at her constancy, as he that had not been wont elsewhere to be so stiffly told nay, so much esteemed her continence and chastity that he set her virtue in the place of possession and riches. And thus taking counsel of his desire, determined in all possible haste to marry her. And after he was thus resolved, and there had between them an agreement been assured, then asked he counsel of his other friends, and in such manner, as they might easily perceive it remedied not greatly to say nay.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. Now came there in one messenger likewise, not long after midnight, from the Lord Chamberlain unto the Archbishop of York, then Chancellor of England, to his place not far from Westminster. And he showed the servants he had tidings of so great importance that his master gave him charge not to tolerate their master's rest; they denied not to wake him, nor he to admit this messenger into his bedside, from whom he heard that these dukes were gone back with the King's Grace from Stony Stratford unto Northampton.

"Notwithstanding, sir," said he, "my Lord sends your Lordship word that there is no fear, for he assures you that all shall be well."

"I assure him," said the Archbishop, "be it as well as it will, it will never be so well as we have seen it." And thereupon, by and by, after the messenger departed, he caused in all the haste all his servants to be called up, and so with his own household about him, and every man armed, he took the Great Seal with him, and came yet before day unto the Queen. About whom he found much heaviness, rumble, haste and business, carriage and conveyance of her stuff into sanctuary-chests, coffers, packs, bundles, trusses, all on men's backs, no man unoccupied; some loading, some going, some discharging, some coming for more, some breaking down the walls to bring in the shortest way, and some yet drew to them that helped to carry the wrong way.

The Queen herself sat alone, down on the rushes, all desolate and dismayed, whom the Archbishop comforted in the best manner he could, showing her that he trusted the matter was nothing so sore as she took it for, and that he was put in good hope, and out of fear, by the message sent him from the Lord Chamberlain.

"Ah, he is worthy of woe," said she, "for he is one of them that labors to destroy me and my blood."

"Madam," said he, "be you of good cheer. For I assure you if they crown any other king than your son, whom they now have with them, we shall on the morrow crown his brother, whom you have here with you. And here is the Great Seal, which in the same way as that noble prince-your husband-delivered it unto me, so here I deliver it unto you, to the use and benefit of your son." And therewith he granted her the Great Seal, and departed home again, yet in the dawning of the day.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. According to this device, Doctor Shaa, the Sunday after, at Paul's Cross in a great audience (as always assembled great numbers to his preaching), he took for his theme Spuria vitulamina non agent radices altas, that is to say, "bastard slips shall never take deep root." Thereupon, when he had showed the great grace that God gives and secretly grants in right generation after the laws of matrimony, then declared he that commonly those children lacked that grace and, for the punishment of their parents, were for the most part unhappy, who were begotten in bastardy and especially in adultery. Of which, though some by the ignorance of the world and the truth hid from knowledge inherited for the time other men's lands, yet God always so provides that it continues not in their blood long, but the truth coming to light, the rightful inheritors be restored, and the bastard slip pulled up before it can be rooted deep. And when he had laid for the proof and confirmation of this sentence certain examples taken out of the Old Testament and other ancient histories, then began he to descend into the praise of the Lord Richard, late Duke of York, calling him father to the Lord Protector, and declared the title of his heirs unto the crown, to whom it was, after the death of King Henry the Sixth, entailed by authority of Parliament. Then showed he that his very right heir, of his own body lawfully begotten, was the Lord Protector alone. For he declared then, King Edward was never lawfully married unto the Queen, but was before God husband unto Dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so his children bastards. And besides that, neither King Edward himself, nor the Duke of Clarence, among those that were secret in the household, were reckoned very surely for the children of the noble Duke, as those that by their favors more resembled other known men than him, from whose virtuous conditions he said also that King Edward was far off. But the Lord Protector, he said, that very noble prince, the special pattern of knightly prowess, as well in all princely behavior as in the lineaments and favor of his appearance, represented the very face of the noble duke, his father. "This is," said he, "the father's own figure; this is his own countenance, the very print of his visage, the sure undoubted image, the plain express likeness of that noble duke."

