Newcastle upon Tyne is in Northumberland.
Flowers of History by Matthew of Westminster Volume 2 Chapter 1 1066 1087 A false King is slain by the Emperor. 1080. Pope Hildebraud, who is also called Gregory, predicted, as if he had been informed of it by divine revelation, that a false king would die this year. His prediction, indeed, was true ; but he was deceived in his opinion and conjecture as to who the false king was, for he interpreted the phrophecy according to his own wish, as if it concerned the emperor Henry. But the emperor fought a sever battle, in which he slew the false king of Saxony, whose name was Radulf, with many princes of Saxony. That same year, the town of Newcastle upon Tyne was founded by King William (52).
On 04 Aug 1306 John Seton 1278-1306 (28) was hanged at Newcastle upon Tyne following his capture by English forces after the fall of Tibbers Castle, Carronbridge.
Around 1314 Margaret Grey 1314-1378 was born to Thomas Grey 1280-1344 (34) and Agnes Bayles in Newcastle upon Tyne.
On 27 May 1378 Margaret Grey 1314-1378 (64) died in Newcastle upon Tyne.
The Chronicles of Froissart Book 3 Unknown Chapter 1 The Battle of Otterburn. Before 05 Aug 1388. Now let us speak of the earl Douglas (30) and other, for they had more to do than they that went by Carlisle. When the earls of Douglas (30), of Moray (46), of March, and Dunbar (50)1 departed from the great host, they took their way thinking to pass the water and to enter into the bishopric of Durham, and to ride to the town and then to return, brenning and exiling the country and so to come to Newcastle and to lodge there in the town in the despite of all the Englishmen. And as they determined, so they did assay to put it in use, for they rode a great pace under covert without doing of any pillage by the way or assaulting of any castle, tower or house, but so came into the lord Percy’s land and passed the river of Tyne without any let a three leagues above Newcastle not far from Brancepeth, and at last entered into the bishopric of Durham, where they found a good country. Then they began to make war, to slay people and to bren villages and to do many sore displeasures.
Around 1419 Matthew Redman 1395-1419 (24) died at Newcastle upon Tyne.
Chronicle of Gregory 1461. 03 Apr 1461. The Erle of Devynschyre (29) was seke, and myght not voyde a waye, and was take and be heddyd. And the Erle of Wylte schyre (40) was take and brought unto Newe Castell to the Kynge. And there hys hedde was smete of, and send unto London to be sette uppon London Brygge. And Docter Morton (41), the Prynces chaunceler, was take with hym and put in the Towre, but he schapyd a way longe tyme aftyr, and ys by yonde the see with the Quene, &c.
On 01 May 1461 James Butler 1st Earl Wiltshire 5th Earl Ormonde 1420-1461 (40) was beheaded at Newcastle upon Tyne having been captured at, or after, the Battle of Towton. John Butler 6th Earl Ormonde 1422-1476 (39) succeeded 6th Earl Ormonde 1C 1328.
Chronicle of Gregory 1463. Dec 1463. Ande thys same yere a-boute Crystysmas that fals Duke of Somersett (27), with owte any leve of the kyng, stale owte of Walys with a prevy mayny towarde the Newecastelle, for he and hys men were confeteryde for to have be-trayde the sayde Newecastelle. And in [t]ewey thedyrwarde he was aspyde, and lyke to have ben takyn be syde Dereham in hys bedde. Notwithstondynge he a schapyde a-way in hys schyrt and barefote, and ij of hys men were take. And they toke with hem that fals dukys caskette and hys harneys. And whenn that hys men knewe that he was aschapyd, and hys fals treson aspyde, hys men stale from the Newecastelle as very fals traytourys, and sum of hem were take and loste hyr heddys for hyr labur, &c.
Ande thenn the kynge, owre soverayne lorde Edward the iiij, hadde knowleche of hys fals dysposyscyon of thys fals Duke Harry of Somersett (27). The kynge sende a grete feleschippe of hys housolde men to kepe the towne of Newecastelle, and made the Lorde Scrope of Bolton (26) captayne of the towne; and soo they kepte hyt surely alle that wyntyr. Ande a-boute Ester nexte aftyr the Schottys sewyd unto oure soverayne lorde the kynge for pes. And the kynge ordaynyde Commyssourys to mete whythe [t]e Schottys. The names of the Commyssyonourys be wretyn here aftyr folowyng: The Chaunceler of Ingelond (31), the Lorde Montegewe (32), the Erle of Warwycke (35), and many othyr for the Englysche partye, to brynge hyt to a conclusyon.
Chronicle of Gregory 1464. Before 25 Apr 1464. The poyntement was that they Schottys and [t]ey shulde mete at Yorke. And thenn was my Lorde of Mountegewe (33) assygnyd to fecche yn the Schottys pesseabylly, for he was Wardon of the Marchys. And then my Lorde of Mountegewe (33) toke hys jornaye towarde the Newe Castelle. And by the waye was fulle falsely i-purvyde that fals Duke Harry of Somersett (28) and Percy (39), with hyr feleschyppe assocyat unto them, that there was layde by the waye, a lytylle from the Newecastel, in a woode, that fals traytoure Syr Umfray Nevyle (25), with iiij schore [Note. 80] sperys, and the bowys there too. And they shulde have falle on the Lorde Mountegeue (33) sodenly, and slayne hym sodenly, but, God be thonkyd, hyr fals treson was aspyde and knowe. And thenne the Lorde Montegewe (33) toke a nothyr waye, and made to be gaderyd a grete feleschippe, and went to the Newecastelle, and soo toke hys jornaye unto Norham warde. Ande in the wey thedyrwarde there met with hym that fals Duke of Somersette (28), Syr Raffe Percy (39), the Lorde Hungerforde (33), and the Lorde Roos (36), whythe alle hyr company, to the nombyr of vM [Note. 5000] men of armys. And thys metynge was a pon Synte Markys day; and that same day was Syr Raffe Percy (39) slayne. And whenn that he was dede alle the party was schomfytyd and put to rebuke. Ande every man avoydyd and toke hys way with fulle sory hertys. And thenn my Lorde of Mountegeue (33) toke hys hors and roode to Norham, and fecchyd yn the Schottys, and brought hem unto the Lordys Commyssyonourys. And there was concludyd a pes [Note. peace] for xv yere with the Schottys. And the Schottys ben trewe hyt moste nedys contynu so longe, but hit ys harde for to tryste unto hem, for they byn evyr founde fulle of gyle and dyssayte.
Chronicle of Gregory 1464. May 1464. Ande be syde Newecastelle, the same monythe, [t]er was i-take Taylbosse (49) in a cole pyt, and he hadde moche mony with hym, bothe golde and sylvyr, that schulde have gon unto Kyng Harry: and yf [it] had come to Harry, lat Kynge of Ingelonde, hyt wolde have causyd moche sory sorowe, for he had ordaynyd harneys and ordenance i-nowe, but the men wolde not go one fote with hym tylle they had mony. And they waytyd dayly and howrely for mony that thys Taylebosse (49) shulde have send unto hem or brought hyt; the summa was iijMl [Note. 3000] marke. And the lordys mayny of Montegewe were sore hurte and seke, and many of hys men wer slayne by for in the grete jornays, but thys mony was departyd a-monge hem, and was a very holsum salfe for hem. And in the day folowyng Taylebosse (49) loste hys hedde at Newecastelle.
Nowe take hede what love may doo, for love wylle not nor may not caste no faute nor perelle in noo thyng.
