Tower Hill is in City of London.
On 14 Jun 1381 the rebels gained access to the Tower Hill capturing Joan "Fair Maid of Kent" Princess Wales 1328-1385 (52), the future Henry IV King England 1367-1413 (14), Joan Holland Duchess York 1380-1434 (1) and Simon Sudbury Archbishop of Canterbury 1316-1381 (65).
Simon Sudbury Archbishop of Canterbury 1316-1381 (65) was beheaded at Tower Hill. He was buried at Canterbury Cathedral.
On 14 Jun 1381 Robert Hales 1325-1381 (56) was beheaded at Tower Hill.
On 03 Feb 1388 the Merciless Parliament commenced. It ended on 04 Jun 1388. Its primary function was to prosecute members of the Court of Richard II King England 1367-1400 (21). The term "Merciless" is contemporary having been coined by the chronicler Henry Knighton.
Michael Pole 1st Earl Suffolk 1330-1389 (58) was sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered in his absence. He had escaped to France.
Alexander Neville Archbishop of York 1341-1392 (47) was found guilty of treason and it was determined to imprison him for life in Rochester Castle. He fled to Louvain where he became a parish priest for the remainder of his life.
On 19 Feb 1388 Robert Tresilian Chief Justice -1388 was hanged naked and his throat cut.
On 25 Mar 1388 Nicholas Brembre Lord Mayor of London -1388 was hanged. He was buried at Christ Church Greyfriars.
On 05 May 1388 Simon Burley 1340-1388 (48) was executed despite the protestations of his friend Edmund of Langley (46).
On 12 May 1388 John Beauchamp 1st Baron Beauchamp 1319-1388 (69) was beheaded at Tower Hill. He was buried at Worcester Cathedral.
Robert Vere 1st Duke Ireland 1362-1392 (26) was attainted.
On 21 Sep 1397 Richard Fitzalan 9th Earl Surrey 11th Earl Arundel 1346-1397 (51) was tried at Westminster.
He was beheaded at Tower Hill immediately thereafter. His son Thomas Fitzalan 10th Earl Surrey 12th Earl Arundel 1381-1415 (15) succeeded 10th Earl Surrey 1C 1088, 12th Earl Arundel Sussex.
On 20 Feb 1462 Aubrey Vere -1462 was executed at Tower Hill.
On 23 Feb 1462 William Tyrrell 1408-1462 (54), John Montgomery -1462 and Thomas Tuddenham 1401-1462 (60) were beheaded at Tower Hill.
On 04 Dec 1483 George Browne 1440-1483 (43) was beheaded at Tower Hill.
On 12 Mar 1491 Robert Chamberlayne 1438-1491 (53) was beheaded at Tower Hill.
On 16 Feb 1495 William Stanley Lord Chamberlain 1435-1495 (60) and Simon Montfort -1495 were beheaded at Tower Hill for their part in the Perkin Warbeck Plot.
On 28 Jun 1497 James Tuchet 7th Baron Audley Heighley 1463-1497 (34) was beheaded at Tower Hill. He was buried at Blackfriars Church Holborn. His head was placed on a spike at London Bridge. His lands and titles were forfeit.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Henry VII. 1499. This yeare, in June, deceased the third sonne of the Kinge named Duke of Somersett and was buried at Westminster. Perkin Werbeck (25) putt to death at Tybume Note. 22 Nov 1499; and the Earle of Warwyke (23), Sonne to the Duke of Clarence (49), who had bene kept in the Tower from the age of 11 years unto the end of 14 yeares, was beheaded at the Tower Hill Note. See Trial and Execution of Perkin Warbreck and Edward Earl of Warwick. A great pestilence throughout all England.
On 28 Nov 1499 Edward "Last Plantagenet" York 17th Earl Warwick 1475-1499 (24) was executed at Tower Hill.
Documentation held in Spain apparently describes Catherine of Aragon's (13) parents Ferdinand II King Aragon 1452-1516 (47) and Isabella Queen Castile 1451-1504 (48) expressing concern that Edward "Last Plantagenet" York 17th Earl Warwick 1475-1499 (24) was a potential claimant to throne, and being reluctant for their daughter to marry Arthur Prince of Wales (13) whilst there was a threat to his (13) accession causing Henry VII King England and Ireland 1457-1509 (42) to use Perkin Warbreck's (25) attempted escape with Edward "Last Plantagenet" York 17th Earl Warwick 1475-1499 (24) as a means to an end.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Henry VIII 1st Year. 1510. This yeare, in August, Sir Richard Empson (60) and Edmund Dudley (48) were beheaded at the Tower Hill. See Execution of Richard Empson and Edmund Dudley.
Two heretiques burned in Smithfield on St. Luke's day.
On 17 Aug 1510 Edmund Dudley 1462-1510 (48) and Richard Empson 1450-1510 (60) were beheaded at Tower Hill for constructive treason for having carried out King Henry VII's (53) rigorous and arbitrary system of taxation. The new King Henry VIII King England and Ireland 1491-1547 (19) attempting to distance himself from his father's policies.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Henry VIII 1st Year. 1513. This yeare, on the Assension Even, Edmonde de la Pole (42) was beheaded on Tower Hill.
This yeare allso, on the day of th' Exaltation of the Crosse, Te Deum was sungen in Paules Churche for the victorie of the Scottishe feild, where King Jamys of Scotland (39) was slayne. The King of England (21) that tjrme lyenge at seege before Turney in France, and wan it and Turwjm also.
A Parlement kept at Westminster, where was graunted to the King (21) of all men's goodes 6d. in the pownde. A peace betwene the King (21) and French King (52) duringe both their lives; and the Ladie Marie (18), sister to the King, married to the French King, at Abireld, in Picardye, in October.
On 30 Apr 1513 Edmund Pole 3rd Duke Suffolk 1471-1513 (42) was beheaded at Tower Hill after having been imprisoned for seven years.
On 17 May 1521 Edward Stafford 3rd Duke of Buckingham 1478-1521 (43) was executed at Tower Hill for no specific reason other than his having a significant amount of Plantagenet blood and was, therefore, considered a threat by Henry VIII (29). He was posthumously attainted by Act of Parliament on 31 July 1523, disinheriting his children. He was buried at St Peter's Church Britford. Duke of Buckingham 1C 1444 extinct.
On 22 Jun 1535 John Fisher Bishop of Rochester 1469-1535 (65) was beheaded on Tower Hill.
Hall's Chronicle Henry VIII The XXVII Year.
Also the xxii. day of the same moneth Ihon Fysher bishop of Rochester (65) was beheaded, and his head set vpon London bridge. This bishop was of very many menne lamented, for he was reported to be a man of great learnyng, and a man of very good life, but therin wonderfully deceiued, for he maintained the Pope to be supreme head of the Church, and very maliciously refused the kynges tytle of supreme head. It was sayd that the Pope, for that he helde so manfully with him and stoode so stifly in his cause, did elect him a Cardinal, and sent the Cardinalles hat as farre as Caleys, but the head it should haue stande on, was as high as Lodon bridge or euer the hat could come to Bishop Fysher, & then it was to late and therfore he neither ware it nor enioyed his office. This man as I sayd was accoumpted learned, yea, and that very notably learned, and yet haue you heard howe he was deceiued with Elizabeth Barton that called herself the holy mayd of Kent, and no doubt so was he in the defence of that vsurped authoritie, the more pitie: wonderful! it is that a man beyng lerned should be so blind in the scriptures of God that proueth the supreme aucthoritie of princes so manyfestly. Also the vi. day of lulye was sir Thomas More (57) beheaded for the like treason before rehersed, which as you haue heard was for the deniyng of the kynges Maiesties supremitie. This manne was also coumpted learned, & as you haue heard before he was lorde Chauncelor of England, and in that tyme a great persecutor of suche as detested the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, whiche he himselfe so highly fauored that he stoode to it till he was brought to the Skaffolde on the Tower Hill where on a blocke his head was striken from his shoulders and had no more harme. I cannot tell whether 1 should call him a foolishe wyseman, or a wysefoolishtnan, for vndoubtedly he beside his leamyng, had a great witte, but it was so mingled with tauntyng and mockyng, that it semed to them that best knew him, that he thought nothing to be wel spoken except he had ministered some mocke in the communcacion insomuche as at is commyng to the Tower, one of the .-officers demauded his vpper garment for his fee, meanyng his goune, and he answered, he should haue it, and tookc him his cappe, saiyng it was the vppermoste garment that he had. Lykewise, euen goyng to his death at the Tower gate, a poore woman called vnto him and besought him to declare that he had certain euidences of hers in the tyme that he was in office (which after he was appreheded she could not come by) and that he would intreateshe .might haue them agayn, or els she was vndone. He answered, good woman haue .pa.cience a title while, for the kyng is so good vnto me that euen within this halfe houre he will discharge me of all busynesses, and helpe thee himselfe. Also when he went vp the stayer on the Skaffolde, he desired one of the Shiriffes officers togeuehim his hand to helpe him vp, and sayd, when I come doune againe, let me shift for my selfe aswell as I can. Also the bagman kneled doune to him aslcyng him forgiuenes of his death (as the maner is) to whom he sayd I forgeue thee, but I promise thee that thon shah neuer haue honestie of the strykyng of my head, my necke is so short. Also euen when he shuld lay doune his head on the blocke, he hauyng a great gray beard, striked out his beard and sayd to the hangma, I pray you let me lay my beard ouer the blocke least ye should cut it, thus w a mocke he ended his life.
On 06 Jul 1535 Thomas More Chancellor Speaker 1478-1535 (57) was beheaded on Tower Hill.
On 17 May 1536 George Boleyn 2nd Viscount Rochford 1503-1536 (33), Henry Norreys 1482-1536 (54), Francis Weston 1511-1536 (25), William Brereton -1536 and Mark Smeaton 1512-1536 (24) were beheaded at Tower Hill. They were buried at St Peter ad Vincula Church Tower of London.
On 30 Jun 1537 Thomas Darcy 1st Baron Darcy Templehurst 1467-1537 (70) was beheaded at Tower Hill.
On 08 Dec 1538 Edward Neville 1471-1538 (67) was beheaded at Tower Hill.
On 03 Mar 1539 Nicholas Carew of Beddington in Surrey KG 1496-1539 (43) was beheaded at Tower Hill.
On 10 Jul 1539 Adrian Fortescue 1476-1539 (63) was executed at Tower Hill for treason.
On 09 Dec 1539 Henry Pole 1st Baron Montagu 1492-1539 (47) and Henry Courtenay 1st Marquess Exeter 1496-1538 (43) were beheaded at Tower Hill. Henry Courtenay 1st Marquess Exeter 1496-1538 (43), his wife Gertrude Blount Marchioness Exeter 1503-1558 (36) and their son Edward Courtenay 1st Earl Devon 1527-1556 (12) were attainted. His son was subsequently created 1st Earl Devon 5C 1553 in 1553. Marquess Exeter 1C 1525, Earl Devon 3C 1485 and Earl Devon 4C 1511 subject to attainder.
On 28 Jul 1540 Walter Hungerford 1st Baron Hungerford Heytesbury 1503-1540 (37) was beheaded at Tower Hill. He, together with his chaplain, a Wiltshire clergyman named William Bird, Rector of Fittleton and Vicar of Bradford, who was suspected of sympathising with the pilgrims of grace of the north of England, was attainted by act of parliament. Hungerford was charged with employing Bird in his house as chaplain, knowing him to be a traitor; with ordering another chaplain, Hugh Wood, and one Dr. Maudlin to practise conjuring to determine the king's length of life, and his chances of victory over the northern rebels; and finally with committing offences forbidden by the 1533 Buggery Act.
Diary of Henry Machyn February 1554. 12 Feb 1544. The xij day of February was mad at evere gate in Lundun a newe payre of galaus and set up, ij payre in Chepesyde, ij payr in Fletstrett, one in Smythfyld, one payre in Holborne, on at Ledyn-hall, one at sant Magnus London [-bridge], on at Peper allay gatt, one at sant Gorgeus, on in Barunsay [Bermondsay] strett, on on Towr hylle, one payre at Charyngcrosse, on payre besyd Hyd parke corner.
Diary of Henry Machyn February 1554. 14 Feb 1544. The xiiij day of Feybruary wher hangyd at evere gatt and plasse : in Chepe-syd vj; Algatt j, quartered; at Leydynhall iij; at Bysshope-gatt on, and quartered; Morgatt one; Crepullgatt one; Aldersgatt on, quartered; Nuwgat on, quartered; Ludgatt on; Belyngat iij hangyd; Sant Magnus iij hangyd; Towre hyll ij. hangyd; Holborne iij hangyd; Flettstret iij hangyd; at Peper alley gat iij; Barunsaystret iij; Sant Gorgus iij; Charyng crosse iiij, on Boyth the fottman, and Vekars of the gard, and ij moo; at Hydparke corner iij, on Polard a waterbeyrar; theys iij hanges in chynes; and but vij quartered, and ther bodys and heds set a-pon the gattes of London.
On 19 Jan 1547 Henry Howard 1516-1547 (31) was beheaded at Tower Hill. He was buried at Church of St Michael the Archangel Framlingham. He had foolishly added the arms of Edward the Confessor to his own arms. He was charged with treasonably quartering the royal arms. His father survived sentence since the King died the day before it was due to take place.
Chronicle of Greyfriars King Edward VI. 22 Dec 1551. Item the xxij. day of the same monyth [Note. Other sources say 22 Jan 1552] was be[heddyd] at the Towre hyll before viij. a clocke Edwarde deuke of Somersett (51) [erle of Hertjforde and unkyll unto the kynges (14) grace]. And also there was a commandment thorrow London that alle howsolders with their servantes shulde kepe their howses unto it was ....
John Stow's Annales of England 1552. 22 Jan 1552. The 22.0f January. Edward duke of Somerset (52) was beheaded on the tower hill. The same morning early the consables of every warde in London (according to a precept directed from the counsell to the Mayor) streightly charged every householde of the same citie not to depart any of them out of their houses before ten of the clocke of that Day, meaning thereby to restraine the great number of people, that otherwise were like to have bene at the said execution: notwithstanding by seven aclock the tower hill was covered with a great multitude, repairing from all parts of the citie, as well as out of the suburbs, and before 8 of the clocke the duke was brought to the scaffold inclosed with the kings gard, the sherifs officers, the warders of the Tower, & other with halbards: the Duke being ready to have been executed, suddenly the people were driven into a great feare, few or none knowing the cause: wherfore I thinke it good to write what I saw concerning that matter.
Thee people of a certaine hamlet, which were warned to be there by 7. of the clocke to give their attendance on the liuetenant, now came through the posterne, & perceiving the D. (52) to be alreadie on the scaffold, the foremost began to run, crying to their followes to fellow fall after, which suddennes of there men being weaponed with bils and halbards thus running, caused the people which first saw them, to thinke some power had come to have rescued the duke from execution, and therefore to crie away, away, whereupon the people ran some one way some another, many fell into the tower ditch, and they which tarried thought some pardon had been brought, some saide it thundered, some that a great rumbling was in the earth under them, some that the ground moved, but there was no such matter, more than the trampling of their feete, which made some noise.
Diary of Henry Machyn January 1552. 22 Jan 1552. The xxij of January, soon after eight of the clock in the morning, the duke of Somerset (52) was beheaded on Tower hill. There was as] grett compeny as have bene syne .. the kynges gard behynge there with ther ha[lbards, and a] M1 [Note. 1000]. mo with halbards of the prevelege of the Towre, [Ratcliffe,] Lymhowsse, Whytchapell, Sant Kateryn, and Strettford [Bow], as Hogston, Sordyche; and ther the ij shreyfs behyng th[ere present] seyng the execusyon of my lord, and ys hed to be [smitten] of, and after shortely ys body was putt in to a coffin, [and carried] in to the Towre, and ther bered in the chyrche, of [the north] syd of the qwyre of sant Peters, the wyche I beseeche [God] have mercy on ys sowlle, amen! And ther was [a sudden] rumbelyng a lytyll a-for he ded, as yt had byn [guns] shuttyng [Note. shooting] and grett horsys commyng, that a M1 [Note. 1000]. fell [to the] grond for fere, for thay that wher at the on syd [thought] no nodur butt that one was kyllyng odur, that [they fell] down to the grond on apon anodur with ther halb[ards], they thought no nodur butt that thay shuld .... sum fell in to [the] dyche of the Towre and odur plasys, ... and a C. [Note. 100] in to the Towre-dyche, and sum ran a way for [fear.]