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. "You remember, I trust, King Edward himself, although he was a man of age and of discretion, yet was he in many things ruled by the Queen's faction more than stood either with his honor or our profit, or to the advantage of any man else, except only the immoderate advancement of the Queen's family, which group either sorer thirsted after their own well being, or our woe, it were hard I suppose to guess. And if some folks' friendship had not held better place with the King than any respect of kindred, they might, by chance, easily have trapped and brought to confusion some of us before now. Why, have not they done as easily to some others already, as near to his royal blood as we? But our Lord has wrought His will, and thanks be to His grace that peril is past. However, a great peril is growing if we suffer this young King to remain in our enemies' hand, who, without the King's awareness, might abuse the name of his commandment to any of our undoing, which thing God and good provision forbid-and of such good provision, none of us has anything the less need because of the late made atonement in which the King's pleasure had more place than the parties' wills. Nor none of us, I believe, is so unwise to trust too soon a new friend made of an old foe, or to think that a slight kindness, suddenly contracted in one hour, continued yet scant a fortnight, should be deeper settled in their stomachs than a long accustomed malice many years rooted.".

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. And therefore he, fearing lest their motions might with the Lord Hastings diminish his credibility, whereunto only all the matter leaned, procured the Protector hastily to get rid of him. And much the rather, for that he trusted by his death to obtain much of the rule that the Lord Hastings bore in his country, the only desire whereof was the enticement that induced him to be partner and one special contriver of all this horrible treason.

Whereupon soon after, that is to wit, on the Friday, the thirteenth day of June, many lords assembled in the Tower, and there sat in Council, devising the honorable solemnity of the King's coronation, of which the time appointed so near approached that the pageants and subtleties were in making day and night at Westminster, and much victual killed therefore that afterwards was cast away. These lords so sitting together speaking of this matter, the Protector came in among them, first about nine of the clock, saluting them courteously, and excusing himself that he had been from them so long, saying merrily that he had been asleep that day. And after a little talking with them, he said unto the Bishop of Ely: "My Lord, you have very good strawberries at your garden in Holborn, I require you, let us have a mess of them."

"Gladly, my Lord," said he. "Would God I had some better thing as ready to your pleasure as that." And therewith in all the haste he sent his servant for a mess of strawberries.

The Protector set the lords fast in talking, and thereupon praying them to spare him for a little while, departed thence. And soon after one hour, between ten and eleven, he returned into the chamber among them, all changed with a wonderful sour, angry countenance, knitting the brows, frowning and frothing and gnawing on his lips, and so sat him down in his place, all the lords much dismayed and sore marveling of this manner of sudden change, and what thing should him ail. Then when he had sat still awhile, thus he began: "What were they worthy to have that plan and imagine the destruction of me, being so near of blood unto the King, and Protector of his royal person and his realm?"

Note A. this question, all the lords sat astonished, musing much by whom this question should be meant, of which every man knew himself clear. Then the Lord Chamberlain, as he that for the love between them thought he might be boldest with him, answered and said that they were worthy to be punished as heinous traitors, whosoever they were. And all the others affirmed the same.

"That is," said he, "yonder sorceress, my brother's wife, and others with her," meaning the Queen.

Note A. these words many of the other lords were greatly abashed that favored her. But the Lord Hastings was in his mind better content that it was caused by her than by any other whom he loved better; although his heart somewhat grudged that he was not before made of counsel in this matter, as he was of the taking of her kindred and of their putting to death, which were by his assent before devised to be beheaded at Pomfret this selfsame day, in which he was not aware that it was by others devised that he himself should the same day be beheaded at London.

Then said the Protector: "You shall all see in what way that sorceress and that other witch of her counsel, Shore's wife, with their affinity, have by their sorcery and witchcraft wasted my body." And therewith, he plucked up his doublet sleeve to his elbow upon his left arm, where he showed a shriveled, withered and small arm-as if it were ever otherwise. And thereupon every man's mind sore misgave them, well perceiving that this matter was but a quarrel, for well they knew that the Queen was too wise to go about any such folly. And also if she would, yet would she of all folk least make Shore's wife of council, whom of all women she most hated, as that concubine whom the King her husband had most loved. And also no man was there present but well knew that the Protector's arm was ever such since his birth.