Chronicle of Gregory 1464. 14 May 1464. Ande the xiiij daye of May nexte aftyr, my Lorde of Mountegeue (33) toke hys jornaye toward Hexham from the Newecastelle. And there he toke that fals Duke Harry Beuford of Somersett (28), the Lord Roos (36), the Lorde Hungerforde (33), Syr Pylyppe Wenteworthe (40), Syr Thomas Fyndorne, whythe many o[t]yr; loo, soo manly a man ys thys good Erle Mountegewe, for he sparyd not hyr malysse, nor hyr falssenysse, nor gyle, nor treson, and toke meny of men and slowe many one in that jornaye.
Chronicle of Gregory 1464. 17 May 1464. At the Newecastelle, the xvij day of May, he let to be smete of the heddys, as the namys of hem done appere here aftyr in wrytynge: Fyrste, the hedde of the Lorde Hungerforde (33), the Lorde Roos (36), Syr Thomas Fyndorne, Barnarde de la Mare, Nycholas Massam.
On 18 May 1464 Robert Hungerford 3rd Baron Hungerford 1st Baron Moleyns 1431-1464 (33) was executed at Newcastle upon Tyne having been captured at the Battle of Hexham. He was buried at the Hungerford Chapel at Salisbury Cathedral. His daughter Mary Hungerford Baroness Hastings 4th Baroness Hungerford 5th Baroness Botreaux 2nd Baroness Moleyns 1466-1553 became the ward of William Hastings 1st Baron Hastings 1431-1483 (33) whose son Edward Hastings 2nd Baron Hastings Baron Botreaux 1466-1506 she subsequently married.
On 15 Oct 1542 William Fitzwilliam 1st Earl of Southampton 1490-1542 (52) died at Newcastle upon Tyne. Anthony Browne 1500-1548 (42) inherited Cowdray House.
In 1572 Thomas Liddell of Newcastle upon Tyne -1577 was appointed Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1584 Henry Mitford Mercer of Newcastle on Tyne 1543-1596 (41) was elected Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1597 Thomas Liddell of Ravensworth Castle 1555-1619 (42) was appointed Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1609 Thomas Liddell of Ravensworth Castle 1555-1619 (54) was appointed Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1625 Thomas Liddell 1st Baronet 1578-1652 (47) was appointed Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1634 Thomas Liddell 1st Baronet 1578-1652 (56) was appointed Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1636 Thomas Liddell 1st Baronet 1578-1652 (58) was appointed Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1637 John Marlay 1590-1673 (47) was elected Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
Between Jun 1640 and Oct 1640 the Second Bishop's War was an attack by the Scottish Covenanters into England against King Charles I of England, Scotland and Ireland 1600-1649 (39). The Scots crossed into Northumberland reaching Newcastle upon Tyne. In Oct 1640 King Charles I of England, Scotland and Ireland 1600-1649 (39) sued for peace.
In 1642 John Marlay 1590-1673 (52) was elected Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
Before 03 Feb 1644 John Marlay 1590-1673 was appointed Governor of Newcastle upon Tyne. He defended the city during seven months of siege by the Scots army.
Around 1650 Captain Anthony Marlay 1650-1691 was born to John Marlay 1590-1673 (60) at Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1661 John Marlay 1590-1673 (71) was elected Mayor of Newcastle upon Tyne.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 23 November 1663. 23 Nov 1663. Here Mr. Moore and I parted, and I up to the Speaker's chamber, and there met Mr. Coventry (35) by appointment to discourse about Field's business, and thence we parting I homewards and called at the Coffeehouse, and there by great accident hear that a letter is come that our ship is safe come to Newcastle. With this news I went like an asse presently to Alderman Backewell (45) and, told him of it, and he and I went to the African House in Broad Street to have spoke with Sir W. Rider to tell him of it, but missed him. Now what an opportunity had I to have concealed this and seemed to have made an insurance and got £100 with the least trouble and danger in the whole world. This troubles me to think I should be so oversoon.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 25 November 1663. 25 Nov 1663. Up and to Sir G. Carteret's (53) house, and with him by coach to Whitehall. He uses me mighty well to my great joy, and in our discourse took occasion to tell me that as I did desire of him the other day so he desires of me the same favour that we may tell one another at any time any thing that passes among us at the office or elsewhere wherein we are either dissatisfied one with another, and that I should find him in all things as kind and ready to serve me as my own brother. This methinks-was very sudden and extraordinary and do please me mightily, and I am resolved by no means ever to lose him again if I can. He told me that he did still observe my care for the King's service in my office. He set me down in Fleet Street and thence I by another coach to my Lord Sandwich's (38), and there I did present him Mr. Barlow's "Terella", with which he was very much pleased, and he did show me great kindnesse, and by other discourse I have reason to think that he is not at all, as I feared he would be, discontented against me more than the trouble of the thing will work upon him.
I left him in good humour, and I to White Hall, to the Duke of York (30) and Mr. Coventry (35), and there advised about insuring the hempe ship at 12 per cent., notwithstanding her being come to Newcastle, and I do hope that in all my three places which are now my hopes and supports I may not now fear any thing, but with care, which through the Lord's blessing I will never more neglect, I don't doubt but to keep myself up with them all. For in the Duke (30), and Mr. Coventry (35), my Lord Sandwich (38) and Sir G. Carteret (53) I place my greatest hopes, and it pleased me yesterday that Mr. Coventry (35) in the coach (he carrying me to the Exchange at noon from the office) did, speaking of Sir W. Batten (62), say that though there was a difference between them, yet he would embrace any good motion of Sir W. Batten (62) to the King's advantage as well as of Mr. Pepys' or any friend he had. And when I talked that I would go about doing something of the Controller's work when I had time, and that I thought the Controller would not take it ill, he wittily replied that there was nothing in the world so hateful as a dog in the manger.
Back by coach to the Exchange, there spoke with Sir W. Rider about insuring, and spoke with several other persons about business, and shall become pretty well known quickly.
Thence home to dinner with my poor wife, and with great joy to my office, and there all the afternoon about business, and among others Mr. Bland came to me and had good discourse, and he has chose me a referee for him in a business, and anon in the evening comes Sir W. Warren, and he and I had admirable discourse. He advised me in things I desired about, bummary, [bottomry] and other ways of putting out money as in parts of ships, how dangerous they are, and lastly fell to talk of the Dutch management of the Navy, and I think will helpe me to some accounts of things of the Dutch Admiralty, which I am mighty desirous to know. He seemed to have been mighty privy with my Lord Albemarle (54) in things before this great turn, and to the King's dallying with him and others for some years before, but I doubt all was not very true. However, his discourse is very useful in general, though he would seem a little more than ordinary in this. Late at night home to supper and to bed, my mind in good ease all but my health, of which I am not a little doubtful.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 13 June 1667. 13 Jun 1667. No sooner up but hear the sad newes confirmed of the Royall Charles being taken by them, and now in fitting by them—which Pett (56) should have carried up higher by our several orders, and deserves, therefore, to be hanged for not doing it—and turning several others; and that another fleete is come up into the Hope.
Upon which newes the King (37) and Duke of York (33) have been below [Below London Bridge.] since four o'clock in the morning, to command the sinking of ships at Barking-Creeke, and other places, to stop their coming up higher: which put me into such a fear, that I presently resolved of my father's and wife's going into the country; and, at two hours' warning, they did go by the coach this day, with about £1300 in gold in their night-bag. Pray God give them good passage, and good care to hide it when they come home! but my heart is full of fear.