Diary of Edward VI 1552. 22 Jan 1552. The duke of Somerset (52) had his head cat of apon Towre hill betwene eight and nine a cloke in the morning.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Edward VI 5th Year 1551-1552. 22 Jan 1552. Fryday, the 22 of January, 1551-, Edward Seimer (52), Duke of Somersett, was beheaded at the Tower Hill, afore ix of the clocke in the forenone, which tooke his death very patiently, but there was such a feare and disturbance amonge the people sodainely before he suffred, that some tombled downe the ditch, and some ranne toward the houses thereby and fell, that it was marveile to see and hear; but howe the cause was, God knoweth.
John Stow's Annales of England 1552. 26 Feb 1552. The 26. of February, Sir Ralph a Vane and Sir Miles Partridge were hanged on the tower hill, Sir Michael Stanhope (45) with Sir Thomas Arundel (50) were beheaded there: all which foure persons tooke on their death that thep never offended against the kings maiestie, nor against any of his counfell.
On 26 Feb 1552 Miles Partridge Courtier -1552 and Ralph Fane -1552 were hanged. Thomas Arundell of Wardour Castle 1502-1552 (50) and Michael Stanhope 1507-1552 (45) were beheaded at Tower Hill for plotting to assassinate John Dudley 1st Duke Northumberland 1504-1553 (48).
Thomas Arundell of Wardour Castle 1502-1552 (50) was was buried at St Peter ad Vincula Church Tower of London.
Diary of Henry Machyn April 1552. 26 Apr 1552. The xvj day of Aprell rod thrugh London in a c[ar], a woman with a bannor pentyd with (a) yong damsell and a woman, with a carde in the woman('s) hand cardyng her mayd nakyd pentyd, the wyche she left butt lytyll skyn of her, and a-bowt her masters neke a card hangyng downe; for thys ponyssment her masters had for her; and she was cared unto her owne dore in a care, and the (re) was a proclamasyon by on of the bedylles of her shamful ded-dohyng, [of] the wyche the damsell ys lyke to dee.
The sam day the Kynges (14) grase removyd from Westmynster unto Grenwyche at viij a-cloke in the mornyng.
The sam day was sessyons at Nugatt for theyfes, and a cott-purs spessyally was for one James [Ellys] the grett pykpurs and cuttpurs that ever [was ar-]raynyd, for ther was never a presun and the Towr but he had byne in them, —the vj king Edward vjth.
The sam day was bornyd at the Towre-hylle at after[noon] vij mon and viij maymed and lyke to dee, and alle was by takyng [ill] heyde and by beytyng of gunpowder in a morter, and by stryk[ing] of fyre, that a sparke of fyre fell in-tho the powder, and so alle f[ired] ...
Diary of Henry Machyn October 1552. 04 Sep 1552 and 05 Sep 1552. The iiij and v day of October was the good bysshope of Dorham (78) whent unto Towre-hylle [to the] late monestery of whyt monkes, the wyche place ys gyffyn unto ser Arthur Darcy (57) knyght, and a-ffor the chyff justes of England, Chamley, and master Gudderyke, and master Gosnolle and odur, master Coke and master Chydley.
On 22 Aug 1553 John Dudley 1st Duke Northumberland 1504-1553 (49) was beheaded at Tower Hill. His son John Dudley 2nd Earl Warwick 1527-1554 (26) succeeded 2nd Earl Warwick 2C 1547, 2nd Viscount Lisle 5C 1543. Anne Seymour Viscountess Lisle 1538-1588 (15) by marriage Viscountess Lisle.
On 12 Feb 1554 Guildford Dudley (19) was beheaded at Tower Hill. An hour later his wife Lady Jane Grey (18) was beheaded at Tower Green by order of Queen Mary I (37). They were buried at St Peter ad Vincula Church Tower of London.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Mary I 1st Year 12 Feb 1554. 12 Feb 1554. The 12 of Februarie Guilforde Dudley (19) was beheaded at the Tower hill. And Ladie Jane (18) his wife was immediatlie after his death beheaded within the Tower upon the greene.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Mary I 1st Year 15 Feb 1554. 15 Feb 1554. The 15 of February were hanged of the rebells iii against St Magnus Churche, iii at Billingsgate, iii at Ledenhall, one at Moregate, one at Creplegate, one at Aldrigegate, two at Paules, iii in Holborne, iii at Tower hill, ii at Tyburne, and at 4 places in Sowthwerke 14. And divers others were executed at Kingston and other places.
Allso this daye about ix of the clock in the foorenoone was seene in London in the middest of the Element a raynebowe lyke fyre, the endes upward, and two sunnes, by the space of an hower and an halfe.
On 23 Feb 1554 Henry Grey 1st Duke Suffolk 1517-1554 (37) was beheaded at Tower Hill.
Dean Hugh Weston 1505-1558 (49) acted as Confessor.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Mary I 1st Year 23 Feb 1554. 23 Feb 1554. Frydaye the 23 of February Lorde Gray, Duke of Suffolke (37), was beheaded at the Towerhill.
Diary of Henry Machyn February 1554. 24 Feb 1554. The xxiiij day of Marche [read xxiij of February] was heddyd the duke of Suffoke-Dassett (37) [Dassett means late Marquess of Dorset] on the Towre hylle, be-twyn ix and x of the cloke a-for none.
Diary of Henry Machyn March 1554. 08 Mar 1554. The viij day of Marche cam owt of the Towre of London the archbysshope of Canturbere Crenmer (64), and bysshope of London was Rydley (54), and master Lathemer (67) condam, [i. e. quondam (bishop of Worcester).] and so to Brenfford and ther ser John Wylliam reseyvyd them, and so to Oxfford.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Mary I 1st Year 11 Apr 1554. 11 Apr 1554. The xi of Aprill Sir Tho. Wyatt (33), cheefe capteyne of the late Wyatt pntt to death, rebellion in Kent, was beheaded at Towrehill, at ix of the clock in the foorenoone, and his bodie after quartered on the scaffolde. His head was sett on the gallowes at the parke pale beyond St. James,a where Pollard and two other were hanged in chaynes. And his 4 quarters were hanged on gibbetts in chaynes at 4 severall places without the Liberties of the Cittie.
a. The Grey Friars' Chronicle (p. 89) adds: "and the hed with the qwarter was stolne awaye."
Diary of Henry Machyn April 1554. 11 Apr 1554. The xj day of Aprell was heddyd ser Thomas [Wyatt of Kentt,] (33) the cheyffe captayn of the rebellyous of [Kent, be-] twyn ix and x of the cloke a-for none, on Towre hyll, .... after and by xj of the cloke was he quartered on the skaffold, and hys bowelles and ys members burnt be-syd the skaffold; .... and so ther was a care and a baskett, and the iiij quarters and hed was putt in-to a baskett to nuwgat to be parboyled.
On 11 Apr 1554 Thomas Wyatt 1521-1554 (33) was beheaded at Tower Hill.
Dean Hugh Weston 1505-1558 (49) acted as Confessor.
On 27 Apr 1554 Thomas Grey -1554 was executed at Tower Hill.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Mary I 1st Year 27 Apr 1554. 27 Apr 1554. Frydaye the 27 of Aprill Lord Thomas Grey, brother to the Duke of Suffolke, was beheaded at the Tower hill.
Diary of Henry Machyn April 1554. 28 Apr 1554. The xxviij day of Aprell was heddyd on Towre hyll, betwyn ix and x of the cloke a-for none, my lord Thomas Gray, the duke of Suffoke-Dassett (37) brodur, and bered at Allalow's Barkyng, and the hed (unfinished)
Diary of Henry Machyn July 1556. 07 Jul 1556. The vij day of July was hangyd on the galaus on Towre-hylle for tresun a-gaynst the quen, on master Hare Peckham, and the thodur master John Daneell, and after cutt downe and heded, and ther hedes cared unto Londune bryge and ther sett up, and ther bodys bered at Allalows-barkyng.
Diary of Henry Machyn July 1557. Apr 1557. The (blank) day of Aprell suffered dethe in [several] plases in the Northe for entrying in-to Sk[arborough] castyll, (for) the wyche at London master Thomas [Stafford] (24) was heddyd on Towre hylle; and at Tyborne John Procter aleas Wylliamsun, Wyllyam Stowe, John Bradford, and more in dyvers plases; [in York]shyre, John Wylborne, Clement Tyllyd, John Cawsewelle, and Robart Hunter, at York, [by the] dethe of hangyng, drahyns, and quarter[ing].
Item, at Skarborow suffered dethe master Thomas Sp .., John Adames, John Wattsun, skott, John .. a frencheman.
At Hulle, John Browne, Owyn Jones, suffered.
At Beverley, Hary Gardener and John Thomas suffered.
At Whyttby, Thomas Warden and John Deyctam, skott.
Att Malton [Note. Assumed to be Melton since in the East Riding like the other places mentioned rather than Mlaton in the North Riding.], Wyllyam Palmer, John Mortfurth, scott.
Att Flamborow, at Assyley, Thomas Wylkynsun.
At Byrlyngton, John Wallys.
At Awdborowre, Antony Persevall.
At Hornesey, Wylliam Wyllamsun.
At Pawlle in Holdernes, Roger Thomas.
At Hassylle, Roger Raynoldes.
At Alefax, Lawransse Alssope.
At Donkester, in Yorkeshyre, Thomas Jordayn.
At Howden, John Grey, skotte.
At Wakefeld, Robert Hawgatt, skott; and all thes for enteryng in Skarborow castylle.
.... es Stanley, of Le, in Essex.
Thomas Thorley, of Prykkyllwell, in Essex.
Hare Ramsey, of Amwell, in conte of Harford.
On 28 May 1557 Thomas Stafford 1533-1557 (24) was beheaded at Tower Hill.
Diary of Henry Machyn July 1561. 10 Jun 1561. [The x day of July the Queen (27) came by water] unto the Towre of London by x [of the clock, until] v at nyght, and whent and sa(w) all her my[nts; and they gave the] Quen serten pesses of gold, and gayff the [lord] of Hunsdon (35) had on, and my lord marques of [Northampton,] (49) and her grace whent owt of the yron gatt [over] Towre hyll unto Algatt chyrche, and so down Hondyche [to the] Spyttyll, and so downe Hoge lane, and so over the feldes to the Charter howse my lord North('s) (65) plase, with trumpetes and the penssyonars and the haroldes of armes and the servantes, and then cam gentyllmen rydyng, and after lordes, and then [the] lord of Hunsdon (35) and bare the sword a-for the quen, and then cam [ladies] rydyng; and the feldes full of pepull, gret nombur [as ever was] sene; and ther tared tylle Monday.
Diary of Henry Machyn September 1561. 21 Sep 1561. The xxj day of September was browth [to bed of] a sune my lade Katheryn Gray (21), the dowther of the duke [of Suffolk] (44) that was heded on the Towre hylle, and ys brodur lord Thomas Gray the sam tyme.
Diary of Henry Machyn July 1562. 28 Jun 1562. The xxviij day of June grett wache at the Towre and at Towrehylle and sant Katharyn's, a C  hagabuttes and a C  in cossellettes, vj drumes and iiij flages, on sant Peter's evyn last past, and a castylle and sqwybys.
Diary of Henry Machyn May 1557. 28 May 1577. [The xxviij day of May Thomas Stafford (44) was beheaded on Tower hill, by nine of the clock, master Wode being his] gostly father; and after ther wher iij more [drawn from the To] wre, and thrugh London unto Tyburne, and ther [they were] hangyd and quartered; and the morow after was master [Stafford] quartered, and hangyd on a care, and so to Nuwgatt to [boil.]
Brief Lives: Charles Danvers 1568 1601. Sir Charles Danvers (33) was beheaded on Tower-hill with Robert, earle of Essex (35), February the 6th, 1600. I find in the register of the Tower chapell only the sepulture of Robert, earl of Essex (35), that yeare; wherfore I am induced to beleeve that his body was carryed to Dantesey[CX] in Wilts to lye with his ancestors. Vide Stowe's Chronicle, where is a full account of his and the earle's deportment at their death on the scaffold.
With all their faylings, Wilts cannot shew two such brothers.
His familiar acquaintance were..., earl of Oxon (50); Sir Francis (40) and Sir Horace Vere (36); Sir Walter Ralegh (47), etc.—the heroes of those times.
Quaere my lady viscountesse Purbec and also the lord Norris for an account of the behaviour and advice of Sir Charles Danvers in the businesse of the earl of Essex, which advice had the earle followed he had saved his life.
Of Sir Charles Danvers, from my lady viscountesse Purbec:—Sir Charles Danvers advised the earle of Essex, either to treat with the queen—hostages..., whom Sir Ferdinando Gorges (36) did let goe; or to make his way through the gate at Essex house, and then to hast away to Highgate, and so to Northumberland (the earl of Northumberland (69) maried his mother's (51) sister (56)), and from thence to the king of Scots, and there they might make their peace; if not, the queen was old and could not live long. But the earle followed not his advice, and so they both lost their heads on Tower-hill.
. MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25v.
. i.e. 1600/1.
. Dupl. with 'shew the like two brothers,' scil. as Sir Charles Danvers and his brother Henry, earl of Danby.
. Edward Vere, seventeenth earl of Oxford (50).
[CX]In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 46, Aubrey writes, in reference to burials at Dantesey, 'quaere, if Sir Charles Danvers that was beheaded?—He was buryed in the Tower chapell.' Aubrey's description of the burial-place of the Danvers family (MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 46), with the inscriptions, is printed in J. E. Jackson's Aubrey's Wiltshire Collections, pp. 223-225; the pedigree of Danvers is there given at p. 216.
On 20 Nov 1616 Gervase Helwys 1561-1615 (55) was hanged at Tower Hill. He gave a speech to the crowd ...
... many others of seuerall dispositions. All you beeing thus assembled to see mee finish my dayes, the number of which is sum'd up, for the very minutes of my life may now be reckoned. Your expectation is to have mee say something, to give satisfaction to the World, and I will doe it so farre as I can, albeit in that speech of mine, I shall (as it was spoken unto me the last night) but chatter like a Crow. But whatsoeuer I deliuer, I beseech you to take from a wounded bosome, for my purpose is to rip up my very heart, and to leaue nothing there which may proue any clogge to my Conscience. Hither am I come to performe a worke which of all others is to Man the most easie and yet to Flesh and Blood is the hardest, and that is, To die. To hide therefore any thing, for any worldly respect, were to leaue a blot upon my owne Soule, which I trust shall be presented (through the mercies of my Maker, and merits of my Sauiour) acceptable before GODS high Tribunall. And first I will labour to satisfie some, who before my apprehension were well conceipted of mee, but since my Arraignment, as I vnderstand, carryed of mee but hard opinions, for that at the Barre I stood stiffly upon the Justice of my Innocence; and this they impute as a great fault, beeing afterwards that I was found guilty of the Crime. To which I answer, that I did it ignorantly: Nay I was so farre from thinking my selfe foule in the Fact, that untill these two Gentlemen, (Doctor Felton and Doctor Whiting, the Physitions for my Soule) told mee how deepely I had imbrewed my hands in the blood of that gentleman (35), making mee by GODS law as guilty in the Concealing, as if I had beene a personall Actor in it: till then I say, I held my selfe so ignorant of the deede, and my Conscience so cleere, that I did never aske GOD forgivenesse, nor once repent mee of the Fact, such was my blindnesse. So that it was not onely an error, or rather a horrible sinne, in mee to consent, but a worse, to deny it, so Bloody, so Treacherous, so Foule, so Filthy a Fact as that was; for which I must confesse the King, and the State have dealt honorably, roundly, and justly, with mee, in condemning mee unto this death. And thus have I laboured and done my best to cleere this point, being willing by all good meanes to reduce your first opinions of mee; that as formerly your conceipted well of mee, so you would now with a charitable affection performe the last duty of your Christian loues towards mee, praying to GOD, both with me, and for mee; to the intent that this Cup, whereof I am to drinke, may not be greiuous unto mee, but that it may be a ioyfull conueiance to a better and more blessed comfort.