Nevertheless the Lord Chamberlain (which from the death of King Edward kept Shore's wife, on whom he somewhat doted in the King's life, he saving his affection, as it is said, during that time and resisting her out of reverence toward his King, or else of a certain kind of fidelity to his friend) answered and said: "Certainly, my Lord, if they have so heinously done, they be worthy heinous punishment."

"What?!" said the Protector. "Thou serve me, I know, with 'ifs' and with 'ands.' I tell thee they have so done, and that I will make good on thy body, traitor." And therewith as in a great anger, he clapped his fist upon the table a great rap. At which token given, one cried treason outside the chamber. Therewith a door slammed, and in come there rushing men in armor, as many as the chamber might hold. And at once the Protector said to the Lord Hastings: "I arrest thee, traitor."

"What me, my Lord?" said he.

"Yea, thee, traitor," said the Protector.

And another let fly at the Lord Stanley, who shrunk at the stroke and fell under the table, or else his head had been cleft to the teeth; for as shortly as he shrank, yet ran the blood about his ears. Then were they all quickly bestowed in diverse chambers, except the Lord Chamberlain, whom the Protector bade speed and shrive him at once, "for by Saint Paul," said he, "I will not to dinner till I see thy head off." It remedied him not to ask why, but heavily he took a priest at random and made a short confession, for a longer one would not be suffered, the Protector made so much haste to dinner, which he might not go to till this were done for the saving of his oath. So was he brought forth into the green beside the chapel within the Tower, and his head laid down upon a long log of timber, and there stricken off, and afterward his body with the head interred at Windsor beside the body of King Edward, both of whose souls our Lord pardon. A marvelous case is it to hear either the warnings of what he should have avoided or the tokens of that he could not avoid. For the same night next before his death, the Lord Stanley sent a trusty secret messenger unto him at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him, for he was disposed utterly no longer to remain at home, he had so fearful a dream, in which he thought that a boar with his tusks so slashed them both by the heads that the blood ran about both their shoulders. And forasmuch as the Protector gave the boar for his coat of arms, this dream made so fearful an impression in his heart that he was thoroughly determined no longer to tarry, but had his horse ready, if the Lord Hastings would go with him to ride so far yet the same night, that they should be out of danger before day.

"Ay, good Lord," said the Lord Hastings to this messenger, "leans my Lord thy master so much to such trifles and has such faith in dreams, which either his own fear fancies or do rise in the night's rest by reason of his day thoughts? Tell him it is plain witchcraft to believe in such dreams, which, if they were tokens of things to come, why thinks he not that we might be as likely to make them true by our going if we were caught and brought back (as friends fail those who flee), for then had the boar a cause likely to slash us with his tusks, as folk that fled for some falsehood; wherefore, either is there no peril, nor none there is indeed; or if any be, it is rather in going than abiding. And if we must fall in peril one way or other, yet had I rather that men should see it were by other men's falsehood than think it were either our own fault or faint heart. And therefore go to thy master, man, and commend me to him, and pray him be merry and have no fear, for I assure him I am as sure of the man that he knows of, as I am of my own hand."

"God send grace, sir," said the messenger, and went his way.

Certain is it also, that in the riding toward the Tower, the same morning in which he was beheaded, his horse twice or thrice stumbled with him almost to the falling, which thing, although each man knows well daily happens to them to whom no such mischance is aimed, yet has it been of an old rite and custom observed as a token oftentimes notably foregoing some great misfortune.