They gone, I continued in fright and fear what to do with the rest. W. Hewer (25) hath been at the banker's, and hath got £500 out of Backewell's hands of his own money; but they are so called upon that they will be all broke, hundreds coming to them for money: and their answer is, "It is payable at twenty days—when the days are out, we will pay you"; and those that are not so, they make tell over their money, and make their bags false, on purpose to give cause to retell it, and so spend time. I cannot have my 200 pieces of gold again for silver, all being bought up last night that were to be had, and sold for 24 and 25s. a-piece. So I must keep the silver by me, which sometimes I think to fling into the house of office, and then again know not how I shall come by it, if we be made to leave the office. Every minute some one or other calls for this or that order; and so I forced to be at the office, most of the day, about the fire-ships which are to be suddenly fitted out: and it's a most strange thing that we hear nothing from any of my brethren at Chatham; so that we are wholly in the dark, various being the reports of what is done there; insomuch that I sent Mr. Clapham express thither to see how matters go: I did, about noon, resolve to send Mr. Gibson away after my wife with another 1000 pieces, under colour of an express to Sir Jeremy Smith; who is, as I hear, with some ships at Newcastle; which I did really send to him, and may, possibly, prove of good use to the King (37); for it is possible, in the hurry of business, they may not think of it at Court, and the charge of an express is not considerable to the King (37).
So though I intend Gibson no further than to Huntingdon I direct him to send the packet forward. My business the most of the afternoon is listening to every body that comes to the office, what news? which is variously related, some better, some worse, but nothing certain. The King (37) and Duke of York (33) up and down all the day here and there: some time on Tower Hill, where the City militia was; where the King (37) did make a speech to them, that they should venture themselves no further than he would himself. I also sent, my mind being in pain, Saunders after my wife and father, to overtake them at their night's lodgings, to see how matters go with them.
In the evening, I sent for my cousin Sarah [Gyles] and her husband, who come; and I did deliver them my chest of writings about Brampton, and my brother Tom's (33) papers, and my journalls, which I value much; and did send my two silver flaggons to Kate Joyce's: that so, being scattered what I have, something might be saved. I have also made a girdle, by which, with some trouble, I do carry about me £300 in gold about my body, that I may not be without something in case I should be surprised: for I think, in any nation but our's, people that appear (for we are not indeed so) so faulty as we, would have their throats cut.
In the evening comes Mr. Pelling, and several others, to the office, and tell me that never were people so dejected as they are in the City all over at this day; and do talk most loudly, even treason; as, that we are bought and sold—that we are betrayed by the Papists, and others, about the King (37); cry out that the office of the Ordnance hath been so backward as no powder to have been at Chatham nor Upnor Castle till such a time, and the carriages all broken; that Legg is a Papist; that Upnor, the old good castle built by Queen Elizabeth, should be lately slighted; that the ships at Chatham should not be carried up higher. They look upon us as lost, and remove their families and rich goods in the City; and do think verily that the French, being come down with his army to Dunkirke, it is to invade us, and that we shall be invaded. Mr. Clerke (44), the solicitor, comes to me about business, and tells me that he hears that the King (37) hath chosen Mr. Pierpont (59) and Vaughan (63) of the West, Privy-councillors; that my Chancellor (58) was affronted in the Hall this day, by people telling him of his Dunkirke house; and that there are regiments ordered to be got together, whereof to be commanders my Lord Fairfax (55), Ingoldsby (49), Bethell, Norton, and Birch (51), and other Presbyterians; and that Dr. Bates will have liberty to preach. Now, whether this be true or not, I know not; but do think that nothing but this will unite us together.
Late at night comes Mr. Hudson, the cooper, my neighbour, and tells me that he come from Chatham this evening at five o'clock, and saw this afternoon "The Royal James", "Oake", and "London", burnt by the enemy with their fire-ships: that two or three men-of-war come up with them, and made no more of Upnor's shooting, than of a fly; that those ships lay below Upnor Castle, but therein, I conceive, he is in an error; that the Dutch are fitting out "The Royall Charles"; that we shot so far as from the Yard thither, so that the shot did no good, for the bullets grazed on the water; that Upnor played hard with their guns at first, but slowly afterwards, either from the men being beat off, or their powder spent. But we hear that the fleete in the Hope is not come up any higher the last flood; and Sir W. Batten (66) tells me that ships are provided to sink in the River, about Woolwich, that will prevent their coming up higher if they should attempt it. I made my will also this day, and did give all I had equally between my father and wife, and left copies of it in each of Mr. Hater and W. Hewer's (25) hands, who both witnessed the will, and so to supper and then to bed, and slept pretty well, but yet often waking.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 23 June 1667. 23 Jun 1667. Lord's Day. Up to my chamber, and there all the morning reading in my Lord Coke's Pleas of the Crowne, very fine noble reading. After church time comes my wife and Sir W. Pen (46) his lady (43) and daughter (16); and Mrs. Markham and Captain Harrison (who come to dine with them), by invitation end dined with me, they as good as inviting themselves. I confess I hate their company and tricks, and so had no great pleasure in [it], but a good dinner lost.
After dinner they all to church, and I by water alone to Woolwich, and there called on Mr. Bodham: and he and I to see the batterys newly raised; which, indeed, are good works to command the River below the ships that are sunk, but not above them. Here I met with Captain Cocke (50) and Matt. Wren (38), Fenn, and Charles Porter (35), and Temple and his wife. Here I fell in with these, and to Bodham's with them, and there we sat and laughed and drank in his arbour, Wren (38) making much and kissing all the day of Temple's wife.
It is a sad sight to see so many good ships there sunk in the River, while we would be thought to be masters of the sea. Cocke (50) says the bankers cannot, till peace returns, ever hope to have credit again; so that they can pay no more money, but people must be contented to take publick security such as they can give them; and if so, and they do live to receive the money thereupon, the bankers will be happy men. Fenn read me an order of council passed the 17th instant, directing all the Treasurers of any part of the King's revenue to make no payments but such as shall be approved by the present Lords Commissioners; which will, I think, spoil the credit of all his Majesty's service, when people cannot depend upon payment any where. But the King's declaration in behalf of the bankers, to make good their assignments for money, is very good, and will, I hope, secure me. Cocke (50) says, that he hears it is come to it now, that the King (37) will try what he can soon do for a peace; and if he cannot, that then he will cast all upon the Parliament to do as they see fit: and in doing so, perhaps, he may save us all.
The King of France (28), it is believed, is engaged for this year1 so that we shall be safe as to him. The great misery the City and kingdom is like to suffer for want of coals in a little time is very visible, and, is feared, will breed a mutiny; for we are not in any prospect to command the sea for our colliers to come, but rather, it is feared, the Dutch may go and burn all our colliers at Newcastle; though others do say that they lie safe enough there. No news at all of late from Bredagh what our Treaters do.
By and by, all by water in three boats to Greenwich, there to Cocke's (50), where we supped well, and then late, Wren, Fenn, and I home by water, set me in at the Tower, and they to White Hall, and so I home, and after a little talk with my wife to bed.
Note 1. Louis XIV (28).was at this time in Flanders, with his Queen (28), his mistresses, and all his Court. Turenne commanded under him. Whilst Charles was hunting moths at Baroness Castlemaine's (26), and the English fleet was burning, Louis was carrying on the campaign with vigour. Armentieres was taken on the 28th May; Charleroi on the 2nd June, St. Winox on the 6th, Fumes on the 12th, Ath on the 16th, Toumay on the 24th; the Escarpe on the 6th July, Courtray on the 18th, Audenarde on the 31st; and Lisle on the 27th August. B.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 08 September 1667. 08 Sep 1667. Lord's Day. Up, and walked to St. James's; but there I find Sir W. Coventry (39) gone from his chamber, and Mr. Wren (38) not yet come thither. But I up to the Duke of York (33), and there, after being ready, my Lord Bruncker (47) and I had an audience, and thence with my Lord Bruncker (47) to White Hall, and he told me, in discourse, how that, though it is true that Sir W. Coventry (39) did long since propose to the Duke of York (33) the leaving his service, as being unable to fulfill it, as he should do, now he hath so much public business, and that the Duke of York (33) did bid him to say nothing of it, but that he would take time to please himself in another to come in his place; yet the Duke's doing it at this time, declaring that he hath found out another, and this one of the Chancellor's (58) servants, he cannot but think was done with some displeasure, and that it could not well be otherwise, that the Duke of York (33) should keep one in that place, that had so eminently opposed him in the defence of his father-in-law, nor could the Duchesse ever endure the sight of him, to be sure. But he thinks that the Duke of York (33) and he are parted upon clear terms of friendship.