Some perhaps will thinke it to be a Rigor of the State, or aggravation of my iudgement, that I should die in this place, but this doe I take as an honor unto me, & herein doe I acknowledge my selfe to stand much bound to the State, in that I have this favour vouchsafed me to suffer Death in sight of my Charge, even where I had sinned, on the Tower-hill, rather than in the place of common Execution, where every base Malefactor dyeth.
Many doe I see here whom I know well, and of whom I am likewise knowne: and now am I a Spectacle for them to be looked on, whom in former times (and in all mens accounts) they held never likely to come to such an end. But herein he hold the justice of God, who is so oppos'd against sinne, because that if we forget to seeke him whilst we may, he will finde us out when we would not be found of him.
It is expected I should say something of the fact which I have committed: And hither am I come resolued to cleare my conscience (before I depart this world) of all matters which I either knowe, or can now remember. And so much I have already delivered in writing to my Lo. Chiefe Justice (64) and to prove that which I wrote is true, I yesterday confirmed it with the receiuing of the blessed Sacrament, wishing unto you all as much comfort by those holy Mysteries, as I tooke by them: and I doe heere (though not with such a bloud) yet with mine own bloud, seale that which I have written. For my selfe, I will hide nothing to make my fault seeme lesse, but will rip open this very heart of mine, and confesse before God myne owne uncleannesse. I have sinned exceedingly against thee O my maker, and in this am I most faulty, that I did not reveale to the King (50), so soone as I my selfe had knowledge of the busines. But (alas) feare to loose these worldly pleasures, and the loue to promotion, made me forget my duty to my Soueraigne, and not to regard my God, who is a swift auenger of blood: and would to heaven I had trusted to his providence, and set the thinges of this world at nought, for heavens sake, and a good conscience. You see, Gentlemen, promotion cannot rescue us from the justice of God, which alwaies pursues after sinne: And therefore I exhort you not to trust in men (how great soeuer) for they cannot hide themselues when God is angry; neither can they protect you from shame, when God will consume you: he that sitteth in heaven, will deride and scorne their foolish Inventions. As for me, I will not spare to lay open my owne shame: Thinke you I care for the reputation of this world? No, I weigh it not. This my soule shall receiue more comfort from God in my upright dealing.
My sinne, in this foule fact, was great, for upon me lay all the blood, shed, and to be shed: I have made many children fatherles, many wives husbandles, many parents childelesse: and I my selfe leave a comfortlesse wife and eight children behinde me for it too: for if I had revealed it when I might, I had freed much blood from being spilt, in so much as I could wish (Gods Justice and charity reserved) I might hang in chaines, till I rotte away by peecemeale: nor cared I what tortures my body were put unto, so I might expaite or free the bloud of so many, (some in one place, and some in another) which is both like to bee shed, and is already shed, and the Lord knowes when it will have an end. Concerning my selfe, I will aggravate the crime, by speaking of every circumstance I can remember. And now it comes into my mind, what trust that gentleman put into me: hee reputed me to bee most faithfull unto him; (Oh the wildnesse of my heart!) I proved unfaithfull, and was his deadly deceitfull friend. And here (Gentlemen) I exhort you all that you would take notice of this, ever to bee faithfull to those who put you in trust. Sir Thomas O. (35) trusted me, and I was unfaithfull and treacherous to him, in drawing tickets for him to his disadvantage. I promised him secrecy, yet betrayed him, onely to satisfy greatnesse: But God, who sees the secret thoughts of mans heart, will disclose all unuist actions at last: nay, I am perswaded that whosoeuer they bee that commit sinne in their child-hood, at one time or other it will be revealed. In this place it commeth to my mind, that in my yonger dayes (as wel beyond the Seas as here) I was much addicted to that idle veyne of Gaming, I was bewitched with it indeed: And I played not for little for final sums neither, but for Great-ones, yet ever haunted with ill lucke: And upon a time, being much displeased at my losse, I sayd, not in a carelesse maner, Would I might be hanged; But seriously, and advisedly (betweene God and my selfe) clapping my hands upon my breast, I spake thus, If ever I play again, then let me be hangd. Now gentlemen here you may behold the justice of God, paying mee my wish and imprecation home. Bee carefull therefore I exhort you, that you vow nothing but that unto which you will give all diligence to performe: for the powerful God, before whom you make such vowes, will otherwise bee auegned: Jn this place Doctor VVhiting putting him in mind to satisfie the World touching his Religion thus he went on. THe matter you speake to mee of, faith hee, is well thought upon: for I heare that abroad hath beene some murmuring and questions made about mee for my Religion; Some giving out that I was infected with Anabaptisme: A fond, ridiculous, foolish and phantasticall opinion, which I never affected but rather despised. Many may thinke that the manner of my death doth much discourage mee, that I should dye in a halter: I would have you all to thinke that I scorne all such worldly thoughts: I care not for it, I value not any earthly shame at all, so as may have honour and glory anon in Heaven: and I make no doubt, but I shall sodainely be more happie then you all, and that I shall see GOD face to face: and if there be any point of innocency in mee at all, I doe utterly cast it from mee, and I doe commit it wholly to GOD.
And for any matter of Glory, I doe with the Saints of GOD expect it through the merits of Christ, at the Resurrection: yea it is my glorie to die thus. I might have died in my Bedde, or shooting the Bridge or else have fallen downe sodainly, in which death I should have wanted this space to repent, being the sweet comfort and assured hope of Gods favour which of his mercy he hath vouchsafed mee; So that it swalloweth up all feare of death or reproch of the World: wishing unto all you (Gentlemen) who now behold mee, that wheresoeuer you shall dye, (either in your Beddes or else-where howsoewer) you may feele such comfort and resolution as God in his mercy hath bestowed uppon mee and my wounded Soule for this and the rest of my grieuous Sinnes. But mee thinkes I heare some of you conjecture and say, that I expresse no great Arguments or signes of sorrow: You think my heart should rather dissolue and melt into teares, then to appeare so insensible of feare as I may seeme: but I must tell you, teares were never common in mee: I may therefore feare though I do not weepe. I have been couragious both beyond the Seas and heere in mine owne Country: but (Gentlemen) that was when there was no perill before mee. But now the stroke of death is upon mee. It affrights mee, and there is cause to feare: yet notwithstanding, my heart seemeth unto you to be rather of stone than of flesh. But I would have you understand, that this boldnes doth not proceed from any manly fortitude, for I am a man, fraile as you are, and dare as little look death in the face as any other: ther terors of death doe as much trouble my humane sense, as of any man whatsoeuer: but that which swalloweth up all manner of feare in me, & maketh me to glory and to reioyce in, is, the full assurance which I conceiue of the vnspeakable love of God to those who are his, of which number I perswade my selfe to bee one, and that I shall presently enioy it.
I confesse I have sinned exceedingly, against thee (oh God) many wayes, in prophaning thy holy Sabaoths, in taking thy glorious name in vaine, in my concupiscence in turning all thy graces into wantonnes, in my Riotous wasting so many of thy good Creatures, as would have belieued many poore people, whose prayers I might have had this day. I have sinned against thee in my Child-hood: but Childrens sinnes are childishly performed: but I confirmed them in my manhood, there was my sinne. I am perswaded, there is no sinne, that a man committeth in his life, knowing it to be a sin, and not repenting of it, but the Lord will iudge it. I admonish you therefore that are heere assembled, to take good notice of your sinnes, and let none escape you vnrepented. And yet when you have done the best you can, there will lie buried some one sinne or other sufficent to condemne you. O Lord clense mee from my secret sinnes, which are in me so rife. I abused the tender education of my Parents. You perhaps that knew mee will say no; I liued in an honest forme, and was not bad in my life. But I know best my selfe what I was: & if I who was so esteemed of amongst Men, shall scarcely be saued, what will become of those, whom you point at for notorious lievers? The last night God put into my mind the remembrance of one sinne of mine, which heere I will lay open, that others may take heed. I tooke a vaine pride in my pen, and some of my friendes would tell me I had some induments and speciall gift that way: (though I say nor so my selfe) but mark the iudgement of God in this; that Pen which I was so proud of, hatch struck mee dead, and like Absolons hayre hath hanged me: for there hath dropt a word or two from my Pen, in a letter of mine, which upon my Saluation I am not able to answer, or to give any good accompt of. At my Arraignment I pleaded hard for life, & protested my Innocency, but when my owne Pen came against mee, I was forthwith not able to speake anything for my selfe: for I stood as one amazed, or that had no Tongue. See (Gentlemen) the just Iudgement of GOD, who made that thing of which I was most proud, to be my bane: take notice how strangely sinne is punished, and learne every-one to striue against it.
I have heard the word of GOD, and often read it (but without vse) for I must tell you these two worthy, Gentlemen (to whom I am so much bounden, God reward them for their loue) even they begat mee very lately, for I am not ashamed to confesse that I was to be begotten unto Christ within these three daies: yea I have often prayed against sinne, and made many vowes to forsake it, but uppon the next occasion, my foule heart hath beene ready to runne with the wicked. Had I learned but this one lesson in the 119. Psalme, (Depart from mee ye wicked, I will keepe the Commandements of my God &c.) I had beene likely to have enioyed many dayes heere on eath: whereas now you all see mee ready to bee cut short by reason of my sinne. But (O LORD) albeit thou slayest mee, yet will I put my trust in thee: let the LORD doe to me what hee will, I will dye upon this hand (of trusting in him) if I faile many a soule hath miss'd, but I have sure hope of mercy in him; hee hath sufficed and succoured mee, I am sure, euer since the sentence of death hath passed uppon mee: such comfort flowing from the Godly indeauors of these Gentlemen (the Diuines) that neither the Reproach of this Death, nor the Torment of it hath any whit discouraged me; nay, let me tell you, the last night when I heard the time was appoynted, and saw the warrant in Master Sheriffs hand for my death, it no whit daunted me: But what put this courage into me? onely the hope which I had in GODS mercies. This Hope was a Seede, and this Seed must come from a Roote; I looked upon my selfe, and there was rather cause despaire; and just cause, that I should not approach GODS presence. Thus then I disputed with GOD: This Hope being a Seede must have a Roote, and this Roote is not any thing in Man, no, it is Praescientia (thy fore-knowledge,) O God, who hast elected me from eternity. I will tell you, I receiued more comfort this morning, comming along the streetes, than euer I did in all my life. I saw much people gathered together, all the way as I came, to see mee brought to this shamefull end: who with their hearty prayers and well wishings gladded and comforted my very soule: insomuch as I could wish that I had come from Westminster hither. I protest unto you, I thinke I could never have dyed so happily in my bed. But you will say, these are but speechees, and that I being so neere death, my heart cannot be so free, as I seeme in my speech: I confesse, there are in my brest frailties, which doe terrifie, and will still be busie with me, but I beseech you when I am at the stroake of death, that you would praie to GOD (with mee) that neither Sathans power, nor my weakenesse, may hinder my confidence. And I beseech God that amongst all who this daie heare mee, some may profit by my end: If I get but one Soule, I shall have much comfort in that; for that one soule my beget another, and that other another. I have held you too long, but I will draw to an end: intreating you all to ioyne in praier to God for me.
The summe of his Prayer.
O Lord God omnipotent, who sittest in Heaven, and seest all things which are done on earth: to whom are knowne all occasions of men; And who dost deride and laugh to scorne their Foolish inuentions: thou (Lord) who art powerfull to Saue at an instant, bow downe the heavens, and behold Mee (wretched sinner!) vnworthy to looke up, or lift up my hands unto thee. Remember not (O Lord) the sinnes which I have committed. Driue away this Mist which is before mee; and breake those thick Clowdes which my sinnes have made, and may let my request to come into thy presence. Strengthen mee in the middest of Death, in the assurance of thy.
Mercies; and give mee a ioyfull Passage into thy Heavenly Rest, now and for euer. Amen.
After hee had thus Prayed, hee tooke his leaue of all, with these words.
Gentlemen, I shall see your faces now no more: and pulling down his Cap in his eyes, said some privat prayer; in which time the Doctors prayed, and called to him, that hee would remember his assurance, and not be dismaied at the Cup, that hee was not drinke of: Hee answered, I will drinke it up, and never looke what is in it. And after a little time more spent in privat prayer, hee said, Lord receaue my Soule: And so yeelded up the Ghost. His Meditation and Vow. not long before his Death. When I considered Herods State, who though hee heard John Baptist gladly, yet was he intangled with Herodias: and how Agrippa liked so well of Paul as hee was perswaded almost to become a Christian, and how young mans will was good to follow Chirst yet was there one thing wanting: meethought the state of sinfull man was not vnlike. For also how the Angler though hauing caught a Fish but by the the chaps accounts it as his owne: the Bird taken but by the heele is a prey unto the Fowler: the Iayler also holds his prisoner by one ioint as safe, as cast in iron chaines: then did I think what do these motions good, if not effected to the full? what though not notoriously evill? one sinne sufficent to condemn: and is he guilty of all that guilty is of one? then said I vnto the Lord I will freely cleanse my waies and wash my hands in innocency: I will take heed that I offend not in my tongue. Lord let my thoughts be such as I may al-waies say, try and examine mee if there be any vnrighteousnes in mee. Sir Geruase Ellowis.
In 1628 Richard Blount of London and Williton in Somerset 1564-1628 (64) was executed at Tower Hill.
On 14 May 1631 Mervyn Tuchet 2nd Earl Castlehaven 1593-1631 (38) was beheaded at Tower Hill for the unnatural crime of sodomy in accordance with the 1533 Buggery Act, committed with his page Laurence (or Florence) FitzPatrick, who confessed to the crime and was executed; and assisting Giles Browning (alias Broadway), who was also executed, in the rape of his wife Anne, Countess of Castlehaven (51), in which Lord Castlehaven was found to have participated by restraining her. His son James Tuchet 3rd Earl Castlehaven 1617-1686 (14) succeeded 3rd Earl Castlehaven, 3rd Baron Audley of Orier. He didn't succeed to his father's English titles as a result of his father's attainder.
On 12 May 1641 Thomas Wentworth 1st Earl Strafford 1593-1641 (48) was beheaded at Tower Hill. His execution was attended by an enormous crowd.
Wenceslaus Hollar Engraver 1607-1677 (33). Engraving of the execution of Thomas Wentworth 1st Earl Strafford 1593-1641 (48) marked as C with James Ussher Primate of Ireland 1581-1656 (60) marked as A.
John Evelyn's Diary 12 May 1641. 12 May 1641, I beheld on Tower-hill the fatal stroke which severed the wisest head in England from the shoulders of the Earl of Strafford (48), whose crime coming under the cognizance of no human law, or statute, a new one was made, not to be a precedent, but his destruction. With what reluctancy the King (40) signed the execution, he has sufficiently expressed; to which he imputes his own unjust suffering — to such exorbitancy were things arrived.
On 19 Nov 1644 Alexander Carew 2nd Baronet Carew 1609-1644 (35) was tried for treason, for attempting to betray the Parliamentary cause, by court-martial and convicted at Guildhall.
On 23 Dec 1644 Alexander Carew 2nd Baronet Carew 1609-1644 (35) was beheaded at Tower Hill. His son John Carew 3rd Baronet Carew 1635-1692 (9) succeeded 3rd Baronet Carew of Antony in Cornwall.
In Dec 1644 Parliament decided to execute the Hothams, father and son, John Hotham 1st Baronet Hotham 1589-1645 (55) and John Hotham 1610-1645 (34).
On 01 Jan 1645 John Hotham 1610-1645 (35) was beheaded for treason by Parliamentarians at Tower Hill. His father was executed the next day.
On 02 Jan 1645 John Hotham 1st Baronet Hotham 1589-1645 (55) was beheaded for treason by Parliamentarians; his son having been executed the previous day. His grandson John Hotham 2nd Baronet Hotham 1632-1689 (12) succeeded 2nd Baronet Hotham of Scorborough in Yorkshire.