Now this that follows was no warning, but an enemy's scorn. The same morning before he were up, came a knight unto him, as it were of courtesy to accompany him to the Council, but of truth sent by the Protector to haste him thitherward, with whom he was of secret confederacy in that purpose, a mean man at that time, and now of great authority. This knight, when it happened that the Lord Chamberlain by the way to stay his horse and talk awhile with a priest whom he met in the Tower Street, revealed his tale and said merrily to him: "What, my Lord, I pray you, come on; whereto talk you so long with that priest? You have no need of a priest yet." And therewith he laughed upon him, as though he would say, "You shall have soon." But so little knew the other what he meant, and so little mistrusted, that he was never merrier nor never so full of good hope in his life, which is the very thing often seen a sign of change. But I shall rather let anything pass me than the vain security of a man's mind so near his death.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. This plan that the Queen not unwisely devised whereby her blood might from the beginning be rooted in the [her son] Prince's favor, the Duke of Gloucester turned unto their destruction, and upon that ground set the foundation of all his unhappy building. For whomsoever he perceived either at variance with them or bearing favor to himself, he revealed to them, some by mouth, some by writing and secret messengers, that it was neither reasonable nor in any way to be suffered that the young King, their master and kinsman, should be in the hands and custody of his mother's kindred, sequestered from their company and attendance, because everyone owed the Prince service as faithful as they, and because many of them were of a far more honorable part of kin than his mother's side. "Their blood," said he, "saving the King's pleasure, was fully unsuitable to be matched with his own, which was now to be removed from the King-and therefore the less noble men to be left about him-is," said he, "neither honorable to his Majesty nor to us, and also to his Grace no surety to have the mightiest of his friends away from him, and unto us no little jeopardy to suffer our well-proved evil willers to grow overgreat in authority with the youthful Prince, who is light of belief and easily persuaded.".

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. Upon the very Tower wharf so near the place where his head was off so soon after, there met he with one Hastings, a messenger of his own name. And of their meeting in that place, he was put in remembrance of another time, in which it had happened to them before, to meet in like manner together in the same place. At which other time the Lord Chamberlain had been accused unto King Edward by the Lord Rivers, the Queen's brother, in such a way that he was for the while (but it lasted not long) far fallen into the King's indignation, and stood in great fear of himself. And forasmuch as he now met this messenger in the same place, and that jeopardy so well past, it gave him great pleasure to talk with him thereof, with whom he had before talked thereof in the same place while he was therein.

And therefore he said: "Ah, Hastings [the messenger], art you remembered when I met thee here once with a heavy heart?"

"Yea, my Lord," said he, "that remember I well, and thanks be God they got no good, nor you none harm thereby."

"Thou would say so," said he, "if thou knew as much as I know, which few know else as yet, and more shall shortly." By that meant he the lords of the Queen's kindred that were taken before and should that day be beheaded at Pomfret, which he well knew, but was nothing aware that the axe hang over his own head. "In faith, man," said he, "I was never so sorry, nor never stood in so great dread in my life, as I did when thou and I met here. And lo how the world is turned; now stand mine enemies in that danger (as thou may by chance hear more hereafter) and I never in my life so merry, nor never in so great safety."

O good God, the blindness of our mortal nature: when he most feared, he was in good surety; when he reckoned himself most sure, he lost his life, and that within two hours after. Thus ended this honorable man, a good knight and a gentle one, of great authority with his prince, of living somewhat dissolute, plain and open to his enemy, and secret to his friend, easy to beguile, as he that of good heart and courage forestudied no perils; a loving man and passing well beloved; very faithful, and trusty enough, trusting too much. Now flew the fame of this lord's death swiftly through the city, and so forth further about like a wind in every man's ear. But the Protector, immediately after dinner, intending to set some color upon the matter, sent in all the haste for many substantial men out of the city into the Tower. And at their coming, he himself with the Duke of Buckingham stood armed in old ill-faring body armor, such as no man should suppose that they would have put upon their backs, except that some sudden necessity had constrained them. And then the Protector showed them that the Lord Chamberlain and others of his conspiracy had contrived to have suddenly destroyed him and the Duke there, the same day, in the Council. And what they intended further was as yet not well known. Of which their treason he never had knowledge before ten of the clock the same day before noon. Which sudden fear drove them to put on for their defense such armor as came next to hand. And so had God helped them that the mischief turned upon them that would have done it. And this he required them to report. Every man answered him fair, as though no man mistrusted the matter, which of truth no man believed.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. Now then as I began to show you, it was by the Protector and his council concluded that this Doctor Shaa should in a sermon at Paul's Cross signify to the people that neither King Edward himself nor the Duke of Clarence were lawfully begotten, nor were the very children of the Duke of York, but gotten unlawfully by other persons by the adultery of the Duchess, their mother-and that also Dame Elizabeth Lucy was verily the wife of King Edward, and so the Prince and all his children were bastards that were gotten upon the Queen.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. The Duchess, with these words nothing appeased, and seeing the King so set thereon that she could not pull him back, so highly she disdained it that under pretext of her duty to God, she devised to disturb this marriage, and rather to help that he should marry one Dame Elizabeth Lucy, whom the King had also not long before gotten with child. Wherefore the King's mother objected openly against his marriage, as it were in discharge of her conscience, that the King was betrothed to Dame Elizabeth Lucy, and her husband before God. By reason of which words, such obstacle was made in the matter that either the bishops dared not, or the King would not, proceed to the solemnizing of this wedding till these same matters were clearly purged and the truth well and openly testified.