He tells me he do believe that my Baroness Castlemayne (26) is compounding with the King (37) for a pension, and to leave the Court; but that her demands are mighty high: but he believes the King (37) is resolved, and so do every body else I speak with, to do all possible to please the Parliament; and he do declare that he will deliver every body up to them to give an account of their actions: and that last Friday, it seems, there was an Act of Council passed, to put out all Papists in office, and to keep out any from coming in.
I went to the King's Chapel to the closet, and there I hear Cresset sing a tenor part along with the Church musick very handsomely, but so loud that people did laugh at him, as a thing done for ostentation. Here I met Sir G. Downing (42), who would speak with me, and first to inquire what I paid for my kid's leather gloves I had on my hand, and shewed me others on his, as handsome, as good in all points, cost him but 12d. a pair, and mine me 2s. He told me he had been seven years finding out a man that could dress English sheepskin as it should be—and, indeed, it is now as good, in all respects, as kid, and he says will save £100,000 a-year, that goes out to France for kid's skins. Thus he labours very worthily to advance our own trade, but do it with mighty vanity and talking. But then he told me of our base condition, in the treaty with Holland and France, about our prisoners, that whereas before we did clear one another's prisoners, man for man, and we upon the publication of the peace did release all our's, 300 at Leith, and others in other places for nothing, the Dutch do keep theirs, and will not discharge them with[out] paying their debts according to the Treaty. That his instruments in Holland, writing to our Embassadors about this to Bredagh, they answer them that they do not know of any thing that they have done therein, but left it just as it was before. To which, when they answer, that by the treaty their Lordships had [not] bound our countrymen to pay their debts in prison, they answer they cannot help it, and we must get them off as cheap as we can. On this score, they demand £1100 for Sir G. Ascue (51), and £5000 for the one province of Zealand, for the prisoners that we have therein. He says that this is a piece of shame that never any nation committed, and that our very Lords here of the Council, when he related this matter to them, did not remember that they had agreed to this article; and swears that all their articles are alike, as the giving away Polleroon, and Surinam, and Nova Scotia, which hath a river 300 miles up the country, with copper mines more than Swedeland, and Newcastle coals, the only place in America that hath coals that we know of; and that Cromwell did value those places, and would for ever have made much of them; but we have given them away for nothing, besides a debt to the King of Denmarke (58). But, which is most of all, they have discharged those very particular demands of merchants of the Guinny company and others, which he, when he was there, had adjusted with the Dutch, and come to an agreement in writing, and they undertaken to satisfy, and that this was done in black and white under their hands; and yet we have forgiven all these, and not so much as sent to Sir G. Downing (42) to know what he had done, or to confer with him about any one point of the treaty, but signed to what they would have, and we here signed to whatever in grosse was brought over by Mr. Coventry (39). And [Sir G. Downing (42)] tells me, just in these words, "My Chancellor (58) had a mind to keep himself from being questioned by clapping up a peace upon any terms". When I answered that there was other privy-councillors to be advised with besides him, and that, therefore, this whole peace could not be laid to his charge, he answered that nobody durst say any thing at the council-table but himself, and that the King (37) was as much afeard of saying any thing there as the meanest privy-councillor; and says more, that at this day the King (37), in familiar talk, do call the Chancellor (58) "the insolent man", and says that he would not let him speak himself in Council: which is very high, and do shew that the Chancellor (58) is like to be in a bad state, unless he can defend himself better than people think. And yet Creed tells me that he do hear that my Lord Cornbury do say that his father do long for the coming of the Parliament, in order to his own vindication, more than any one of his enemies.
And here it comes into my head to set down what Mr. Rawlinson, whom I met in Fenchurch Street on Friday last, looking over his ruines there, told me, that he was told by one of my Chancellor's (58) gentlemen lately (————byname), that a grant coming to him to be sealed, wherein the King (37) hath given her [Baroness Castlemaine (26)], or somebody by her means, a place which he did not like well of, he did stop the grant; saying, that he thought this woman would sell everything shortly: which she hearing of, she sent to let him know that she had disposed of this place, and did not doubt, in a little time, to dispose of his. This Rawlinson do tell me my Chancellor's (58) own gentleman did tell him himself.
Thence, meeting Creed, I with him to the Parke, there to walk a little, and to the Queen's Chapel and there hear their musique, which I liked in itself pretty well as to the composition, but their voices are very harsh and rough that I thought it was some instruments they had that made them sound so.
So to White Hall, and saw the King (37) and Queen (28) at dinner; and observed (which I never did before), the formality, but it is but a formality, of putting a bit of bread wiped upon each dish into the mouth of every man that brings a dish; but it should be in the sauce. Here were some Russes come to see the King (37) at dinner: among others, the interpreter, a comely Englishman, in the Envoy's own clothes; which the Envoy, it seems, in vanity did send to show his fine clothes upon this man's back, which is one, it seems, of a comelier presence than himself: and yet it is said that none of their clothes are their own, but taken out of the King's own Wardrobe; and which they dare not bring back dirty or spotted, but clean, or are in danger of being beaten, as they say: insomuch that, Sir Charles Cotterell (52) says, when they are to have an audience they never venture to put on their clothes till he appears to come to fetch them; and, as soon as ever they come home, put them off again.
I to Sir G. Carteret's (57) to dinner; where Mr. Cofferer (63) Ashburnham; who told a good story of a prisoner's being condemned at Salisbury for a small matter. While he was on the bench with his father-in-law, judge Richardson, and while they were considering to transport him to save his life, the fellow flung a great stone at the judge, that missed him, but broke through the wainscoat. Upon this, he had his hand cut off, and was hanged presently! Here was a gentleman, one Sheres, one come lately from my Lord Sandwich (42), with an express; but, Lord! I was almost ashamed to see him, lest he should know that I have not yet wrote one letter to my Lord since his going. I had no discourse with him, but after dinner Sir G. Carteret (57) and I to talk about some business of his, and so I to Mrs. Martin, where was Mrs. Burroughs, and also fine Mrs. Noble, my partner in the christening of Martin's child, did come to see it, and there we sat and talked an hour, and then all broke up and I by coach home, and there find Mr. Pelling and Howe, and we to sing and good musique till late, and then to supper, and Howe lay at my house, and so after supper to bed with much content, only my mind a little troubled at my late breach of vowes, which however I will pay my forfeits, though the badness of my eyes, making me unfit to read or write long, is my excuse, and do put me upon other pleasures and employment which I should refrain from in observation of my vowes.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 13 September 1667. 13 Sep 1667. Called up by people come to deliver in ten chaldron of coals, brought in one of our prizes from Newcastle. The rest we intend to sell, we having above ten chaldron between us. They sell at about 28s. or 29s. per chaldron; but Sir W. Batten (66) hath sworn that he was a cuckold that sells under 30s., and that makes us lay up all but what we have for our own spending, which is very pleasant; for I believe we shall be glad to sell them for less.