Diary of Isabella Twysden 1645. 01 Jan 1645. The first of Janua Mr Jo: hothum (35) was beheaded on tower hill.
Diary of Isabella Twysden 1645. 02 Jan 1645. The 2 of Janu Sr Jo: hothum (55) (father to Mr hothum) was beheaded on tower hill.
On 08 Jun 1658 Henry Slingsby 1st Baronet Scriven 1602-1658 (56) was beheaded on Tower Hill for being a Royalist. His son Thomas Slingsby 2nd Baronet Scriven 1636-1688 (21) succeeded 2nd Baronet Slingsby Scriven.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 27 January 1662. 27 Jan 1662. This morning, both Sir Williams and I by barge to Deptford-yard to give orders in businesses there; and called on several ships, also to give orders, and so to Woolwich, and there dined at Mr. Falconer's of victuals we carried ourselves, and one Mr. Dekins, the father of my Morena, of whom we have lately bought some hemp.
That being done we went home again. This morning, going to take water upon Tower-hill, we met with three sleddes standing there to carry my Lord Monson (63) and Sir H. Mildmay (69) and another, to the gallows and back again, with ropes about their necks; which is to be repeated every year, this being the day of their sentencing the King (31).
Diary of Samuel Pepys 14 June 1662. 14 Jun 1662. Up by four o'clock in the morning and upon business at my office. Then we sat down to business, and about 11 o'clock, having a room got ready for us, we all went out to the Tower-hill; and there, over against the scaffold, made on purpose this day, saw Sir Henry Vane (49) brought1. A very great press of people. He made a long speech, many times interrupted by the Sheriff and others there; and they would have taken his paper out of his hand, but he would not let it go. But they caused all the books of those that writ after him to be given the Sheriff; and the trumpets were brought under the scaffold that he might not be heard. Then he prayed, and so fitted himself, and received the blow; but the scaffold was so crowded that we could not see it done. But Boreman, who had been upon the scaffold, came to us and told us, that first he began to speak of the irregular proceeding against him; that he was, against Magna Charta, denied to have his exceptions against the indictment allowed; and that there he was stopped by the Sheriff. Then he drew out his, paper of notes, and begun to tell them first his life; that he was born a gentleman, that he was bred up and had the quality of a gentleman, and to make him in the opinion of the world more a gentleman, he had been, till he was seventeen years old, a good fellow, but then it pleased God to lay a foundation of grace in his heart, by which he was persuaded, against his worldly interest, to leave all preferment and go abroad, where he might serve God with more freedom. Then he was called home, and made a member of the Long Parliament; where he never did, to this day, any thing against his conscience, but all for the glory of God. Here he would have given them an account of the proceedings of the Long Parliament, but they so often interrupted him, that at last he was forced to give over: and so fell into prayer for England in generall, then for the churches in England, and then for the City of London: and so fitted himself for the block, and received the blow. He had a blister, or issue, upon his neck, which he desired them not hurt: he changed not his colour or speech to the last, but died justifying himself and the cause he had stood for; and spoke very confidently of his being presently at the right hand of Christ; and in all, things appeared the most resolved man that ever died in that manner, and showed more of heat than cowardize, but yet with all humility and gravity. One asked him why he did not pray for the King (32). He answered, "Nay", says he, "you shall see I can pray for the King (32): I pray God bless him!" the King (32) had given his body to his friends; and, therefore, he told them that he hoped they would be civil to his body when dead; and desired they would let him die like a gentleman and a Christian, and not crowded and pressed as he was.
So to the office a little, and so to the Trinity-house all of us to dinner; and then to the office again all the afternoon till night.
So home and to bed. This day, I hear, my Lord Peterborough (40) is come unexpected from Tangier, to give the King (32) an account of the place, which, we fear, is in none of the best condition. We had also certain news to-day that the Spaniard is before Lisbon with thirteen sail; six Dutch, and the rest his own ships; which will, I fear, be ill for Portugall. I writ a letter of all this day's proceedings to my Lord, at Hinchingbroke, who, I hear, is very well pleased with the work there.
Note 1. Sir Harry Vane (49) the younger was born 1612. Charles (32) signed on June 12th a warrant for the execution of Vane by hanging at Tyburn on the 14th, which sentence on the following day "upon humble suit made" to him, Charles was "graciously pleased to mitigate", as the warrant terms it, for the less ignominious punishment of beheading on Tower Hill, and with permission that the head and body should be given to the relations to be by them decently and privately interred.— Lister's Life of Clarendon, ii, 123.
On 14 Jun 1662 Henry Vane "The Younger" 1613-1662 (49) was beheaded at Tower Hill for treason against King Charles II (32). He had been sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered, however, King Charles II (32) commuted the sentence to beheading.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 16 June 1662. 16 Jun 1662. Up before four o'clock, and after some business took Will forth, and he and I walked over the Tower Hill, but the gate not being open we walked through St. Catharine's and Ratcliffe (I think it is) by the waterside above a mile before we could get a boat, and so over the water in a scull (which I have not done a great while), and walked finally to Deptford, where I saw in what forwardness the work is for Sir W. Batten's (61) house and mine, and it is almost ready. I also, with Mr. Davis, did view my cozen Joyce's tallow, and compared it with the Irish tallow we bought lately, and found ours much more white, but as soft as it; now what is the fault, or whether it be or no a fault, I know not.
So walked home again as far as over against the Towre, and so over and home, where I found Sir W. Pen (41) and Sir John Minnes (63) discoursing about Sir John Minnes's (63) house and his coming to live with us, and I think he intends to have Mr. Turner's house and he to come to his lodgings, which I shall be very glad of. We three did go to Mr. Turner's to view his house, which I think was to the end that Sir John Minnes (63) might see it.
Then by water with my wife to the Wardrobe, and dined there; and in the afternoon with all the children by water to Greenwich, where I showed them the King's yacht, the house, and the park, all very pleasant; and so to the tavern, and had the musique of the house, and so merrily home again. Will and I walked home from the Wardrobe, having left my wife at the Tower Wharfe coming by, whom I found gone to bed not very well....
So to bed.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 30 August 1662. 30 Aug 1662. Up betimes among my workmen, and so to the office, where we sat all the morning, and at noon rose and had news that Sir W. Pen (41) would be in town from Ireland, which I much wonder at, he giving so little notice of it, and it troubled me exceedingly what to do for a lodging, and more what to do with my goods, that are all in his house; but at last I resolved to let them lie there till Monday, and so got Griffin to get a lodging as near as he could, which is without a door of our back door upon Tower Hill, a chamber where John Pavis, one of our clerks, do lie in, but he do provide himself elsewhere, and I am to have his chamber.
So at the office all the afternoon and the evening till past to at night expecting Sir W. Pen's (41) coming, but he not coming to-night I went thither and there lay very well, and like my lodging well enough. My man Will after he had got me to bed did go home and lay there, and my maid Jane lay among my goods at Sir W. Pen's (41).
Diary of Samuel Pepys 27 November 1662. 27 Nov 1662. At my waking, I found the tops of the houses covered with snow, which is a rare sight, that I have not seen these three years. Up, and put my people to perfect the cleaning of my house, and so to the office, where we sat till noon; and then we all went to the next house upon Tower Hill, to see the coming by of the Russia Embassador (17); for whose reception all the City trained-bands do attend in the streets, and the King's life-guards, and most of the wealthy citizens in their black velvet coats, and gold chains (which remain of their gallantry at the King's coming in), but they staid so long that we went down again home to dinner. And after I had dined, I heard they were coming, and so I walked to the Conduit in the Quarrefowr1, at the end of Gracious-street and Cornhill; and there (the spouts thereof running very near me upon all the people that were under it) I saw them pretty well go by. I could not see the Embassador (17) in his coach; but his attendants in their habits and fur caps very handsome, comely men, and most of them with hawkes upon their fists to present to the King (32) But Lord! to see the absurd nature of Englishmen, that cannot forbear laughing and jeering at every thing that looks strange.
So back and to the office, and there we met and sat till seven o'clock, making a bargain with Mr. Wood for his masts of New England; and then in Mr. Coventry's (34) coach to the Temple, but my cozen Roger Pepys (45) not being at leisure to speak to me about my business, I presently walked home, and to my office till very late doing business, and so home, where I found my house more and more clear and in order, and hope in a day or two now to be in very good condition there and to my full content. Which God grant! So to supper and to bed.
Note 1. In two ordinances of the reign of Edward III, printed in Riley's "Memorials of London" (pp. 300, 389), this is called the "Carfukes", which nearly approaches the name of the "Carfax", at Oxford, where four ways also met. Pepys's form of the word is nearer quatre voies, the French equivalent of quadrivium.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 23 February 1663. 23 Feb 1663. Thence to my Lord Sandwich (37), who though he has been abroad again two or three days is falling ill again, and is let blood this morning, though I hope it is only a great cold that he has got. It was a great trouble to me (and I had great apprehensions of it) that my Lord desired me to go to Westminster Hall, to the Parliament-house door, about business; and to Sir Wm. Wheeler (52), which I told him I would do, but durst not go for fear of being taken by these rogues; but was forced to go to White Hall and take boat, and so land below the Tower at the Iron-gate; and so the back way over Little Tower Hill; and with my cloak over my face, took one of the watermen along with me, and staid behind a wall in the New-buildings behind our garden, while he went to see whether any body stood within the Merchants' Gate, under which we pass to go into our garden, and there standing but a little dirty boy before the gate, did make me quake and sweat to think he might be a Trepan1. But there was nobody, and so I got safe into the garden, and coming to open my office door, something behind it fell in the opening, which made me start. So that God knows in what a sad condition I should be in if I were truly in the condition that many a poor man is for debt: and therefore ought to bless God that I have no such reall reason, and to endeavour to keep myself, by my good deportment and good husbandry, out of any such condition.
Note 1. TT. Trickster.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 15 June 1663. 15 Jun 1663. Up betimes, and anon my wife rose and did give me her keys, and put other things in order and herself against going this morning into the country. I was forced to go to Thames Street and strike up a bargain for some tarr, to prevent being abused therein by Hill, who was with me this morning, and is mightily surprised that I should tell him what I can have the same tarr with his for.
Thence home, but finding my wife gone, I took coach and after her to her inn, where I am troubled to see her forced to sit in the back of the coach, though pleased to see her company none but women and one parson; she I find is troubled at all, and I seemed to make a promise to get a horse and ride after them; and so, kissing her often, and Ashwell once, I bid them adieu.
So home by coach, and thence by water to Deptford to the Trinity House, where I came a little late; but I found them reading their charter, which they did like fools, only reading here and there a bit, whereas they ought to do it all, every word, and then proceeded to the election of a maister, which was Sir W. Batten (62), without any control, who made a heavy, short speech to them, moving them to give thanks to the late Maister for his pains, which he said was very great, and giving them thanks for their choice of him, wherein he would serve them to the best of his power. Then to the choice of their assistants and wardens, and so rose. I might have received 2s. 6d. as a younger Brother, but I directed one of the servants of the House to receive it and keep it.
Thence to church, where Dr. Britton preached a sermon full of words against the Nonconformists, but no great matter in it, nor proper for the day at all. His text was, "With one mind and one mouth give glory to God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ". That done, by water, I in the barge with the Maister, to the Trinity House at London; where, among others, I found my Lords Sandwich and Craven (55), and my cousin Roger Pepys (46), and Sir Wm. Wheeler (52). Anon we sat down to dinner, which was very great, as they always have. Great variety of talk. Mr. Prin (63), among many, had a pretty tale of one that brought in a bill in parliament for the empowering him to dispose his land to such children as he should have that should bear the name of his wife. It was in Queen Elizabeth's time. One replied that there are many species of creatures where the male gives the denomination to both sexes, swan and woodcock, but not above one where the female do, and that is a goose.
Both at and after dinner we had great discourses of the nature and power of spirits, and whether they can animate dead bodies; in all which, as of the general appearance of spirits, my Lord Sandwich (37) is very scepticall. He says the greatest warrants that ever he had to believe any, is the present appearing of the Devil1 in Wiltshire, much of late talked of, who beats a drum up and down. There are books of it, and, they say, very true; but my Lord observes, that though he do answer to any tune that you will play to him upon another drum, yet one tune he tried to play and could not; which makes him suspect the whole; and I think it is a good argument. Sometimes they talked of handsome women, and Sir J. Minnes (64) saying that there was no beauty like what he sees in the country-markets, and specially at Bury, in which I will agree with him that there is a prettiest women I ever saw. My Lord replied thus: "Sir John, what do you think of your neighbour's wife?" looking upon me. "Do you not think that he hath a great beauty to his wife? Upon my word he hath". Which I was not a little proud of.
Thence by barge with my Lord to Blackfriars, where we landed and I thence walked home, where vexed to find my boy (whom I boxed at his coming for it) and Will abroad, though he was but upon Tower Hill a very little while. My head akeing with the healths I was forced to drink to-day I sent for the barber, and he having done, I up to my wife's closett, and there played on my viallin a good while, and without supper anon to bed, sad for want of my wife, whom I love with all my heart, though of late she has given me some troubled thoughts.
Note 1. In 1664, there being a generall report all over the Kingdom of Mr. Monpesson his house being haunted, which hee himself affirming to the King (33) and Queene (53) to be true, the King (33) sent the Lord Falmouth, and the Queene (53) sent mee, to examine the truth of; but wee could neither see nor heare anything that was extraordinary; and about a year after, his Majesty told me that hee had discovered the cheat, and that Mr. Monpesson, upon his Majesty sending for him, confessed it to him. And yet Mr. Monpesson, in a printed letter, had afterwards the confidence to deny that hee had ever made any such confession" ("Letters of the Second Earl of Chesterfield", p. 24, 1829, 8vo.). Joseph Glanville published a relation of the famous disturbance at the house of Mr. Monpesson, at Tedworth, Wilts, occasioned by the beating of an invisible drum every night for a year. This story, which was believed at the time, furnished the plot for Addison's play of "The Drummer", or the "Haunted House". In the "Mercurius Publicus", April 16-23, 1663, there is a curious examination on this subject, by which it appears that one William Drury, of Uscut, Wilts, was the invisible drummer. B.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 07 July 1663. 07 Jul 1663. Up by 4 o'clock and to my office, and there continued all the morning upon my Navy book to my great content.
At noon down by barge with Sir J. Minnes (64) (who is going to Chatham) to Woolwich, in our way eating of some venison pasty in the barge, I having neither eat nor drank to-day, which fills me full of wind. Here also in Mr. Pett's (52) garden I eat some and the first cherries I have eat this year, off the tree where the King (33) himself had been gathering some this morning.
Thence walked alone, only part of the way Deane (29) walked with me, complaining of many abuses in the Yard, to Greenwich, and so by water to Deptford, where I found Mr. Coventry (35), and with him up and down all the stores, to the great trouble of the officers, and by his help I am resolved to fall hard to work again, as I used to do. So thence he and I by water talking of many things, and I see he puts his trust most upon me in the Navy, and talks, as there is reason, slightly of the two old knights, and I should be glad by any drudgery to see the King's stores and service looked to as they ought, but I fear I shall never understand half the miscarriages and tricks that the King (33) suffers by. He tells me what Mr. Pett (52) did to-day, that my Lord Bristoll (50) told the King (33) that he will impeach the Chancellor (54) of High Treason: but I find that my Lord Bristoll (50) hath undone himself already in every body's opinion, and now he endeavours to raise dust to put out other men's eyes, as well as his own; but I hope it will not take, in consideration merely that it is hard for a Prince to spare an experienced old officer, be he never so corrupt; though I hope this man is not so, as some report him to be. He tells me that Don John (34) is yet alive, and not killed, as was said, in the great victory against the Spaniards in Portugall of late.
So home, and late at my office.