Whereupon Dame Elizabeth Lucy was sent for. And although she was by the King's mother and many others filled with good encouragement-to affirm that she was betrothed unto the King-yet when she was solemnly sworn to say the truth, she confessed that they were never betrothed. However, she said his Grace spoke so loving words unto her that she verily hoped he would have married her, and that if it had not been for such kind words, she would never have showed such kindness to him, to let him so kindly get her with child.

This examination solemnly taken, when it was clearly perceived that there was no impediment, the King, with great feast and honorable solemnity, married Dame Elizabeth Gray and her crowned queen that was his enemy's wife, who many times had prayed full heartily for his loss. In which God loved her better than to grant her petition.

But when the Earl of Warwick understood of this marriage, he took it so highly that his embassy was deceived by mockery that, for very anger and disdain, he assembled a great power against the King at his return, and came so fast upon him, before he could be able to resist, that the King was glad to leave the realm and flee into Holland for assistance, where he remained for the space of two years, leaving his new wife in Westminster in sanctuary, where she was delivered of Edward the Prince, of whom we before have spoken. In the meantime, the Earl of Warwick took out of prison and set up again Henry the Sixth, who was before by King Edward deposed and that, much by the power of the Earl of Warwick, who was a wise man and a courageous warrior and of such strength-what for his lands, his alliances, and favor with all the people-that he made kings and put down kings almost at his pleasure; and it was not impossible to have attained the crown himself, if he had not reckoned it a greater thing to make a king than to be a king. But nothing lasts always, for, in conclusion, King Edward returned, and with much less number than Warwick had, at Barnet on the Easter Day field, slew the Earl of Warwick with many other great lords of that party, and so stably attained the crown again that he peaceably enjoyed it until his dying day; and in such plight he left the crown that it could not be lost but by the discord of his very friends, or falsehood of his feigned friends.

I have rehearsed this business about this marriage somewhat the more at length because it might thereby the better appear how slippery a ground the Protector built his pretext, by which he pretended King Edward's children to be bastards. But that invention, simple as it was, it liked them to whom it sufficed to have something to say, while they were sure to be compelled to no larger proof than they themselves pleased to make.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. But now to return to the course of this history, were it that the Duke of Gloucester had of old planned this conclusion, or was now at first thereunto moved and put in hope by the occasion of the tender age of the young princes his nephews (as opportunity and likelihood of success put a man in courage of what he never intended), certain is it that he contrived their destruction with the usurpation of the regal dignity upon himself. And forasmuch as he well knew and helped to maintain a long continued grudge and heart hating between the Queen's kindred and the King's blood, each party envying the other's authority, he now thought that their division should be (as it was indeed) a favorable beginning to the pursuit of his intent and a sure ground for the foundation of all his building, if he might first, under the pretext of revenging old displeasure, abuse the anger and ignorance of the one party to the destruction of the other, and then win to his purpose as many as he could, and those that could not be won, might be lost before they looked therefore. For of one thing was he certain, that if his intent were perceived, he should soon have made peace between both parties-with his own blood.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. By which time he might in his chamber window, see all the Thames full of boats of the Duke of Gloucester's servants, watching that no man should go to sanctuary, nor none could pass unsearched. Then was there great commotion and murmur as well in other places about-especially in the city; the people all over were diversely speculating upon this dealing. And some lords, knights, and gentlemen, either for favor of the Queen, or for fear of themselves, assembled in sundry companies, and went by companies in armor, and many also, for that they reckoned this conduct attempted, not so specially against the other lords, as against the King himself in the disturbance of his coronation.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. Now was it so devised by the Protector and his Council that the same day in which the Lord Chamberlain was beheaded in the Tower of London, and about the same hour, was there-not without his assent-beheaded at Pomfret the before mentioned lords and knights that were taken from the King at Northampton and Stony Stratford. Which thing was done in the presence and by the order of Sir Richard Radcliff, knight, whose service the Protector specially used in the Council and in the execution of such lawless enterprises, as a man that had been long secret with him, having experience of the world and a shrewd wit, short and rude in speech, rough and boisterous of behavior, bold in mischief, as far from pity as from all fear of God. This knight, bringing them out of the prison to the scaffold, and showing to the people about that they were traitors, not suffering them to speak and declare their innocence lest their words might have inclined men to pity them and to hate the Protector and his part, caused them hastily, without judgment, process, or manner of order to be beheaded, and without other earthly guilt, but only that they were good men, too true to the King and too close to the Queen.