To the office, and there despatched business till ten o'clock, and then with Sir W. Batten (66) and my wife and Mrs. Turner (44) by Hackney-coach to Walthamstow, to Mr. Shipman's to dinner, where Sir W. Pen (46) and my Lady and Mrs. Lowther (the latter of which hath got a sore nose, given her, I believe, from her husband, which made me I could not look upon her with any pleasure), and here a very good and plentifull wholesome dinner, and, above all thing, such plenty of milk meats, she keeping a great dairy, and so good as I never met with. The afternoon proved very foul weather, the morning fair. We staid talking till evening, and then home, and there to my flageolet with my wife, and so to bed without any supper, my belly being full and dinner not digested. It vexed me to hear how Sir W. Pen (46), who come alone from London, being to send his coachman for his wife and daughter, and bidding his coachman in much anger to go for them (he being vexed, like a rogue, to do anything to please his wife), his coachman Tom was heard to say a pox, or God rot her, can she walk hither? These words do so mad me that I could find in my heart to give him or my Lady notice of them.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 11 December 1667. 11 Dec 1667. By coach to White Hall, and there attended the Duke of York (34), as we are wont, who is now grown pretty well, and goes up and down White Hall, and this night will be at the Council, which I am glad of.
Thence to Westminster Hall, and there walked most of the morning, and among others did there meet my cozen Roger Pepys (50), who intends to go to Impington on this day s'ennight, the Parliament break up the night before. Here I met Rolt (38) and Sir John Chichly (27), and Harris (33), the player, and there we talked of many things, and particularly of "Catiline", which is to be suddenly acted at the King's house; and there all agree that it cannot be well done at that house, there not being good actors enow: and Burt' acts Cicero, which they all conclude he will not be able to do well. The King (37) gives them £500 for robes, there being, as they say, to be sixteen scarlett robes.
Thence home to dinner, and would have had Harris (33) home with me, but it was too late for him to get to the playhouse after it, and so home to dinner, and spent the afternoon talking with my wife and people at home till the evening, and then comes Sir W. Warren to talk about some business of his and mine: and he, I find, would have me not to think that the Parliament, in the mind they are in, and having so many good offices in their view to dispose of, will leave any of the King's officers in, but will rout all, though I am likely to escape as well as any, if any can escape; and I think he is in the right, and I do look for it accordingly. Then we fell to discourse of my little vessel, "The Maybolt", and he thinks that it will be best for me to employ her for a voyage to Newcastle for coles, they being now dear, and the voyage not long, nor dangerous yet; and I think I shall go near to do so. Then, talking of his business, I away to the office, where very busy, and thither comes Sir W. Pen (46), and he and I walked together in the garden, and there told me what passed to-day with him in the Committee, by my Lord Sandwich's (42) breaking bulk of the prizes; and he do seem to me that he hath left it pretty well understood by them, he saying that what my Lord did was done at the desire, and with the advice, of the chief officers of the fleete, and that it was no more than admirals heretofore have done in like cases, which, if it be true that he said it, is very well, and did please me well. He being gone, I to my office again and there late, and so weary home.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 31 December 1667. 31 Dec 1667. Up, without words to my wife, or few, and those not angry, and so to White Hall, and there waited a long time, while the Duke of York (34) was with the King (37) in the Caball, and there I and Creed stayed talking without, in the Vane-Room, and I perceive all people's expectation is, what will be the issue of this great business of putting these great Lords out of the council and power, the quarrel, I perceive, being only their standing against the will of the King (37) in the business of the Chancellor (58). Anon the Duke of York (34) comes out, and then to a Committee of Tangier, where my Lord_Middleton (59) did come to-day, and seems to me but a dull, heavy man; but he is a great soldier, and stout, and a needy Lord, which will still keep that poor garrison from ever coming to be worth anything to the King (37). Here, after a short meeting, we broke up, and I home to the office, where they are sitting, and so I to them, and having done our business rose, and I home to dinner with my people, and there dined with me my uncle Thomas (72), with a mourning hat-band on, for his daughter Mary, and here I and my people did discourse of the Act for the accounts1, which do give the greatest power to these people, as they report that have read it (I having not yet read it, and indeed its nature is such as I have no mind to go about to read it, for fear of meeting matter in it to trouble me), that ever was given to any subjects, and too much also.
After dinner with my wife and girl to Unthanke's, and there left her, and I to Westminster, and there to Mrs. Martin's, and did hazer con elle what I desired, and there did drink with her, and find fault with her husband's wearing of too fine clothes, by which I perceive he will be a beggar, and so after a little talking I away and took up my wife again, and so home and to the office, where Captain Perryman did give me an account, walking in the garden, how the seamen of England are discouraged by want of money (or otherwise by being, as he says, but I think without cause, by their being underrated) so far as that he thinks the greatest part are gone abroad or going, and says that it is known that there are Irish in the town, up and down, that do labour to entice the seamen out of the nation by giving them £3 in hand, and promise of 40s. per month, to go into the King of France's (29) service, which is a mighty shame, but yet I believe is true. I did advise with him about my little vessel, "The Maybolt", which he says will be best for me to sell, though my employing her to Newcastle this winter, and the next spring, for coles, will be a gainful trade, but yet make me great trouble, but I will think of it, and so to my office, ended my letters, and so home to supper and to bed, good friends with my wife. Thus ends the year, with great happiness to myself and family as to health and good condition in the world, blessed be God for it! only with great trouble to my mind in reference to the publick, there being little hopes left but that the whole nation must in a very little time be lost, either by troubles at home, the Parliament being dissatisfied, and the King (37) led into unsettled councils by some about him, himself considering little, and divisions growing between the King (37) and Duke of York (34); or else by foreign invasion, to which we must submit if any, at this bad point of time, should come upon us, which the King of France (29) is well able to do. These thoughts, and some cares upon me, concerning my standing in this Office when the Committee of Parliament shall come to examine our Navy matters, which they will now shortly do. I pray God they may do the Kingdom service therein, as they will have sufficient opportunity of doing it!
Diary of Samuel Pepys 13 November 1668. 13 Nov 1668. Up, and with Sir W. Pen (47) by coach to White Hall, where to the Duke of York (35), and there did our usual business; and thence I to the Commissioners of the Treasury, where I staid, and heard an excellent case argued between my Lord Gerard (50) and the Town of Newcastle, about a piece of ground which that Lord hath got a grant of, under the Exchequer Seal, which they were endeavouring to get of the King (38) under the Great Seal. I liked mightily the Counsel for the town, Shaftow, their Recorder, and Mr. Offly. But I was troubled, and so were the Lords, to hear my Lord fly out against their great pretence of merit from the King (38), for their sufferings and loyalty; telling them that they might thank him for that repute which they have for their loyalty, for that it was he that forced them to be so, against their wills, when he was there: and, moreover, did offer a paper to the Lords to read from the Town, sent in 1648; but the Lords would not read it; but I believe it was something about bringing the King (38) to trial, or some such thing, in that year.