Thence home and to my musique. This night Mr. Turner's house being to be emptied out of my cellar, and therefore I think to sit up a little longer than ordinary. This afternoon, coming from the waterside with Mr. Coventry (35), I spied my boy upon Tower Hill playing with the rest of the boys; so I sent W. Griffin to take him, and he did bring him to me, and so I said nothing to him, but caused him to be stripped (for he was run away with his best suit), and so putting on his other, I sent him going, without saying one word hard to him, though I am troubled for the rogue, though he do not deserve it.
Being come home I find my stomach not well for want of eating to-day my dinner as I should do, and so am become full of wind. I called late for some victuals, and so to bed, leaving the men below in the cellar emptying the vats up through Mr. Turner's own house, and so with more content to bed late.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 05 September 1663. 05 Sep 1663. Up betimes and to my viall awhile, and so to the office, and there sat, and busy all the morning.
So at noon to the Exchange, and so home to dinner, where I met Creed, who dined with me, and after dinner mightily importuned by Captain Hicks, who came to tell my wife the names and story of all the shells, which was a pretty present he made her the other day. He being gone, Creed, my wife, and I to Cornhill, and after many tryalls bought my wife a chintz, that is, a painted Indian callico, for to line her new study, which is very pretty.
So home with her, and then I away (Creed being gone) to Captain Minors upon Tower Hill, and there, abating only some impertinence of his, I did inform myself well in things relating to the East Indys; both of the country and the disappointment the King (33) met with the last voyage, by the knavery of the Portugall Viceroy, and the inconsiderablenesse of the place of Bombaim1, if we had had it. But, above all things, it seems strange to me that matters should not be understood before they went out; and also that such a thing as this, which was expected to be one of the best parts of the Queen's (24) portion, should not be better understood; it being, if we had it, but a poor place, and not really so as was described to our King in the draught of it, but a poor little island; whereas they made the King (33) and Chancellor (54), and other learned men about the King (33), believe that that, and other islands which are near it, were all one piece; and so the draught was drawn and presented to the King (33), and believed by the King (33) and expected to prove so when our men came thither; but it is quite otherwise.
Thence to my office, and after several letters writ, home to supper and to bed, and took a pill.
I hear this day that Sir W. Batten (62) was fain to put ashore at Queenborough with my Lady, who has been so sick she swears never to go to sea again. But it happens well that Holmes is come home into the Downes, where he will meet my Lady, and it may be do her more good than she looked for. He brings news of the peace between Tangier and the Moors, but the particulars I know not. He is come but yesterday.
Note 1. Bombay, which was transferred to the East India Company in 1669. The seat of the Western Presidency of India was removed from Surat to Bombay in 1685-87.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 09 October 1664. 09 Oct 1664. Lord's Day. Lay pretty long, but however up time enough with my wife to go to church.
Then home to dinner, and Mr. Fuller (56), my Cambridge acquaintance, coming to me about what he was with me lately, to release a waterman, he told me he was to preach at Barking Church; and so I to heare him, and he preached well and neatly.
Thence, it being time enough, to our owne church, and there staid wholly privately at the great doore to gaze upon a pretty lady, and from church dogged her home, whither she went to a house near Tower Hill, and I think her to be one of the prettiest women I ever saw.
So home, and at my office a while busy, then to my uncle Wight's (62), whither it seems my wife went after sermon and there supped, but my aunt and uncle in a very ill humour one with another, but I made shift with much ado to keep them from scolding, and so after supper home and to bed without prayers, it being cold, and to-morrow washing day.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 24 December 1664. 24 Dec 1664. Having sat up all night to past two o'clock this morning, our porter, being appointed, comes and tells us that the bellman tells him that the star is seen upon Tower Hill; so I, that had been all night setting in order all my old papers in my chamber, did leave off all, and my boy and I to Tower Hill, it being a most fine, bright moonshine night, and a great frost; but no Comet to be seen. So after running once round the Hill, I and Tom, we home and then to bed. Rose about 9 o'clock and then to the office, where sitting all the morning.
At noon to the 'Change, to the Coffee-house; and there heard Sir Richard Ford (50) tell the whole story of our defeat at Guinny. Wherein our men are guilty of the most horrid cowardice and perfidiousness, as he says and tells it, that ever Englishmen were. Captain Raynolds, that was the only commander of any of the King's ships there, was shot at by De Ruyter (57), with a bloody flag flying. He, instead of opposing (which, indeed, had been to no purpose, but only to maintain honour), did poorly go on board himself, to ask what De Ruyter (57) would have; and so yielded to whatever Ruyter would desire. The King (34) and Duke (31) are highly vexed at it, it seems, and the business deserves it.
Thence home to dinner, and then abroad to buy some things, and among others to my bookseller's, and there saw several books I spoke for, which are finely bound and good books to my great content.
So home and to my office, where late. This evening I being informed did look and saw the Comet, which is now, whether worn away or no I know not, but appears not with a tail, but only is larger and duller than any other star, and is come to rise betimes, and to make a great arch, and is gone quite to a new place in the heavens than it was before: but I hope in a clearer night something more will be seen.
So home to bed.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 13 June 1666. 13 Jun 1666. Up, and by coach to St. James's, and there did our business before the Duke (32) as usual, having, before the Duke come out of his bed, walked in an ante-chamber with Sir H. Cholmly (33), who tells me there are great jarrs between the Duke of Yorke (32) and the Duke of Albemarle (57), about the later's turning out one or two of the commanders put in by the Duke of Yorke (32). Among others, Captain Du Tell, a Frenchman, put in by the Duke of Yorke (32), and mightily defended by him; and is therein led by Monsieur Blancford, that it seems hath the same command over the Duke of Yorke (32) as Sir W. Coventry (38) hath; which raises ill blood between them. And I do in several little things observe that Sir W. Coventry (38) hath of late, by the by, reflected on the Duke of Albemarle (57) and his captains, particularly in that of old Teddiman, who did deserve to be turned out this fight, and was so; but I heard Sir W. Coventry (38) say that the Duke of Albemarle (57) put in one as bad as he is in his room, and one that did as little.
After we had done with the Duke of Yorke (32), I with others to White Hall, there to attend again a Committee of Tangier, but there was none, which vexed me to the heart, and makes me mighty doubtfull that when we have one, it will be prejudiced against poor Yeabsly and to my great disadvantage thereby, my Lord Peterborough (44) making it his business, I perceive (whether in spite to me, whom he cannot but smell to be a friend to it, or to my Lord Ashly (44), I know not), to obstruct it, and seems to take delight in disappointing of us; but I shall be revenged of him. Here I staid a very great while, almost till noon, and then meeting Balty (26) I took him with me, and to Westminster to the Exchequer about breaking of two tallys of £2000 each into smaller tallys, which I have been endeavouring a good while, but to my trouble it will not, I fear, be done, though there be no reason against it, but only a little trouble to the clerks; but it is nothing to me of real profit at all.
Thence with Balty (26) to Hales's (66) by coach, it being the seventh day from my making my late oathes, and by them I am at liberty to dispense with any of my oathes every seventh day after I had for the six days before going performed all my vowes. Here I find my father's picture begun, and so much to my content, that it joys my very heart to thinke that I should have his picture so well done; who, besides that he is my father, and a man that loves me, and hath ever done so, is also, at this day, one of the most carefull and innocent men, in the world.
Thence with mighty content homeward, and in my way at the Stockes did buy a couple of lobsters, and so home to dinner, where I find my wife and father had dined, and were going out to Hales's (66) to sit there, so Balty (26) and I alone to dinner, and in the middle of my grace, praying for a blessing upon (these his good creatures), my mind fell upon my lobsters: upon which I cried, Odd zooks! and Balty (26) looked upon me like a man at a losse what I meant, thinking at first that I meant only that I had said the grace after meat instead of that before meat. But then I cried, what is become of my lobsters? Whereupon he run out of doors to overtake the coach, but could not, so came back again, and mighty merry at dinner to thinke of my surprize.
After dinner to the Excise Office by appointment, and there find my Lord Bellasses (51) and the Commissioners, and by and by the whole company come to dispute the business of our running so far behindhand there, and did come to a good issue in it, that is to say, to resolve upon having the debt due to us, and the Household and the Guards from the Excise stated, and so we shall come to know the worst of our condition and endeavour for some helpe from my Lord Treasurer (59).
Thence home, and put off Balty (26), and so, being invited, to Sir Christopher Mings's (40) funeral, but find them gone to church. However I into the church (which is a fair, large church, and a great chappell) and there heard the service, and staid till they buried him, and then out. And there met with Sir W. Coventry (38) (who was there out of great generosity, and no person of quality there but he) and went with him into his coach, and being in it with him there happened this extraordinary case, one of the most romantique that ever I heard of in my life, and could not have believed, but that I did see it; which was this:—About a dozen able, lusty, proper men come to the coach-side with tears in their eyes, and one of them that spoke for the rest begun and says to Sir W. Coventry (38), "We are here a dozen of us that have long known and loved, and served our dead commander, Sir Christopher Mings (40), and have now done the last office of laying him in the ground. We would be glad we had any other to offer after him, and in revenge of him. All we have is our lives; if you will please to get His Royal Highness to give us a fireship among us all, here is a dozen of us, out of all which choose you one to be commander, and the rest of us, whoever he is, will serve him; and, if possible, do that that shall show our memory of our dead commander, and our revenge". Sir W. Coventry (38) was herewith much moved (as well as I, who could hardly abstain from weeping), and took their names, and so parted; telling me that he would move His Royal Highness as in a thing very extraordinary, which was done. Thereon see the next day in this book. So we parted. The truth is, Sir Christopher Mings (40) was a very stout man, and a man of great parts, and most excellent tongue among ordinary men; and as Sir W. Coventry (38) says, could have been the most useful man at such a pinch of time as this. He was come into great renowne here at home, and more abroad in the West Indys. He had brought his family into a way of being great; but dying at this time, his memory and name (his father being always and at this day a shoemaker, and his mother a Hoyman's daughter; of which he was used frequently to boast) will be quite forgot in a few months as if he had never been, nor any of his name be the better by it; he having not had time to will any estate, but is dead poor rather than rich.
So we left the church and crowd, and I home (being set down on Tower Hill), and there did a little business and then in the evening went down by water to Deptford, it being very late, and there I staid out as much time as I could, and then took boat again homeward, but the officers being gone in, returned and walked to Mrs. Bagwell's house, and there (it being by this time pretty dark and past ten o'clock) went into her house and did what I would. But I was not a little fearfull of what she told me but now, which is, that her servant was dead of the plague, that her coming to me yesterday was the first day of her coming forth, and that she had new whitened the house all below stairs, but that above stairs they are not so fit for me to go up to, they being not so. So I parted thence, with a very good will, but very civil, and away to the waterside, and sent for a pint of sacke and so home, drank what I would and gave the waterman the rest; and so adieu.
Home about twelve at night, and so to bed, finding most of my people gone to bed. In my way home I called on a fisherman and bought three eeles, which cost me three shillings.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 03 September 1666. 03 Sep 1666. About four o'clock in the morning, my Lady Batten sent me a cart to carry away all my money, and plate, and best things, to Sir W. Rider's at Bednall-greene. Which I did riding myself in my night-gowne in the cart; and, Lord! to see how the streets and the highways are crowded with people running and riding, and getting of carts at any rate to fetch away things. I find Sir W. Rider tired with being called up all night, and receiving things from several friends. His house full of goods, and much of Sir W. Batten's (65) and Sir W. Pen's (45) I am eased at my heart to have my treasure so well secured. Then home, with much ado to find a way, nor any sleep all this night to me nor my poor wife. But then and all this day she and I, and all my people labouring to get away the rest of our things, and did get Mr. Tooker to get me a lighter to take them in, and we did carry them (myself some) over Tower Hill, which was by this time full of people's goods, bringing their goods thither; and down to the lighter, which lay at next quay, above the Tower Docke. And here was my neighbour's wife, Mrs.———-,with her pretty child, and some few of her things, which I did willingly give way to be saved with mine; but there was no passing with any thing through the postern, the crowd was so great. The Duke of Yorke (32) of this day by the office, and spoke to us, and did ride with his guard up and down the City, to keep all quiet (he being now Generall, and having the care of all). This day, Mercer being not at home, but against her mistress's order gone to her mother's, and my wife going thither to speak with W. Hewer (24), met her there, and was angry; and her mother saying that she was not a 'prentice girl, to ask leave every time she goes abroad, my wife with good reason was angry, and, when she came home, bid her be gone again. And so she went away, which troubled me, but yet less than it would, because of the condition we are in, fear of coming into in a little time of being less able to keepe one in her quality. At night lay down a little upon a quilt of W. Hewer's (24) in the office, all my owne things being packed up or gone; and after me my poor wife did the like, we having fed upon the remains of yesterday's dinner, having no fire nor dishes, nor any opportunity of dressing any thing.
Calendar of State Papers Charles II 06 Sep 1666. 06 Sep 1666. Whitehall. Proclamation ordering that as the markets are burned down, markets be held at Bishopsgate Street, Tower Hill, Smithfield, and Leadenhall Street, which shall be well protected, and ordering the magistrates in counties whence provisions are sent to London to forward supplies; also forbidding men to disquiet themselves with rumours of tumults, but attend to the business of quenching the fire, troops being provided to keep the peace; also ordering Gresham College, Bishopsgate Street, to be used instead of the Royal Exchange, which is burnt. [Printed. Proc. Coll., Charles IT, p. 229.]
Diary of Samuel Pepys 07 September 1666. 07 Sep 1666. Up by five o'clock; and, blessed be God! find all well, and by water to Paul's Wharfe. Walked thence, and saw, all the towne burned, and a miserable sight of Paul's church; with all the roofs fallen, and the body of the quire fallen into St. Fayth's; Paul's school also, Ludgate, and Fleet-street, my father's house, and the church, and a good part of the Temple the like.
So to Creed's lodging, near the New Exchange, and there find him laid down upon a bed; the house all unfurnished, there being fears of the fire's coming to them. There borrowed a shirt of him, and washed. To Sir W. Coventry (38), at St. James's, who lay without curtains, having removed all his goods; as the King (36) at White Hall, and every body had done, and was doing. He hopes we shall have no publique distractions upon this fire, which is what every body fears, because of the talke of the French having a hand in it. And it is a proper time for discontents; but all men's minds are full of care to protect themselves, and save their goods: the militia is in armes every where. Our fleetes, he tells me, have been in sight one of another, and most unhappily by fowle weather were parted, to our great losse, as in reason they do conclude; the Dutch being come out only to make a shew, and please their people; but in very bad condition as to stores; victuals, and men. They are at Bullen; and our fleete come to St. Ellen's. We have got nothing, but have lost one ship, but he knows not what.
Thence to the Swan, and there drank: and so home, and find all well. My Lord Bruncker (46), at Sir W. Batten's (65), and tells us the Generall is sent for up, to come to advise with the King (36) about business at this juncture, and to keep all quiet; which is great honour to him, but I am sure is but a piece of dissimulation.
So home, and did give orders for my house to be made clean; and then down to Woolwich, and there find all well: Dined, and Mrs. Markham come to see my wife. So I up again, and calling at Deptford for some things of W. Hewer's (24), he being with me, and then home and spent the evening with Sir R. Ford (52), Mr. Knightly, and Sir W. Pen (45) at Sir W. Batten's (65): This day our Merchants first met at Gresham College, which, by proclamation, is to be their Exchange. Strange to hear what is bid for houses all up and down here; a friend of Sir W. Rider's: having £150 for what he used to let for £40 per annum. Much dispute where the Custome-house shall be thereby the growth of the City again to be foreseen. My Lord Treasurer (59), they say, and others; would have it at the other end of the towne. I home late to Sir W. Pen's (45), who did give me a bed; but without curtains or hangings, all being down. So here I went the first time into a naked bed, only my drawers on; and did sleep pretty well: but still hath sleeping and waking had a fear of fire in my heart, that I took little rest. People do all the world over cry out of the simplicity of my Lord Mayor in generall; and more particularly in this business of the fire, laying it all upon' him. A proclamation1 is come out for markets to be kept at Leadenhall and Mileendgreene, and several other places about the towne; and Tower-hill, and all churches to be set open to receive poor people.