Now when the Lord Chamberlain and these other lords were thus beheaded and rid out of the way, then thought the Protector that, while men mused what the matter meant, while the lords of the realm were about him out of their own strengths, while no man knew what to think nor whom to trust, before ever they should have space to dispute and digest the matter and make parties, it were best hastily to pursue his purpose and put himself in possession of the crown, before men could have time to devise any ways to resist. But now was all the study by what means this matter, being of itself so heinous, might be first broken to the people, in such a way that it might be well taken. To this counsel, they took diverse opinions, such as those thought suitable to be trusted, likely to be induced to the part, and able to stand them in position, either by power or policy.

Among whom, they made of counsel Edmund Shaa, knight, then Mayor of London, who upon trust of his own advancement, whereof he was of a proud heart highly desirous, should frame the city to their appetite. Of clergy men they took such as had intelligence and were in authority among the people for opinion of their learning, and had no scrupulous conscience.

Among these had they John Shaa, clerk, brother to the Mayor, and Friar Penker, Provincial of the Augustine Friars, both doctors of divinity, both great preachers, both of more learning than virtue, of more fame than learning. For they were before greatly esteemed among the people, but after that never.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. But as soon as the tidings of this matter came hastily to the Queen, a little before the midnight following, and that in the sorest way, that the [her son] King her son was taken; her [her brother] brother, her [her son] son, and her other friends arrested, and sent to no man knew where, to be done with God knows what. With such tidings, the Queen, in great fright and heaviness, bewailing her child's ruin, her friends' mischance, and her own misfortune, damning the time that ever she spoke in opposition to the gathering of power about the King, got herself in all haste possible, with her younger [her son] son and her daughters, out of the Palace of Westminster in which she then lay, and into the Sanctuary [Map], lodging herself and her company there in the Abbot's place.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. With these words and writings and such others, the Duke of Gloucester soon set afire them that were of themselves easy to kindle, and especially two, Duke of Buckingham and Richard Lord Hastings [Note. Mistake for William] (the chamberlain), both men of honor and of great power: the one by long succession from his ancestry, the other by his office and the King's favor. These two, not bearing each to the other so much love as hatred both unto the Queen's part, on this point accorded together with the Duke of Gloucester: that they would utterly remove from the King's company all his mother's friends, under the name of their enemies. With this concluded, the Duke of Gloucester, understanding that the lords who were about the [her son] King intended to bring him up to his coronation, accompanied with such power of their friends that it should be hard for him to bring his purpose to pass without the gathering and great assembling of people and in manner of open war, the end of which he knew to be dubious, and with the King being on their side, his part should have the face and name of a rebellion, he secretly, therefore, by diverse means caused the Queen to be persuaded and brought to believe that it neither were needed and also should be jeopardizing for the King to come up strong. For whereas now every lord loved each other and none other thing studied upon but about the coronation and honor of the King, if the lords of her kindred should assemble in the King's name many people, they should give the very same lords, between whom and them had been sometime debate, fear and suspicion, lest they should gather this people, not for the King's safeguard, whom no man impugned, but for their destruction, having more regard to their old variance than their new atonement. For which cause, they should assemble on the other party many people again for their defense, whose power she knew well far stretched. And thus should all the realm fall into a roar. And of all the hurt that thereof should ensue, which was likely not to be little, and the most harm there like to fall where she least it would, all the world would put her and her kindred in the blame and say that they had unwisely and untruly also, broken the amity and peace that the King her husband so prudently made between his kin and hers on his death bed and which the other party faithfully observed.