Thence I to the Three Tuns Tavern, by Charing Cross, and there dined with W. Pen (47), Sir J. Minnes (69), and Commissioner Middleton; and as merry as my mind could be, that hath so much trouble upon it at home. And thence to White Hall, and there staid in Mr. Wren's chamber with him, reading over my draught of a letter, which Mr. Gibson then attended me with; and there he did like all, but doubted whether it would be necessary for the Duke to write in so sharp a style to the Office, as I had drawn it in; which I yield to him, to consider the present posture of the times and the Duke of York (35) and whether it were not better to err on that hand than the other. He told me that he did not think it was necessary for the Duke of York (35) to do so, and that it would not suit so well with his nature nor greatness; which last, perhaps, is true, but then do too truly shew the effects of having Princes in places, where order and discipline should be. I left it to him to do as the Duke of York (35) pleases; and so fell to other talk, and with great freedom, of public things; and he told me, upon my several inquiries to that purpose, that he did believe it was not yet resolved whether the Parliament should ever meet more or no, the three great rulers of things now standing thus:-The Duke of Buckingham (40) is absolutely against their meeting, as moved thereto by his people that he advises with, the people of the late times, who do never expect to have any thing done by this Parliament for their religion, and who do propose that, by the sale of the Church-lands, they shall be able to put the King (38) out of debt: my Lord Keeper is utterly against putting away this and choosing another Parliament, lest they prove worse than this, and will make all the King's friends, and the King (38) himself, in a desperate condition: my Lord Arlington (50) know not which is best for him, being to seek whether this or the next will use him worst. He tells me that he believes that it is intended to call this Parliament, and try them with a sum of money; and, if they do not like it, then to send them going, and call another, who will, at the ruin of the Church perhaps, please the King (38) with what he will for a time. And he tells me, therefore, that he do believe that this policy will be endeavoured by the Church and their friends-to seem to promise the King (38) money, when it shall be propounded, but make the King (38) and these great men buy it dear, before they have it. He tells me that he is really persuaded that the design of the Duke of Buckingham (40) is, by bringing the state into such a condition as, if the King (38) do die without issue, it shall, upon his death, break into pieces again; and so put by the Duke of York (35), who they have disobliged, they know, to that degree, as to despair of his pardon. He tells me that there is no way to rule the King (38) but by brisknesse, which the Duke of Buckingham (40) hath above all men; and that the Duke of York (35) having it not, his best way is what he practices, that is to say, a good temper, which will support him till the Duke of Buckingham (40) and Lord Arlington (50) fall out, which cannot be long first, the former knowing that the latter did, in the time of the Chancellor (59), endeavour with the Chancellor (59) to hang him at that time, when he was proclaimed against. And here, by the by, he told me that the Duke of Buckingham (40) did, by his friends, treat with my Chancellor (59), by the mediation of Matt. Wren (39) and Matt. Clifford, to fall in with my Chancellor (59); which, he tells me, he did advise my Chancellor (59) to accept of, as that, that with his own interest and the Duke of York's (35), would undoubtedly have assured all to him and his family; but that my Chancellor (59) was a man not to be advised, thinking himself too high to be counselled: and so all is come to nothing; for by that means the Duke of Buckingham (40) became desperate, and was forced to fall in with Arlington (50), to his [the Chancellor's (59)] ruin.
Thence I home, and there to talk, with great pleasure all the evening, with my wife, who tells me that Deb, has been abroad to-day, and is come home and says she has got a place to go to, so as she will be gone tomorrow morning. This troubled me, and the truth is, I have a good mind to have the maidenhead of this girl, which I should not doubt to have if je could get time para be con her. But she will be gone and I not know whither. Before we went to bed my wife told me she would not have me to see her or give her her wages, and so I did give my wife £10 for her year and half a quarter's wages, which she went into her chamber and paid her, and so to bed, and there, blessed be God! we did sleep well and with peace, which I had not done in now almost twenty nights together. This afternoon I went to my coachmaker and Crow's (51), and there saw things go on to my great content. This morning, at the Treasury-chamber, I did meet Jack Fenn, and there he did shew me my Lord Anglesey's (54) petition and the King's answer: the former good and stout, as I before did hear it: but the latter short and weak, saying that he was not, by what the King (38) had done, hindered from taking the benefit of his laws, and that the reason he had to suspect his mismanagement of his money in Ireland, did make him think it unfit to trust him with his Treasury in England, till he was satisfied in the former.
John Evelyn's Diary 10 September 1677. 10 Sep 1677. To divert me, my Lord (59) would needs carry me to see Ipswich, when we dined with one Mr. Mann by the way, who was Recorder of the town. There were in our company my Lord Huntingtower (28), son to the Duchess of Lauderdale (50), Sir Edward Bacon, a learned gentleman of the family of the great Chancellor Verulam, and Sir John Felton, with some other knights and gentlemen. After dinner came the bailiff and magistrates in their formalities with their maces to compliment my Lord (59), and invite him to the town-house, where they presented us a collation of dried sweetmeats and wine, the bells ringing, etc. Then, we went to see the town, and first, the Lord Viscount Hereford's (3) house, which stands in a park near the town, like that at Brussels, in Flanders; the house not great, yet pretty, especially the hall. The stews for fish succeeded one another, and feed one the other, all paved at bottom. There is a good picture of the blessed virgin in one of the parlors, seeming to be of Holbein, or some good master. Then we saw the Haven, seven miles from Harwich. The tide runs out every day, but the bedding being soft mud, it is safe for shipping and a station. The trade of Ipswich is for the most part Newcastle upon Tyne coals, with which they supply London; but it was formerly a clothing town. There is not any beggar asks alms in the whole place, a thing very extraordinary, so ordered by the prudence of the magistrates. It has in it fourteen or fifteen beautiful churches: in a word, it is for building, cleanness, and good order, one of the best towns in England. Cardinal Wolsey was a butcher's son of Ipswich, but there is little of that magnificent Prelate's foundation here, besides a school and I think a library, which I did not see. His intentions were to build some great thing. We returned late to Euston, having traveled about fifty miles this day.
Since first I was at this place, I found things exceedingly improved. It is seated in a bottom between two graceful swellings, the main building being now in the figure of a Greek II with four pavilions, two at each corner, and a break in the front, railed and balustered at the top, where I caused huge jars to be placed full of earth to keep them steady upon their pedestals between the statues, which make as good a show as if they were of stone, and, though the building be of brick, and but two stories besides cellars and garrets covered with blue slate, yet there is room enough for a full court, the offices and outhouses being so ample and well disposed. the King's (47) apartment is painted à fresco, and magnificently furnished. There are many excellent pictures of the great masters. The gallery is a pleasant, noble room; in the break, or middle, is a billiard table, but the wainscot, being of fir, and painted, does not please me so well as Spanish oak without paint. The chapel is pretty, the porch descending to the gardens. The orange garden is very fine, and leads into the greenhouse, at the end of which is a hall to eat in, and the conservatory some hundred feet long, adorned with maps, as the other side is with the heads of the Cæsars, ill cut in alabaster; above are several apartments for my Lord, Lady, and Duchess, with kitchens and other offices below, in a lesser form; lodgings for servants, all distinct for them to retire to when they please and would be in private, and have no communication with the palace, which he tells me he will wholly resign to his son-in-law and daughter, that charming young creature.
The canal running under my Lady's (43) dressing room chamber window, is full of carps and fowl, which come and are fed there. The cascade at the end of the canal turns a cornmill that provides the family, and raises water for the fountains and offices. To pass this canal into the opposite meadows, Sir Samuel Morland (52) has invented a screw bridge, which, being turned with a key, lands you fifty feet distant at the entrance of an ascending walk of trees, a mile in length,—as it is also on the front into the park,—of four rows of ash trees, and reaches to the park pale, which is nine miles in compass, and the best for riding and meeting the game that I ever saw. There were now of red and fallow deer almost a thousand, with good covert, but the soil barren and flying sand, in which nothing will grow kindly. The tufts of fir, and much of the other wood, were planted by my direction some years before. This seat is admirably placed for field sports, hawking, hunting, or racing. The Mutton is small, but sweet. The stables hold thirty horses and four coaches. The out-offices make two large quadrangles, so as servants never lived with more ease and convenience; never master more civil. Strangers are attended and accommodated as at their home, in pretty apartments furnished with all manner of conveniences and privacy.
There is a library full of excellent books; bathing rooms, elaboratory, dispensary, a decoy, and places to keep and fat fowl in. He had now in his new church (near the garden) built a dormitory, or vault, with several repositories, in which to bury his family.
In the expense of this pious structure, the church is most laudable, most of the houses of God in this country resembling rather stables and thatched cottages than temples in which to serve the Most High. He has built a lodge in the park for the keeper, which is a neat dwelling, and might become any gentleman. The same has he done for the parson, little deserving it for murmuring that my Lord put him some time out of his wretched hovel, while it was building. He has also erected a fair inn at some distance from his palace, with a bridge of stone over a river near it, and repaired all the tenants' houses, so as there is nothing but neatness and accommodations about his estate, which I yet think is not above £1,500 a year. I believe he had now in his family one hundred domestic servants.