Note 1. On September 5th proclamation was made "ordering that for supply of the distressed people left destitute by the late dreadful and dismal fire.... great proportions of bread be brought daily, not only to the former markets, but to those lately ordained; that all churches, chapels, schools, and public buildings are to be open to receive the goods of those who know not how to dispose of them". On September 6th, proclamation ordered "that as the markets are burned down, markets be held in Bishopsgate Street, Tower Hill, Smithfield, and Leadenhall Street" (Calendar of State Papers, 1666-67, pp. 100, 104).
Diary of Samuel Pepys 05 November 1666. 05 Nov 1666. After dinner and this discourse I took coach, and at the same time find my Lord Hinchingbrooke (18) and Mr. John Crew (38) and the Doctor (33) going out to see the ruins of the City; so I took the Doctor into my Hackney coach (and he is a very fine sober gentleman), and so through the City. But, Lord! what pretty and sober observations he made of the City and its desolation; till anon we come to my house, and there I took them upon Tower Hill to shew them what houses were pulled down there since the fire; and then to my house, where I treated them with good wine of several sorts, and they took it mighty respectfully, and a fine company of gentlemen they are; but above all I was glad to see my Lord Hinchingbrooke (18) drink no wine at all. Here I got them to appoint Wednesday come se'nnight to dine here at my house, and so we broke up and all took coach again, and I carried the Doctor (33) to Chancery Lane, and thence I to White Hall, where I staid walking up and down till night, and then got almost into the play house, having much mind to go and see the play at Court this night; but fearing how I should get home, because of the bonefires and the lateness of the night to get a coach, I did not stay; but having this evening seen my Lady Jemimah, who is come to towne, and looks very well and fat, and heard how Mr. John Pickering (55) is to be married this week, and to a fortune with £5000, and seen a rich necklace of pearle and two pendants of dyamonds, which Sir G. Carteret (56) hath presented her with since her coming to towne, I home by coach, but met not one bonefire through the whole town in going round by the wall, which is strange, and speaks the melancholy disposition of the City at present, while never more was said of, and feared of, and done against the Papists than just at this time.
Home, and there find my wife and her people at cards, and I to my chamber, and there late, and so to supper and to bed.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 19 December 1666. 19 Dec 1666. Up, and by water down to White Hall, and there with the.Duke of York (33) did our usual business, but nothing but complaints of want of money [without] success, and Sir W. Coventry's (38) complaint of the defects of our office (indeed Sir J. Minnes's (67)) without any amendment, and he tells us so plainly of the Committee of Parliament's resolution to enquire home into all our managements that it makes me resolve to be wary, and to do all things betimes to be ready for them.
Thence going away met Mr. Hingston the organist (my old acquaintance) in the Court, and I took him to the Dog taverne and got him to set me a bass to my "It is decreed", which I think will go well, but he commends the song not knowing the words, but says the ayre is good, and believes the words are plainly expressed. He is of my mind against having of 8ths unnecessarily in composition. This did all please me mightily. Then to talk of the King's family. He says many of the musique are ready to starve, they being five years behindhand for their wages; nay, Evens, the famous man upon the Harp having not his equal in the world, did the other day die for mere want, and was fain to be buried at the almes of the parish, and carried to his grave in the dark at night without one linke, but that Mr. Hingston met it by chance, and did give 12d. to buy two or three links. He says all must come to ruin at this rate, and I believe him.
Thence I up to the Lords' House to enquire for Lord Bellasses (52); and there hear how at a conference this morning between the two Houses about the business of the Canary Company, my Lord Buckingham (38) leaning rudely over my Lord Marquis Dorchester, my Lord Dorchester (60) removed his elbow. Duke of Buckingham (38) asked him whether he was uneasy; Dorchester replied, yes, and that he durst not do this were he any where else: Buckingham replied, yes he would, and that he was a better man than himself; Dorchester answered that he lyed. With this Buckingham struck off his hat, and took him by his periwigg, and pulled it aside, and held him. My Lord Chamberlain (64) and others interposed, and, upon coming into the House, the Lords did order them both to the Tower, whither they are to go this afternoon.
I down into the Hall, and there the Lieutenant of the Tower (51) took me with him, and would have me to the Tower to dinner; where I dined at the head of his table, next his lady (54), who is comely and seeming sober and stately, but very proud and very cunning, or I am mistaken, and wanton, too. This day's work will bring the Lieutenant of the Tower £350. But a strange, conceited, vain man he is that ever I met withal, in his own praise, as I have heretofore observed of him.
Thence home, and upon Tower Hill saw about 3 or 400 seamen get together; and one, standing upon a pile of bricks, made his sign, with his handkercher, upon his stick, and called all the rest to him, and several shouts they gave. This made me afeard; so I got home as fast as I could. And hearing of no present hurt did go to Sir Robert Viner's (35) about my plate again, and coming home do hear of 1000 seamen said in the streets to be in armes. So in great fear home, expecting to find a tumult about my house, and was doubtful of my riches there. But I thank God I found all well.
But by and by Sir W. Batten (65) and Sir R. Ford (52) do tell me, that the seamen have been at some prisons, to release some seamen, and the Duke of Albemarle (58) is in armes, and all the Guards at the other end of the town; and the Duke of Albemarle (58) is gone with some forces to Wapping, to quell the seamen; which is a thing of infinite disgrace to us.
I sat long talking with them; and, among other things, Sir R. Ford (52) did make me understand how the House of Commons is a beast not to be understood, it being impossible to know beforehand the success almost of any small plain thing, there being so many to think and speak to any business, and they of so uncertain minds and interests and passions. He did tell me, and so did Sir W. Batten (65), how Sir Allen Brodericke (43) and Sir Allen Apsly (50) did come drunk the other day into the House, and did both speak for half an hour together, and could not be either laughed, or pulled, or bid to sit down and hold their peace, to the great contempt of the King's servants and cause; which I am grieved at with all my heart. We were full in discourse of the sad state of our times, and the horrid shame brought on the King's service by the just clamours of the poor seamen, and that we must be undone in a little time.
Home full of trouble on these considerations, and, among other things, I to my chamber, and there to ticket a good part of my books, in order to the numbering of them for my easy finding them to read as I have occasion.
So to supper and to bed, with my heart full of trouble.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 04 March 1667. 04 Mar 1667. Up, and with Sir J. Minnes (68) and Sir W. Batten (66) by barge to Deptford by eight in the morning, where to the King's yard a little to look after business there, and then to a private storehouse to look upon some cordage of Sir W. Batten's (66), and there being a hole formerly made for a drain for tarr to run into, wherein the barrel stood still, full of stinking water, Sir W. Batten (66) did fall with one leg into it, which might have been very bad to him by breaking a leg or other hurt, but, thanks be to God, he only sprained his foot a little. So after his shifting his stockings at a strong water shop close by, we took barge again, and so to Woolwich, where our business was chiefly to look upon the ballast wharfe there, which is offered us for the King's use to hire, but we do not think it worth the laying out much money upon, unless we could buy the fee-simple of it, which cannot be sold us, so we wholly flung it off: So to the Dockyard, and there staid a while talking about business of the yard, and thence to the Rope-yard, and so to the White Hart and there dined, and Captain Cocke (50) with us, whom we found at the Rope-yard, and very merry at dinner, and many pretty tales of Sir J. Minnes (68), which I have entered in my tale book. But by this time Sir W. Batten (66) was come to be in much pain in his foot, so as he was forced to be carried down in a chair to the barge again, and so away to Deptford, and there I a little in the yard, and then to Bagwell's (30), where I find his wife washing, and also I did 'hazer tout que je voudrais con' [Note. have all that I wanted with] her, and then sent for her husband (30), and discoursed of his going to Harwich this week to his charge of the new ship building there, which I have got him, and so away, walked to Redriffe, and there took boat and away home, and upon Tower Hill, near the ticket office, meeting with my old acquaintance Mr. Chaplin (40), the cheesemonger, and there fell to talk of news, and he tells me that for certain the King of France (28) is denied passage with his army through Flanders, and that he hears that the Dutch do stand upon high terms with us, and will have a promise of not being obliged to strike the flag to us before they will treat with us, and other high things, which I am ashamed of and do hope will never be yielded to. That they do make all imaginable preparations, but that he believes they will be in mighty want of men; that the King of France (28) do court us mightily. He tells me too that our Lord-Treasurer is going to lay down, and that Lord Arlington (49) is to be Lord Treasurer, but I believe nothing of it, for he is not yet of estate visible enough to have the charge I suppose upon him.
So being parted from him I home to the office, and after having done business there I home to supper, and there mightily pleased with my wife's beginning the flagellette, believing that she will come to very well thereon. This day in the barge I took Berckenshaw's translation of Alsted his Templum, but the most ridiculous book, as he has translated it, that ever I saw in my life, I declaring that I understood not three lines together from one end of the book to the other.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 22 March 1667. 22 Mar 1667. Up and by coach to Sir Ph. Warwicke (57) about business for Tangier about money, and then to Sir Stephen Fox (39) to give him account of a little service I have done him about money coming to him from our office, and then to Lovett's and saw a few baubling things of their doing which are very pretty, but the quality of the people, living only by shifts, do not please me, that it makes me I do no more care for them, nor shall have more acquaintance with them after I have got my Baroness Castlemayne's (26) picture home.
So to White Hall, where the King (36) at Chapel, and I would not stay, but to Westminster to Howlett's, and there, he being not well, I sent for a quart of claret and burnt it and drank, and had a 'basado' or three or four of Sarah, whom 'je trouve ici', and so by coach to Sir Robt. Viner's (36) about my accounts with him, and so to the 'Change, where I hear for certain that we are going on with our treaty of peace, and that we are to treat at Bredah. But this our condescension people do think will undo us, and I do much fear it.
So home to dinner, where my wife having dressed herself in a silly dress of a blue petticoat uppermost, and a white satin waistcoat and whitehood, though I think she did it because her gown is gone to the tailor's, did, together with my being hungry, which always makes me peevish, make me angry, but when my belly was full were friends again, and dined and then by water down to Greenwich and thence walked to Woolwich, all the way reading Playford's (44) "Introduction to Musique", wherein are some things very pretty.
At Woolwich I did much business, taking an account of the state of the ships there under hand, thence to Blackwall, and did the like for two ships we have repairing there, and then to Deptford and did the like there, and so home. Captain Perriman with me from Deptford, telling me many particulars how the King's business is ill ordered, and indeed so they are, God knows!
So home and to the office, where did business, and so home to my chamber, and then to supper and to bed. Landing at the Tower to-night I met on Tower Hill with Captain Cocke (50) and spent half an hour walking in the dusk of the evening with him, talking of the sorrowful condition we are in, that we must be ruined if the Parliament do not come and chastize us, that we are resolved to make a peace whatever it cost, that the King (36) is disobliging the Parliament in this interval all that may be, yet his money is gone and he must have more, and they likely not to give it, without a great deal of do. God knows what the issue of it will be. But the considering that the Duke of York (33), instead of being at sea as Admirall, is now going from port to port, as he is at this day at Harwich, and was the other day with the King (36) at Sheernesse, and hath ordered at Portsmouth how fortifications shall be made to oppose the enemy, in case of invasion, [which] is to us a sad consideration, and as shameful to the nation, especially after so many proud vaunts as we have made against the Dutch, and all from the folly of the Duke of Albemarle (58), who made nothing of beating them, and Sir John Lawson (52) he always declared that we never did fail to beat them with lesser numbers than theirs, which did so prevail with the King (36) as to throw us into this war.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 11 May 1667. 11 May 1667. Up, and being called on by Mr. Commander, he and I out to the ground behind Sir W. Pen's (46), where I am resolved to take a lease of some of it for a stable and coach House, and so to keep a coach, unless some change come before I can do it, for I do see it is a greater charge to me now in Hackneys, and I am a little dishonoured by going in them. We spoke with him that hath the letting it, and I do believe when I can tell how much it will be fit for me to have we shall go near to agree.
So home, and there found my door open, which makes me very angry with Nell, and do think to put her away for it, though it do so go against me to part with a servant that it troubles me more than anything in the world.
So to the office, where all the morning.
At noon home to dinner, where Mr. Goodgroome and Creed, and I have great hopes that my wife will come to sing to my mind.
After dinner my wife and Creed and I being entered a Hackney coach to go to the other end of the town, we espied The. Turner (15) coming in her coach to see us, which we were surprised at, and so 'light and took her and another young lady home, and there sat and talked with The. (15), she being lately come out of the North after two or three years absence. She is come to put out her sister and brothers to school at Putney. After a little talk, I over Tower Hill with them to a lady's they go to visit, and so away with my wife, whose being dressed this day in fair hair did make me so mad, that I spoke not one word to her in our going, though I was ready to burst with anger.
So to White Hall to the Committee of Tangier, where they were discoursing about laws for the civil government of the place, but so dull and so little to the purpose that I fell to slumber, when the fear of being seen by Sir W. Coventry (39) did trouble me much afterwards, but I hope he did not. After that broke up.
Creed and I into the Park, and walked, a most pleasant evening, and so took coach, and took up my wife, and in my way home discovered my trouble to my wife for her white locks1, swearing by God, several times, which I pray God forgive me for, and bending my fist, that I would not endure it. She, poor wretch2, was surprized with it, and made me no answer all the way home; but there we parted, and I to the office late, and then home, and without supper to bed, vexed.
Note 1. Randle Holmes says the ladies wore "false locks set on wyres, to make them stand at a distance from the head", and accompanies the information with the figure of a lady "with a pair of locks and curls which were in great fashion in 1670" (Planche's "Cyclopaedia of Costume"; Vol. i., p. 248).
Note 2. A new light is thrown upon this favourite expression of Pepys's when speaking of his wife by the following quotation from a Midland wordbook: "Wretch, n., often used as an expression of endearment or sympathy. Old Woman to Young Master: 'An' 'ow is the missis to-day, door wretch?' Of a boy going to school a considerable distance off 'I met 'im with a bit o' bread in 'is bag, door wretch'" ("A Glossary of Words and Phrases used in S.E. Worcestershire", by Jesse Salisbury. Published by the English Dialect Society, 1894).
Diary of Samuel Pepys 20 May 1667. 20 May 1667. Up betimes, and comes my flagelette master to set me a new tune, which I played presently, and shall in a month do as much as I desire at it. He being gone, I to several businesses in my chamber, and then by coach to the Commissioners of Excise, and so to Westminster Hall, and there spoke with several persons I had to do with. Here among other news, I hear that the Commissioners for the Treasury were named by the King (36) yesterday; but who they are nobody could tell: but the persons are the Chancellor (58), the two Secretaries, Lord Ashly (45), and others say Sir W. Coventry (39) and Sir John Duncomb (44), but all conclude the Duke of Albemarle (58); but reports do differ, but will be known in a day or two.
Having done my business, I then homeward, and overtook Mr. Commander; so took him into a coach with me, and he and I into Lincoln's Inne Fields, there to look upon the coach-houses to see what ground is necessary for coach-house and horses, because of that that I am going about to do, and having satisfied myself in this he and I to Mr. Hide's to look upon the ground again behind our house, and concluded upon his going along with us to-morrow to see some stables, he thinking that we demand more than is necessary.
So away home, and then, I, it being a broken day, and had power by my vows, did walk abroad, first through the Minorys, the first time I have been over the Hill to the postern-gate, and seen the place, since the houses were pulled down about that side of the Tower, since the fire, to find where my young mercer with my pretty little woman to his wife lives, who lived in Lombard Street, and I did espy them, but took no notice now of them, but may do hereafter.
Thence down to the Old Swan, and there saw Betty Michell, whom I have not seen since her christening. But, Lord! how pretty she is, and looks as well as ever I saw her, and her child (which I am fain to seem very fond of) is pretty also, I think, and will be.