The Princes of the Tower described as Illegitimate

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. "For as that worshipful man thoroughly made clear to you, the children of King Edward the Fourth were never lawfully begotten, forasmuch as the King (while his true wife, Dame Elizabeth Lucy, was still living) was never lawfully married unto the Queen, their mother, whose blood, except that he set voluptuous pleasure before his honor, was fully unsuitable to be matched with his; and the mingling of their bloods together has been the effusion of the greater part of the noble blood of this realm. Whereby it may well seem that the marriage was not well made, out of which there is so much mischief grown. For lack of such lawful coupling, and also of other things which the said worshipful Doctor rather signified than fully explained, and which things shall not be spoken by me as the things wherein every man forbears to say because he knows to avoid the displeasure of my noble Lord Protector, who bears, as nature requires, a filial reverence to the Duchess his mother, for these causes before mentioned, I say, that is, for lack of other issue lawfully coming of the late noble Prince Richard, Duke of York, to whose royal blood the crown of England and of France is by the high authority of Parliament entailed, the right and title of the same is by the just course of inheritance, according to the common law of this land, handed down and come unto the most excellent Prince, the Lord Protector, as the very lawfully begotten son of the remembered noble Duke of York.

Archaeologia Volume 29 Section X. 2. Letter of Richard, Earl of Warwick, to Elizabeth Wodevile.

Worshipful and welebiloved, I grete you wele, And forasmoche as my right welebiloved, Sir Hugh John, knyght, which now late was with you unto his ful grete joie, and had grete chere as he seith, whereof I thanke you, hath enfourmed me how that he for the greet love and affectioun that he hath unto your persone, as wele for the grete sadnes and wisdome that he founde and proved in you at that tyme, as for your grete and preised vertues and wommanly demeanyng, desireth with al his hert to do you worship by wey of mariage, bifore ony other creature lyvynge as he seith. I, consideryng his seid desire, and the greet worshipe that he had, which was made knyght at Jerusalem; and after his comyng home, for the grete wisdome and manhode that he was renoumed of, was made knyght Marchal of Fraunce, and after that knyght Marchal of Englond, unto his grete worshipe, with other his grete and many vertues and desertes; And also the gode and notable service that hath done and daily doth to me, Write unto you at this tyme, and pray you affecteously that ye wil the rathere, at this my request and praiere, to condescende and applie you unto his seid lawful and honest desire, wherein ye shal not onely purvey right notablyfor yourself unto your wele and grete worshipe in tyme to come, as I verely trust, but also cause me to shewe unto you such gode lordship, as ye by reasoun shal holde you contente and pleased, with the grace of God, whiche everlastyngly have you in his blissed proteccioun and governaunce. Writen, &c.

By Richard Erle of Warr' To Dame Elizabeit Wodeville.

Archaeologia Volume 29 Section X. 1. Letter of Richard, Duke of York, to Elizabeth Wodevile.

Right trusty and welbeloved, we grete you wel; And forsomoche as we are credibly enfourmed that our right herty and welebilovede knyght, Sir Hugh John, for the grete wommanhode and gentillesse approved and knowen in your persone, ye beyng sooule and to be maried, his hert holy have, wherof we are right wel pleased. How it be of your disposicioun towardes him in that bihalve as yet to us is unknowen, We, therefore, as for the feith, true and good lordship we owe unto him at this tyme, and so wol continue, Desire and hertley praie you ye wol on your partie be to him wel willed to the perfourmyng of this our writyng and his desire. Wherein ye shal do not onely to our pleasire, but we doubte not to you grete wele and worshipe in tyme comyng. Certefiyng you, if ye fulfille our entent in this matier, we wol and shul be to him and you suche lord as shal be to your bother grete wele and worship by the grace of God, who precede and guyde you in al hevenly felicitee and welfare. Writen &c.