His lady (43) (being one of the Brederode's (75) daughters, grandchild to a natural son of Henry Frederick, Prince of Orange (93)) [Note. Evelyn confused here. Elisabeth Nassau Beverweert Countess Arlington 1633-1718 (43) was the daughter of Louis Nassau Beverweert 1602-1665 (75) who was the illegitimate son of Prince Maurice I of Orange 1567-1625. Frederick Henry Orange Nassau II Prince Orange 1584-1647 (93) was the younger brother of Prince Maurice I of Orange 1567-1625.] is a good-natured and obliging woman. They love fine things, and to live easily, pompously, and hospitably; but, with so vast expense, as plunges my Lord (59) into debts exceedingly. My Lord (59) himself is given into no expensive vice but building, and to have all things rich, polite, and princely. He never plays, but reads much, having the Latin, French, and Spanish tongues in perfection. He has traveled much, and is the best bred and courtly person his Majesty (47) has about him, so as the public Ministers more frequent him than any of the rest of the nobility. While he was Secretary of State and Prime Minister, he had gotten vastly, but spent it as hastily, even before he had established a fund to maintain his greatness; and now beginning to decline in favor (the Duke being no great friend of his), he knows not how to retrench. He was son of a Doctor of Laws, whom I have seen, and, being sent from Westminster School to Oxford, with intention to be a divine, and parson of Arlington, a village near Brentford, when Master of Arts the Rebellion falling out, he followed the King's (47) Army, and receiving an HONORABLE WOUND IN THE FACE, grew into favor, and was advanced from a mean fortune, at his Majesty's (47) Restoration, to be an Earl and Knight of the Garter, Lord Chamberlain of the Household, and first favorite for a long time, during which the King (47) married his natural son, the Duke of Grafton (13), to his only daughter (22) and heiress, as before mentioned, worthy for her beauty and virtue of the greatest prince in Christendom. My Lord is, besides this, a prudent and understanding person in business, and speaks well; unfortunate yet in those he has advanced, most of them proving ungrateful. The many obligations and civilities I have received from this noble gentleman, extracts from me this character, and I am sorry he is in no better circumstances.
Having now passed near three weeks at Euston, to my great satisfaction, with much difficulty he suffered me to look homeward, being very earnest with me to stay longer; and, to engage me, would himself have carried me to Lynn-Regis, a town of important traffic, about twenty miles beyond, which I had never seen; as also the Traveling Sands, about ten miles wide of Euston, that have so damaged the country, rolling from place to place, and, like the Sands in the Deserts of Lybia, quite overwhelmed some gentlemen's whole estates, as the relation extant in print, and brought to our Society, describes at large.
On 14 Jan 1737 Robert Chambers Judge 1737-1803 was born to Robert Chambers Attorney at Newcastle upon Tyne.
On 03 Jul 1795 Denis Le Marchant 1st Baronet Le Marchant 1795-1874 was born at Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1858 Margaret Losh -1858 died. Her daughter Alice Boyd Painter 14th Lord Penkill 1825-1897 (33), now having lost both parents, went to live with her maternal grandfather William Losh Merchant in Newcastle upon Tyne.
In 1859 Alice Boyd Painter 14th Lord Penkill 1825-1897 (34) became a pupil of William Bell Scott Painter 1811-1890 (48) whilst he was teaching at the Government School of Design at Newcastle upon Tyne.
On 19 Oct 1944 Newcastle upon Tyne was stormed and the city garrison led by John Marlay 1590-1673 retreated to the castle. He held out there for another three days, possibly longer, and then surrendered on the promise of mercy for himself and his men. For the offence of having refused the terms of surrender, Marlay was proscribed, banished and driven into exile: for the next few years he lived mainly in the Spanish Netherlands. His estates were forfeited, and his collieries sold, and he sank into poverty.
Chronicle of Gregory 1462. Alle so the kynge sone aftyr dysposyd hym, and was purposyd to ryde into Yorke schyre and to the contray a boute, to see and understonde the dysposyscyon of the pepylle of the Northe. And toke with hym the Duke of Somersett, and ij C of hys men welle horsyd and welle i-harnaysyd. Ande the sayde Duke, Harry of Somersett, ande his men were made the Kyngys garde, for the Kyng hadde that duke in moche favyr and trustyd hym welle. But [t]e garde of hym was as men shulde put a lombe a monge wolvysse of malyscyus bestys; but Alle myghty God was the scheparde. And whenn the kynge departyd from London he toke hys way to Northehampton, and thedyr the kynge com a Syn Jamys day the Apostylle, ande that fals duke with hym. And the comyns of the towne of Northehampton and of the schyre a-boute sawe that the fals duke and traytoure was so nyghe the Kyngys presens and was made hys garde. The comyns a rosse uppon that fals traytur thee Duke of Somersett, and wolde have slayne hym with yn the kyngys palys. And thenn the kynge with fayre speche and grete defeculte savyde hys lyffe for that tyme, and that was pytte, for the savynge of hys lyffe at that tyme causyd mony mannys dethys son aftyr, as ye shalle heyre. And then the Duke sende that fals Duke of Somersett in to a castelle of hys owne fulle secretly, for save garde of hys the dukys lyffe, and the dukys men unto Newe Castelle, to kepe the towne, and gave hem goode wages fulle treuly payde. And the Kyng fulle lovyngly gave the comyns of Northehampton a tonne of wyne that they shulde drynke and make mery. And [t]e wyne was drunkyn merely in the market place, for they hadde many fayre pecys of sylvyr. I darsay ther ys no taverne that hathe not so moche of stuffe as they occupyde in hys hyr tavernys. For sum fette wyne in basynnys, and sum in caudryns, and sum in bollys, and sum in pannys and sum in dyschys. Loo, the grete tresoure that they scheuyd that tyme.
The Chronicles of Froissart Book 1 Chapter 18 How the king of England made his first journey against the Scots. Thus rode forth all that day the young king of England by mountains and deserts without finding any highway, town or village. And when it was against night they came to the river of Tyne, to the same place whereas the Scots had passed over into England, wtening to them that they must needs repass again the same way. Then the king of England and his host passed over the same river with such guides as he had, with much pain and travail, for the passage was full of great stones. And when they were over, they lodged them that night by the river side, and by that time the sun was gone to rest, and there was but few among them that had either axe or hook, or any instrument to cut down any wood to make their lodgings withal; and there were many that had lost their own company and wist not where they were. Some of the footmen were far behind and wist not well what way to take; but such as knew best the country said plainly they had ridden the same day twenty-four English miles, for they rode as fast as they might without any rest, but at such passages as they could not choose. All this night they lay by this river side, still in their harness, holding their horses by their reins in their hands, for they wist not whereunto to tie them. Thus their horses did eat no meat of all that night nor day before: they had neither oats for forage for them, nor the people of the host had no sustenance of all that day nor night, but every man his loaf that he had carried behind him, the which was sore wet with the sweat of the horses; nor they drank none other drink but the water of the river, without it were some of the lords that had carried bottles with them; nor they had no fire nor light, for they had nothing to make light withal, without it were some of the lords that had torches brought with them.