Thence by water to Westminster Hall, and there walked a while talking at random with Sir W. Doyly (53), and so away to Mrs. Martin's lodging, who was gone before, expecting me, and there je hazer what je vellem cum her and drank, and so by coach home (but I have forgot that I did in the morning go to the Swan, and there tumbling of la little fille, son uncle did trouver her cum su neckcloth off, which I was ashamed of, but made no great matter of it, but let it pass with a laugh), and there spent the evening with my wife at our flagelets, and so to supper, and after a little reading to bed. My wife still troubled with her cold. I find it everywhere now to be a thing doubted whether we shall have peace or no, and the captain of one of our ships that went with the Embassadors do say, that the seamen of Holland to his hearing did defy us, and called us English dogs, and cried out against peace, and that the great people there do oppose peace, though he says the common people do wish it.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 21 May 1667. 21 May 1667. Up and to the office, where sat all the morning. At noon dined at home with my wife and find a new girle, a good big girle come to us, got by Payne to be our girle; and his daughter Nell we make our cook. This wench's name is Mary, and seems a good likely maid.
After dinner I with Mr. Commander and Mr. Hide's brother to Lincolne's Inne Fields, and there viewed several coach-houses, and satisfied ourselves now fully in it, and then there parted, leaving the rest to future discourse between us.
Thence I home; but, Lord! how it went against my heart to go away from the very door of the Duke's play-house, and my Baroness Castlemayne's (26) coach, and many great coaches there, to see "The Siege of Rhodes". I was very near making a forfeit, but I did command myself, and so home to my office, and there did much business to my good content, much better than going to a play, and then home to my wife, who is not well with her cold, and sat and read a piece of Grand Cyrus in English by her, and then to my chamber and to supper, and so to bed.
This morning the Captain come from Holland did tell us at the board what I have said he reported yesterday. This evening after I come from the office Mrs. Turner (44) come to see my wife and me, and sit and talk with us, and so, my wife not being well and going to bed, Mrs. Turner (44) and I sat up till 12 at night talking alone in my chamber, and most of our discourse was of our neighbours. As to my Lord Bruncker (47), she says how Mrs. Griffin, our housekeeper's wife, hath it from his maid, that comes to her house often, that they are very poor; that the other day Mrs. Williams was fain to send a jewell to pawn; that their maid hath said herself that she hath got £50 since she come thither, and £17 by the payment of one bill; that they have a most lewd and nasty family here in the office, but Mrs. Turner (44) do tell me that my Lord hath put the King (36) to infinite charge since his coming thither in alterations, and particularly that Mr. Harper at Deptford did himself tell her that my Lord hath had of Foly, the ironmonger, £50 worth in locks and keys for his house, and that it is from the fineness of them, having some of £4 and £5 a lock, such as is in the Duke's closet; that he hath several of these; that he do keep many of her things from her of her own goods, and would have her bring a bill into the office for them; that Mrs. Griffin do say that he do not keep Mrs. Williams now for love, but need, he having another whore that he keeps in Covent Garden; that they do owe money everywhere almost for every thing, even Mrs. Shipman for her butter and cheese about £3, and after many demands cannot get it.
Mrs. Turner (44) says she do believe their coming here is only out of a belief of getting purchase by it, and that their servants (which was wittily said of her touching his clerks) do act only as privateers, no purchase, no pay. And in my conscience she is in the right. Then we fell to talk of Sir W. Pen (46), and his family and rise. She [Mrs. Turner (44)] says that he was a pityfull [fellow] when she first knew them; that his lady (43) was one of the sourest, dirty women, that ever she saw; that they took two chambers, one over another, for themselves and child, in Tower Hill; that for many years together they eat more meals at her house than at their own; did call brothers and sisters the husbands and wives; that her husband was godfather to one, and she godmother to another (this Margaret) of their children, by the same token that she was fain to write with her own hand a letter to Captain Twiddy, to stand for a godfather for her; that she brought my Lady, who then was a dirty slattern, with her stockings hanging about her heels, so that afterwards the people of the whole Hill did say that Mrs. Turner (44) had made Mrs. Pen (43) a gentlewoman, first to the knowledge of my Lady Vane (50), Sir Henry's (54) lady, and him to the knowledge of most of the great people that then he sought to, and that in short his rise hath been his giving of large bribes, wherein, and she agrees with my opinion and knowledge before therein, he is very profuse. This made him General; this got him out of the Tower when he was in; and hath brought him into what he is now, since the King's coming in: that long ago, indeed, he would drink the King's health privately with Mr. Turner; but that when he saw it fit to turn Roundhead, and was offered by Mr. Turner to drink the King's health, he answered "No"; he was changed, and now, he that would make him drink the King's health, or any health but the Protector's and the State's, or to that purpose, he would be the first man should sheath his sword in his guts. That at the King's coming in, he did send for her husband, and told him what a great man Sir W. Coventry (39) was like to be, and that he having all the records in his hands of the Navy, if he would transcribe what was of most present use of the practice of the Navy, and give them him to give Sir W. Coventry (39) from him, it would undoubtedly do his business of getting him a principal officer's place; that her husband was at £5 charge to get these presently writ; that Sir W. Pen (46) did give them Sir W. Coventry (39) as from himself, which did set him up with W. Coventry (39), and made him what he is, and never owned any thing of Mr. Turner in them; by which he left him in the lurch, though he did promise the Duke of Albemarle (58) to do all that was possible, and made no question of Mr. Turner's being what he desired; and when afterwards, too, did propose to him the getting of the Purveyor's place for him, he did tell Mr. Turner it was necessary to present Sir W. Coventry (39) 100 pieces, which he did, and W. Coventry took 80 of them: so that he was W. Coventry's mere broker, as Sir W. Batten (66) and my Lady did once tell my Lady Duchess of Albemarle (48), in the case of Mr. Falconer, whom W. Pen (46) made to give W. Coventry £200 for his place of Clerk of the Rope Yard of Woolwich, and to settle £80 a year upon his daughter Pegg (16), after the death of his wife, and a gold watch presently to his wife.
Mrs. Turner (44) do tell me that my Lady and Pegg (16) have themselves owned to her that Sir W. Coventry (39) and Sir W. Pen (46) had private marks to write to one another by, that when they in appearance writ a fair letter in behalf of anybody, that they had a little mark to show they meant it only in shew: this, these silly people did confess themselves of him. She says that their son, Mr. William Pen (22), did tell her that his father did observe the commanders did make their addresses to me and applications, but they should know that his father should be the chief of the office, and that she hath observed that Sir W. Pen (46) never had a kindness to her son, since W. Pen told her son that he had applied himself to me. That his rise hath been by her and her husband's means, and that it is a most inconceivable thing how this man can have the face to use her and her family with the neglect that he do them. That he was in the late war a most devilish plunderer, and that got him his estate, which he hath in Ireland, and nothing else, and that he hath always been a very liberal man in his bribes, that upon his coming into this part of the Controller's business wherein he is, he did send for T. Willson and told him how against his knowledge he was put in, and had so little wit as to say to him, "This will make the pot boyle, will it not, Mr. Willson? will it not make the pot boyle?" and do offer him to come in and do his business for him, and he would reward him. This Mr. Willson did come and tell her presently, he having been their servant, and to this day is very faithful to them. That her husband's not being forward to make him a bill for Rere Admirall's pay and Generall's pay both at the same time after he was first made Generall did first give him occasion of keeping a distance from him, since which they have never been great friends, Pen having by degrees been continually growing higher and higher, till now that he do wholly slight them and use them only as servants. Upon the whole, she told me stories enough to confirm me that he is the most false fellow that ever was born of woman, and that so she thinks and knows him to be.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 13 June 1667. 13 Jun 1667. No sooner up but hear the sad newes confirmed of the Royall Charles being taken by them, and now in fitting by them—which Pett (56) should have carried up higher by our several orders, and deserves, therefore, to be hanged for not doing it—and turning several others; and that another fleete is come up into the Hope.
Upon which newes the King (37) and Duke of York (33) have been below [Below London Bridge.] since four o'clock in the morning, to command the sinking of ships at Barking-Creeke, and other places, to stop their coming up higher: which put me into such a fear, that I presently resolved of my father's and wife's going into the country; and, at two hours' warning, they did go by the coach this day, with about £1300 in gold in their night-bag. Pray God give them good passage, and good care to hide it when they come home! but my heart is full of fear.
They gone, I continued in fright and fear what to do with the rest. W. Hewer (25) hath been at the banker's, and hath got £500 out of Backewell's hands of his own money; but they are so called upon that they will be all broke, hundreds coming to them for money: and their answer is, "It is payable at twenty days—when the days are out, we will pay you"; and those that are not so, they make tell over their money, and make their bags false, on purpose to give cause to retell it, and so spend time. I cannot have my 200 pieces of gold again for silver, all being bought up last night that were to be had, and sold for 24 and 25s. a-piece. So I must keep the silver by me, which sometimes I think to fling into the house of office, and then again know not how I shall come by it, if we be made to leave the office. Every minute some one or other calls for this or that order; and so I forced to be at the office, most of the day, about the fire-ships which are to be suddenly fitted out: and it's a most strange thing that we hear nothing from any of my brethren at Chatham; so that we are wholly in the dark, various being the reports of what is done there; insomuch that I sent Mr. Clapham express thither to see how matters go: I did, about noon, resolve to send Mr. Gibson away after my wife with another 1000 pieces, under colour of an express to Sir Jeremy Smith; who is, as I hear, with some ships at Newcastle; which I did really send to him, and may, possibly, prove of good use to the King (37); for it is possible, in the hurry of business, they may not think of it at Court, and the charge of an express is not considerable to the King (37).
So though I intend Gibson no further than to Huntingdon I direct him to send the packet forward. My business the most of the afternoon is listening to every body that comes to the office, what news? which is variously related, some better, some worse, but nothing certain. The King (37) and Duke of York (33) up and down all the day here and there: some time on Tower Hill, where the City militia was; where the King (37) did make a speech to them, that they should venture themselves no further than he would himself. I also sent, my mind being in pain, Saunders after my wife and father, to overtake them at their night's lodgings, to see how matters go with them.
In the evening, I sent for my cousin Sarah [Gyles] and her husband, who come; and I did deliver them my chest of writings about Brampton, and my brother Tom's (33) papers, and my journalls, which I value much; and did send my two silver flaggons to Kate Joyce's: that so, being scattered what I have, something might be saved. I have also made a girdle, by which, with some trouble, I do carry about me £300 in gold about my body, that I may not be without something in case I should be surprised: for I think, in any nation but our's, people that appear (for we are not indeed so) so faulty as we, would have their throats cut.
In the evening comes Mr. Pelling, and several others, to the office, and tell me that never were people so dejected as they are in the City all over at this day; and do talk most loudly, even treason; as, that we are bought and sold—that we are betrayed by the Papists, and others, about the King (37); cry out that the office of the Ordnance hath been so backward as no powder to have been at Chatham nor Upnor Castle till such a time, and the carriages all broken; that Legg is a Papist; that Upnor, the old good castle built by Queen Elizabeth, should be lately slighted; that the ships at Chatham should not be carried up higher. They look upon us as lost, and remove their families and rich goods in the City; and do think verily that the French, being come down with his army to Dunkirke, it is to invade us, and that we shall be invaded. Mr. Clerke (44), the solicitor, comes to me about business, and tells me that he hears that the King (37) hath chosen Mr. Pierpont (59) and Vaughan (63) of the West, Privy-councillors; that my Chancellor (58) was affronted in the Hall this day, by people telling him of his Dunkirke house; and that there are regiments ordered to be got together, whereof to be commanders my Lord Fairfax (55), Ingoldsby (49), Bethell, Norton, and Birch (51), and other Presbyterians; and that Dr. Bates will have liberty to preach. Now, whether this be true or not, I know not; but do think that nothing but this will unite us together.
Late at night comes Mr. Hudson, the cooper, my neighbour, and tells me that he come from Chatham this evening at five o'clock, and saw this afternoon "The Royal James", "Oake", and "London", burnt by the enemy with their fire-ships: that two or three men-of-war come up with them, and made no more of Upnor's shooting, than of a fly; that those ships lay below Upnor Castle, but therein, I conceive, he is in an error; that the Dutch are fitting out "The Royall Charles"; that we shot so far as from the Yard thither, so that the shot did no good, for the bullets grazed on the water; that Upnor played hard with their guns at first, but slowly afterwards, either from the men being beat off, or their powder spent. But we hear that the fleete in the Hope is not come up any higher the last flood; and Sir W. Batten (66) tells me that ships are provided to sink in the River, about Woolwich, that will prevent their coming up higher if they should attempt it. I made my will also this day, and did give all I had equally between my father and wife, and left copies of it in each of Mr. Hater and W. Hewer's (25) hands, who both witnessed the will, and so to supper and then to bed, and slept pretty well, but yet often waking.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 14 June 1667. 14 Jun 1667. Up, and to the office; where Mr. fryer comes and tells me that there are several Frenchmen and Flemish ships in the River, with passes from the Duke of York (33) for carrying of prisoners, that ought to be parted from the rest of the ships, and their powder taken, lest they do fire themselves when the enemy comes, and so spoil us; which is good advice, and I think I will give notice of it; and did so. But it is pretty odd to see how every body, even at this high time of danger, puts business off of their own hands! He says that he told this to the Lieutenant of the Tower (52), to whom I, for the same reason, was directing him to go; and the Lieutenant of the Tower bade him come to us, for he had nothing to do with it; and yesterday comes Captain Crew, of one of the fireships, and told me that the officers of the Ordnance would deliver his gunner's materials, but not compound them1, 2 but that we must do it; whereupon I was forced to write to them about it; and one that like a great many come to me this morning by and by comes—Mr. Wilson, and by direction of his, a man of Mr. Gawden's; who come from Chatham last night, and saw the three ships burnt, they lying all dry, and boats going from the men-of-war and fire them. But that, that he tells me of worst consequence is, that he himself, I think he said, did hear many Englishmen on board the Dutch ships speaking to one another in English; and that they did cry and say, "We did heretofore fight for tickets; now we fight for dollars!" and did ask how such and such a one did, and would commend themselves to them: which is a sad consideration.
And Mr. Lewes, who was present at this fellow's discourse to me, did tell me, that he is told that when they took "The Royall Charles", they said that they had their tickets signed, and showed some, and that now they come to have them paid, and would have them paid before they parted. And several seamen come this morning to me, to tell me that, if I would get their tickets paid, they would go and do all they could against the Dutch; but otherwise they would not venture being killed, and lose all they have already fought for: so that I was forced to try what I could do to get them paid.
This man tells me that the ships burnt last night did lie above Upnor Castle, over against the Docke; and the boats come from the ships of war and burnt them all which is very sad. And masters of ships, that we are now taking up, do keep from their ships all their stores, or as much as they can, so that we can despatch them, having not time to appraise them nor secure their payment; only some little money we have, which we are fain to pay the men we have with, every night, or they will not work. And indeed the hearts as well as affections of the seamen are turned away; and in the open streets in Wapping, and up and down, the wives have cried publickly, "This comes of your not paying our husbands; and now your work is undone, or done by hands that understand it not". And Sir W. Batten (66) told me that he was himself affronted with a woman, in language of this kind, on Tower Hill publickly yesterday; and we are fain to bear it, and to keep one at the office door to let no idle people in, for fear of firing of the office and doing us mischief.
The City is troubled at their being put upon duty: summoned one hour, and discharged two hours after; and then again summoned two hours after that; to their great charge as well as trouble. And Pelling, the Potticary, tells me the world says all over, that less charge than what the Kingdom is put to, of one kind or other, by this business, would have set out all our great ships. It is said they did in open streets yesterday, at Westminster, cry, "A Parliament! a Parliament!" and I do believe it will cost blood to answer for these miscarriages. We do not hear that the Dutch are come to Gravesend; which is a wonder. But a wonderful thing it is that to this day we have not one word yet from Bruncker (47), or Peter Pett (56), or J. Minnes (68), of any thing at Chatham. The people that come hither to hear how things go, make me ashamed to be found unable to answer them: for I am left alone here at the office; and the truth is, I am glad my station is to be here, near my own home and out of danger, yet in a place of doing the King (37) good service.