By Richard Duk of York. To Dame Elizabeth Wodehille.

The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. The Queen, being in this way persuaded, such word sent unto her [her son] son and unto her [her brother] brother, being about the King; and besides that, the Duke of Gloucester himself and other chief lords of his company wrote unto the King so reverently and to the Queen's friends there so lovingly that they, nothing earthly mistrusting, brought the King up in great haste, not in good speed, with a sober company.

Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England 1437-1492 appears on the following Descendants Family Trees:

Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford 1415-1472

Royal Ancestors of Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England 1437-1492

Kings Wessex: Great x 13 Grand Daughter of King Edmund "Ironside" I of England

Kings England: Great x 6 Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England

Kings Scotland: Great x 11 Grand Daughter of Malcolm III King Scotland

Kings Franks: Great x 9 Grand Daughter of Louis VII King Franks

Kings France: Great x 10 Grand Daughter of Louis "Fat" VI King France

Royal Descendants of Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England 1437-1492

Elizabeth York Queen Consort England x 1

King Edward V of England x 1

Jane "Nine Days Queen" Grey I Queen England and Ireland x 1

Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom x 9

Queen Consort Camilla Shand x 2

Diana Spencer Princess Wales x 24

Ancestors of Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England 1437-1492

Great x 1 Grandfather: John Woodville

GrandFather: Richard Woodville

Father: Richard Woodville 1st Earl Rivers

Great x 1 Grandfather: Thomas Bittelsgate

GrandMother: Joan Bittelsgate

Great x 4 Grandfather: Humphrey Beauchamp

Great x 3 Grandfather: Hugh Beauchamp

Great x 2 Grandfather: John Beauchamp

Great x 4 Grandfather: William Lisle

Great x 3 Grandmother: Idonea Lisle

Great x 1 Grandmother: Joan Beauchamp

Elizabeth Woodville Queen Consort England 6 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England

Great x 4 Grandfather: Waleran II of Luxemburg 6 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England

Great x 3 Grandfather: John Luxemburg Lord of Ligby 7 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England

Great x 2 Grandfather: Guy of Luxemburg I Count Saint Pol and Ligny 8 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England

Great x 4 Grandfather: Guy of Dampierre Richebourg 6 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England

Great x 3 Grandmother: Alix Dampierre 7 x Great Grand Daughter of King William "Conqueror" I of England

Great x 1 Grandfather: John Luxemburg Count St Pol 3 x Great Grand Son of King Henry III of England

Great x 4 Grandfather: Guy Chatillon IV Count Saint Pol 5 x Great Grand Son of King William "Conqueror" I of England

Great x 3 Grandfather: Jean Chatillon Count Saint Pol Great Grand Son of King Henry III of England

Great x 4 Grandmother: Marie Capet Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England

Great x 2 Grandmother: Mathilde Chatillon Countess Saint Pol 2 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England

Great x 4 Grandfather: Jean Fiennes 4 x Great Grand Son of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England

Great x 3 Grandmother: Jeanne Fiennes 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England

Great x 4 Grandmother: Isabelle Dampierre 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King William "Conqueror" I of England

GrandFather: Peter Luxemburg I Count Saint Pol 4 x Great Grand Son of King Henry III of England

Great x 2 Grandfather: Louis Count of Enghien

Great x 1 Grandmother: Margaret Brienne

Mother: Jacquetta of Luxemburg Duchess Bedford 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King Henry III of England

Great x 1 Grandfather: Francesco Baux 1st Duke Andria

GrandMother: Margherita Baux 5 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England

Great x 4 Grandfather: Romano Orsini

Great x 3 Grandfather: Roberto Orsini Count 2 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England

Great x 4 Grandmother: Anastasia Montfort Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England

Great x 2 Grandfather: Nicholas Orsini Count 3 x Great Grand Son of King John "Lackland" of England

Great x 3 Grandmother: Sueva del Balzo

Great x 1 Grandmother: Sueva Orsini 4 x Great Grand Daughter of King John "Lackland" of England

Great x 2 Grandmother: Jeanne Sabran