In this great trouble and danger they passed all that night, their armour still on their backs, their horses ready saddled. And when the day began to appear, the which was greatly desired of all the whole host, they trusted then to find some redress for themselves and for their horses, or else to fight with their enemies, the which they greatly desired to the intent to be delivered out of tantes; but so all that night they were fain to fast, nor their horses had nothing but leaves of trees and herbs: they cut down boughs of trees with their swords to tie withal their horses and to make themselves lodges. And about noon some poor folks of the country were found, and they said how they were as then fourteen mile from Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and eleven mile from Carlisle, and that there was no town nearer to them wherein they might find anything to do them ease withal. And when this was shewed to the king and to the lords of his council, incontinent were sent thither horses and sumpters to fetch thence some purveyance; and there was a cry in the king's name made in the town of Newcastle, that whosoever would bring bread or wine or any other victual should be paid therefore incontinent at a good price, and that they should be conducted to the host in safe-guard; for it was published openly that the king nor his host would not depart from the place that they were in, till they had some tidings where their enemies were become. And the next day by noon such as had been sent for victual returned again to the host with such purveyances as they could get, and that was not over much, and with them came other folks of the country with little nags charged with bread evil baken in panniers, and small poor wine in barrels, and other victual to sell in the host, whereby great part of the host were well refreshed and eased.
The Chronicles of Froissart Book 1 Chapter 17 Here the history speaketh of the manner of the Scots and how they can war. And on the third day they dislodged and went forward till they came to the full of flint and great stones, called the water of Tyne. And on this river standeth the town and castle of Carlisle, [Note. Carlisle is on the River Eden rather than the River Tyne] the which sometime was king Arthur's, and held his court there oftentimes. Also on that river is assised the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, in the which town was ready the marshal of England with a great company of men of arms, to keep the country against the Scots: and at Carlisle was the lord Hereford and the lord Mowbray, who were governours there, to defend the Scots the passage; for the Scots could not enter into England, but they must pass this said river in one place or other. The Englishmen could hear no tidings of the Scots till they were come to the entry of the said country. The Scots were passed this river so privily, that they of Carlisle nor yet of Newcastle knew nothing thereof, for between the said towns it was twenty-four English mile. [Note. Geographical error. Fifty miles]
The River Tyne is formed from the River North Tyne and River South Tyne which converge at Warden. From Warden it flows past Hexham, Corbridge, Riding Mill, Bywell, Ovingham, Clara Vale, Blaydon, Newcastle upon Tyne and Wallsend and North Shields and South Shields after which it joins the North Sea at Tynemouth.
Cathedral Church St Nicholas Newcastle upon Tyne, Northumberland
Around May 1596 Barbara Perkinson -1596 died. She was buried at Cathedral Church St Nicholas Newcastle upon Tyne with her husband.
In May 1596 Henry Mitford Mercer of Newcastle on Tyne 1543-1596 (53) died. He was buried at Cathedral Church St Nicholas Newcastle upon Tyne.
On 02 Apr 1646 Ralph Delaval 1st Baronet of Seaton 1622-1691 (23) and Anne Leslie Lady Delaval -1696 were married at Cathedral Church St Nicholas Newcastle upon Tyne.
In Oct 1673 John Marlay 1590-1673 (83) died. He was buried at the St George's Porch of Cathedral Church St Nicholas Newcastle upon Tyne.
On 07 Apr 1674 Elizabeth Kirkley -1674 died. She was buried at Cathedral Church St Nicholas Newcastle upon Tyne.
On 22 Jan 1685 William Blackett 1st Baronet Newcastle upon Tyne 1657-1705 (27) and Julia Conyers -1722 were married at Cathedral Church St Nicholas Newcastle upon Tyne. She a great x 5 granddaughter of King Edward IV of England 1442-1483.
On 25 Sep 1728 William Blackett 2nd Baronet Newcastle upon Tyne 1690-1728 (38) died without issue. He was buried in Cathedral Church St Nicholas Newcastle upon Tyne. Baronet Blackett of Newcastle upon Tyne in Northumberland extinct.
Greyfriar's Church Newcastle upon Tyne, Northumberland
On 26 May 1464 William Tailboys 7th Baron Kyme 1415-1464 (49) was beheaded at Sandhills Newcastle upon Tyne having been captured at the Battle of Hexham. He was buried at Greyfriar's Church Newcastle upon Tyne. Robert Tailboys 8th Baron Kyme 1450-1495 (14) de jure 8th Baron Kyme. Elizabeth Heron Baroness Kyme 1453-1495 (11) by marriage Baroness Kyme.
Jesmond, Newcastle upon Tyne, Northumberland
On 01 Dec 1881 Elizabeth Amy Robinson 1856-1881 (25) died. She was buried at Jesmond.
Newcastle on Tyne Castle, Newcastle upon Tyne, Northumberland
Flowers of History by Matthew of Westminster Volume 2 Chapter 1 1066 1087 Wales is subdued by the English and Antioch is taken by the Pagans. 1080. This year also, king William (52) led a powerful army into Wales, and subjugated it ; and received homage and hostages for their fidelity from the petty kings of the viscounty. The same year, Antioch was taken by the pagans, together with the adjacent province, which had been a Christian land ever since the time of Saint Peter, without any disturbances. The same year, Malcolm, king of Scotland (48), became furious a second time after the Assumption of the blessed Virgin Mary, and ravaged the whole of Northumberland, as far as the river Tyne. But when he heard of this, the king of England (52) sent his son Robert (29) with an army into Scotland, who returned without having succeeded in his objects, and built a new castle in the river Tyne, and then returned to his father. The same year also, the king sent his brother Odo, bishop of Bayeux, with a large army, to lay waste Northumberland, the people of which district had risen in insurrection against the king, and had murdered Walcher, bishop of Durham, a man of exemplary character, at Gateshead.
On 13 Jul 1174 a small army commanded by Ranulf Glanville 1112-1190 (62) with Hugh de Kevelioc Gernon 5th Earl Chester 1147-1181 (27) surprised William "Lion" I King Scotland 1143-1214's army in a dawn raid known as the Battle of Alnwick near Alnwick. William "Lion" I King Scotland 1143-1214 (31) was captured and imprisoned initially in Newcastle on Tyne Castle. He was subsequently moved to the more remote, and secure, Falaise Castle.
On 04 May 1312 King Edward II of England (28) and Piers Gaveston 1st Earl Cornwall 1284-1312 (28) were at Newcastle on Tyne Castle where they barely escaped a force led by Thomas Plantagenet 2nd Earl of Leicester 2nd Earl Lancaster 5th Earl Salisbury 4th Earl Lincoln 1278-1322 (34), Henry Percy 1st Baron Percy 1273-1314 (39) and Robert Clifford 1st Baron Clifford 1274-1314 (38). Piers Gaveston 1st Earl Cornwall 1284-1312 (28) escaped to Scarborough, King Edward II of England (28) to York.
Sandhills Newcastle upon Tyne, Northumberland
On 26 May 1464 William Tailboys 7th Baron Kyme 1415-1464 (49) was beheaded at Sandhills Newcastle upon Tyne having been captured at the Battle of Hexham. He was buried at Greyfriar's Church Newcastle upon Tyne. Robert Tailboys 8th Baron Kyme 1450-1495 (14) de jure 8th Baron Kyme. Elizabeth Heron Baroness Kyme 1453-1495 (11) by marriage Baroness Kyme.
St Andrew's Church Newcastle upon Tyne, Northumberland
On 07 Jan 1707 Walter Calverly 1st Baronet 1670-1749 (37) and Julia Blacket Lady Calverley 1686-1736 (20) were married at St Andrew's Church Newcastle upon Tyne.
Wallsend, Newcastle upon Tyne, Northumberland
In 1955 Julia Tobin 1955- was born at Wallsend.
The River Tyne is formed from the River North Tyne and River South Tyne which converge at Warden. From Warden it flows past Hexham, Corbridge, Riding Mill, Bywell, Ovingham, Clara Vale, Blaydon, Newcastle upon Tyne and Wallsend and North Shields and South Shields after which it joins the North Sea at Tynemouth.