I have this morning good news from Gibson; three letters from three several stages, that he was safe last night as far as Royston, at between nine and ten at night. The dismay that is upon us all, in the business of the Kingdom and Navy at this day, is not to be expressed otherwise than by the condition the citizens were in when the City was on fire, nobody knowing which way to turn themselves, while every thing concurred to greaten the fire; as here the easterly gale and spring-tides for coming up both rivers, and enabling them to break the chaine. D. Gauden did tell me yesterday, that the day before at the Council they were ready to fall together by the ears at the Council-table, arraigning one another of being guilty of the counsel that brought us into this misery, by laying up all the great ships. Mr. Hater tells me at noon that some rude people have been, as he hears, at my Chancellor's (58), where they have cut down the trees before his house and broke his windows; and a gibbet either set up before or painted upon his gate, and these three words writ: "Three sights to be seen; Dunkirke, Tangier, and a barren Queene (57)"3.
It gives great matter of talk that it is said there is at this hour, in the Exchequer, as much money as is ready to break down the floor. This arises, I believe, from Sir G. Downing's (42) late talk of the greatness of the sum lying there of people's money, that they would not fetch away, which he shewed me and a great many others. Most people that I speak with are in doubt how we shall do to secure our seamen from running over to the Dutch; which is a sad but very true consideration at this day.
At noon I am told that my Lord Duke of Albemarle (58) is made Lord High Constable; the meaning whereof at this time I know not, nor whether it, be true or no.
Dined, and Mr. Hater and W. Hewer (25) with me; where they do speak very sorrowfully of the posture of the times, and how people do cry out in the streets of their being bought and sold; and both they, and every body that come to me, do tell me that people make nothing of talking treason in the streets openly: as, that we are bought and sold, and governed by Papists, and that we are betrayed by people about the King (37), and shall be delivered up to the French, and I know not what.
At dinner we discoursed of Tom of the Wood, a fellow that lives like a hermit near Woolwich, who, as they say, and Mr. Bodham, they tell me, affirms that he was by at the justice's when some did accuse him there for it, did foretell the burning of the City, and now says that a greater desolation is at hand. Thence we read and laughed at Lilly's prophecies this month, in his Almanack this year! !So to the office after dinner; and thither comes Mr. Pierce, who tells me his condition, how he cannot get his money, about £500, which, he says, is a very great part of what he hath for his family and children, out of Viner's (36) hand: and indeed it is to be feared that this will wholly undo the bankers. He says he knows nothing of the late affronts to my Chancellor's (58) house, as is said, nor hears of the Duke of Albemarle's (58) being made High Constable; but says that they are in great distraction at White Hall, and that every where people do speak high against Sir W. Coventry (39): but he agrees with me, that he is the best Minister of State the King (37) hath, and so from my heart I believe.
At night come home Sir W. Batten (66) and W. Pen (46), who only can tell me that they have placed guns at Woolwich and Deptford, and sunk some ships below Woolwich and Blackewall, and are in hopes that they will stop the enemy's coming up. But strange our confusion! that among them that are sunk they have gone and sunk without consideration "The Franakin",' one of the King's ships, with stores to a very considerable value, that hath been long loaden for supply of the ships; and the new ship at Bristoll, and much wanted there; and nobody will own that they directed it, but do lay it on Sir W. Rider. They speak also of another ship, loaden to the value of £80,000, sunk with the goods in her, or at least was mightily contended for by him, and a foreign ship, that had the faith of the nation for her security: this Sir R. Ford (53) tells us: And it is too plain a truth, that both here and at Chatham the ships that we have sunk have many, and the first of them, been ships completely fitted for fire-ships at great charge. But most strange the backwardness and disorder of all people, especially the King's people in pay, to do any work, Sir W. Pen (46) tells me, all crying out for money; and it was so at Chatham, that this night comes an order from Sir W. Coventry (39) to stop the pay of the wages of that Yard; the Duke of Albemarle (58) having related, that not above three of 1100 in pay there did attend to do any work there.
This evening having sent a messenger to Chatham on purpose, we have received a dull letter from my Lord Bruncker (47) and Peter Pett (56), how matters have gone there this week; but not so much, or so particularly, as we knew it by common talk before, and as true. I doubt they will be found to have been but slow men in this business; and they say the Duke of Albemarle (58) did tell my Lord Bruncker (47) to his face that his discharging of the great ships there was the cause of all this; and I am told that it is become common talk against my Lord Bruncker (47). But in that he is to be justified, for he did it by verbal order from Sir W. Coventry (39), and with good intent; and it was to good purpose, whatever the success be, for the men would have but spent the King (37) so much the more in wages, and yet not attended on board to have done the King (37) any service; and as an evidence of that, just now, being the 15th day in the morning that I am writing yesterday's passages, one is with me, Jacob Bryan, Purser of "The Princesse", who confesses to me that he hath about 180 men borne at this day in victuals and wages on that ship lying at Chatham, being lately brought in thither; of which 180 there was not above five appeared to do the King (37) any service at this late business. And this morning also, some of the Cambridge's men come up from Portsmouth, by order from Sir Fretcheville Hollis (25), who boasted to us the other day that he had sent for 50, and would be hanged if 100 did not come up that would do as much as twice the number of other men: I say some of them, instead of being at work at Deptford, where they were intended, do come to the office this morning to demand the payment of their tickets; for otherwise they would, they said, do no more work; and are, as I understand from every body that has to do with them, the most debauched, damning, swearing rogues that ever were in the Navy, just like their prophane commander.
So to Sir W. Batten's (66) to sit and talk a little, and then home to my flageolet, my heart being at pretty good ease by a letter from my wife, brought by Saunders, that my father and wife got well last night to their Inne and out again this morning, and Gibson's being got safe to Caxton at twelve last night.
So to supper, and then to bed. No news to-day of any motion of the enemy either upwards towards Chatham or this way.
Note 1. Meaning, apparently, that the Ordnance would deliver the charcoal, sulphur, and saltpetre separately, but not mix them as gunpowder.
Note 2. The want of ammunition when the Dutch burnt the fleet, and the revenge of the deserter sailors, are well described by Marvell "Our Seamen, whom no danger's shape could fright, Unpaid, refuse to mount their ships, for spite Or to their fellows swim, on board the Dutch, Who show the tempting metal in their clutch.
Note 3. "Pride, Lust, Ambition, and the People's Hate, the Kingdom's broker, ruin of the State, Dunkirk's sad loss, divider of the fleet, Tangier's compounder for a barren sheet This shrub of gentry, married to the crown, His daughter to the heir, is tumbled down". Poems on State Affairs, vol. i., p. 253. B.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 13 December 1667. 13 Dec 1667. Up, lying long all alone (my wife lying for these two or three days of sickness alone), thinking of my several businesses in hand, and then rose and to the office, being in some doubt of having my cozen Roger (50) and Lord Hinchinbroke (19) and Sir Thos. Crew (43) by my cozens invitation at dinner to-day, and we wholly unprovided. So I away to Westminster, to the Parliament-door, to speak with Roger: and here I saw my Lord Keeling (60) go into the House to the barr, to have his business heard by the whole House to-day; and a great crowd of people to stare upon him. Here I hear that the Lords' Bill for banishing and disabling my Lord Clarendon (58) from bearing any office, or being in the King's dominions, and its being made felony for any to correspond with him but his own children, is brought to the Commons: but they will not agree to it, being not satisfied with that as sufficient, but will have a Bill of Attainder brought in against him: but they make use of this against the Lords, that they, that would not think there was cause enough to commit him without hearing, will have him banished without hearing.
By and by comes out my cozen Roger (50) to me, he being not willing to be in the House at the business of my Lord Keeling (60), lest he should be called upon to complain against him for his abusing him at Cambridge, very wrongfully and shamefully, but not to his reproach, but to the Chief justice's (60) in the end, when all the world cried shame upon him for it. So he with me home, and Creed, whom I took up by the way, going thither, and they to dine with me, and pretty merry, and among other pieces of news, it is now fresh that the King of Portugall (24) is deposed, and his brother (18) made King; and that my Lord Sandwich (42) is gone from Madrid with great honour to Lisbon, to make up, at this juncture, a peace to the advantage, as the Spaniard would have it, of Spain. I wish it may be for my Lord's honour, if it be so; but it seems my Lord is in mighty estimation in Spain.
After dinner comes Mr. Moore, and he and I alone a while, he telling me my Lord Sandwich's (42) credit is like to be undone, if the bill of £200 my Lord Hinchingbrooke (19) wrote to me about be not paid to-morrow, and that, if I do not help him about it, they have no way but to let it be protested. So, finding that Creed hath supplied them with £150 in their straits, and that this is no bigger sum, I am very willing to serve my Lord, though not in this kind; but yet I will endeavour to get this done for them, and the rather because of some plate that was lodged the other day with me, by my Lady's order, which may be in part of security for my money, as I may order it, for, for ought I see, there is no other to be hoped for. This do trouble me; but yet it is good luck that the sum is no bigger. He gone, I with my cozen Roger (50) to Westminster Hall; and there we met the House rising: and they have voted my Lord Chief Justice Keeling's (60) proceedings illegal; but that, out of particular respect to him, and the mediation of a great many, they have resolved to proceed no further against him. After a turn or two with my cozen, I away with Sir W. Warren, who met me here by my desire, and to Exeter House, and there to counsel, to Sir William Turner, about the business of my bargain with my Lady Batten; and he do give me good advice, and that I am safe, but that there is a great many pretty considerations in it that makes it necessary for me to be silent yet for a while till we see whether the ship be safe or no; for she is drove to the coast of Holland, where she now is in the Texell, so that it is not prudence for me yet to resolve whether I will stand by the bargain or no, and so home, and Sir W. Warren and I walked upon Tower Hill by moonlight a great while, consulting business of the office and our present condition, which is but bad, it being most likely that the Parliament will change all hands, and so let them, so I may keep but what I have.
Thence home, and there spent the evening at home with my wife and entering my journal, and so to supper and to bed, troubled with my parting with the £200, which I must lend my Lord Sandwich (42) to answer his bill of exchange.
Diary of Samuel Pepys 30 April 1668. 30 Apr 1668. Up, and at the office all the morning. At noon Sir J. Minnes (69) and I to the Dolphin Tavern, there to meet our neighbours, all of the Parish, this being Procession-day, to dine. And did; and much very good discourse; they being, most of them, very able merchants as any in the City: Sir Andrew Rickard (64), Mr. Vandeputt, Sir John Fredericke (66), Harrington, and others. They talked with Mr. Mills about the meaning of this day, and the good uses of it; and how heretofore, and yet in several places, they do whip a boy at each place they stop at in their procession.
Thence I to the Duke of York's playhouse, and there saw "The Tempest", which still pleases me mightily, and thence to the New Exchange, and then home, and in the way stopped to talk with Mr. Brisband, who gives me an account of the rough usage Sir G. Carteret (58) and his Counsel had the other day, before the Commissioners of Accounts, and what I do believe we shall all of us have, in a greater degree than any he hath had yet with them, before their three years are out, which are not yet begun, nor God knows when they will, this being like to be no session of Parliament, when they now rise.
So home, and there took up Mrs. Turner (45) and carried her to Mile End and drank, and so back talking, and so home and to bed, I being mighty cold, this being a mighty cold day, and I had left off my waistcoat three or four days. This evening, coming home in the dusk, I saw and spoke to our Nell, Pain's daughter, and had I not been very cold I should have taken her to Tower Hill para together et toker her. Thus ends this month; my wife in the country, myself full of pleasure and expence; and some trouble for my friends, my Lord Sandwich (42), by the Parliament, and more for my eyes, which are daily worse and worse, that I dare not write or read almost any thing. The Parliament going in a few days to rise; myself so long without accounting now, for seven or eight months, I think, or more, that I know not what condition almost I am in, as to getting or spending for all that time, which troubles me, but I will soon do it. The Kingdom in an ill state through poverty; a fleete going out, and no money to maintain it, or set it out; seamen yet unpaid, and mutinous when pressed to go out again; our Office able to do little, nobody trusting us, nor we desiring any to trust us, and yet have not money for any thing, but only what particularly belongs to this fleete going out, and that but lamely too. The Parliament several months upon an Act for £300,000, but cannot or will not agree upon it, but do keep it back, in spite of the King's desires to hasten it, till they can obtain what they have a mind, in revenge upon some men for the late ill managements; and he is forced to submit to what they please, knowing that, without it, he shall have no money, and they as well, that, if they give the money, the King (37) will suffer them to do little more; and then the business of religion do disquiet every body, the Parliament being vehement against the Nonconformists, while the King (37) seems to be willing to countenance them. So we are all poor, and in pieces—God help us! while the peace is like to go on between Spain and France; and then the French may be apprehended able to attack us. So God help us!
Diary of Samuel Pepys 06 May 1668. 06 May 1668. Up, and to the office, and thence to White Hall, but come too late to see the Duke of York (34), with whom my business was, and so to Westminster Hall, where met with several people and talked with them, and among other things understand that my Lord St. John (69) is meant by Mr. Woodcocke, in "The Impertinents"1. Here met with Mrs. Washington, my old acquaintance of the Hall, whose husband has a place in the Excise at Windsor, and it seems lives well. I have not seen her these 8 or 9 years, and she begins to grow old, I perceive, visibly. So time do alter, and do doubtless the like in myself. This morning the House is upon the City Bill, and they say hath passed it, though I am sorry that I did not think to put somebody in mind of moving for the churches to be allotted according to the convenience of the people, and not to gratify this Bishop, or that College.
Thence by water to the New Exchange, where bought a pair of shoe-strings, and so to Mr. Pierce's, where invited, and there was Knepp and Mrs. Foster and here dined, but a poor, sluttish dinner, as usual, and so I could not be heartily merry at it: here saw her girl's picture, but it is mighty far short of her boy's, and not like her neither; but it makes Hales's (68) picture of her boy appear a good picture.
Thence to White Hall, walked with Brisband, who dined there also, and thence I back to the King's playhouse, and there saw "The Virgin Martyr", and heard the musick that I like so well, and intended to have seen Knepp, but I let her alone; and having there done, went to Mrs. Pierce's back again, where she was, and there I found her on a pallet in the dark... [Missing text: "where yo did poner mi mano under her jupe and tocar su cosa and waked her;"], that is Knepp. And so to talk; and by and by did eat some curds and cream, and thence away home, and it being night, I did walk in the dusk up and down, round through our garden, over Tower Hill, and so through Crutched Friars, three or four times, and once did meet Mercer and another pretty lady, but being surprized I could say little to them, although I had an opportunity of pleasing myself with them, but left them, and then I did see our Nell, Payne's daughter, and her je did desire venir after me, and so elle did see me to, Tower Hill to our back entry there that comes upon the degres entrant into nostra garden..., and so parted, and je home to put up things against to-morrow's carrier for my wife; and, among others, a very fine salmon-pie, sent me by Mr. Steventon, W. Hewer's (26) uncle, and so to bed.
Note 1. "Whilst Positive walks, like Woodcock in the park, Contriving projects with a brewer's clerk". Andrew Marvell's "Instructions to a Painter", part iii., to which is subjoined the following note: "Sir Robert Howard, and Sir William Bucknell, the brewer".—Works, ed. by Capt. E. Thompson, vol. iii., p. 405. B.
On 29 Dec 1680 William Howard 1st Viscount Stafford 1614-1680 (66) was beheaded at Tower Hill. He was attainted; Viscount Stafford extinct. His son Henry Stafford-Howard 1st Earl Stafford 1648-1719 (32) de jure 2nd Baron Stafford 5C 1640.
John Evelyn's Diary 29 December 1680. 29 Dec 1680. The Viscount Stafford (66) was beheaded on Towerhill.
John Evelyn's Diary 05 December 1683. 05 Dec 1683. I was this day invited to a wedding of one Mrs. Castle, to whom I had some obligation, and it was to her fifth husband, a lieutenant-colonel of the city. She was the daughter of one Burton, a broom-man, by his wife, who sold kitchen stuff in Kent Street, whom God so blessed that the father became a very rich, and was a very honest man; he was Sheriff of Surrey, where I have sat on the bench with him. Another of his daughters was married to Sir John Bowles; and this daughter was a jolly friendly woman. There was at the wedding the Lord Mayor, the Sheriff, several Aldermen and persons of quality; above all, Sir George Jeffreys (38), newly made Lord Chief Justice of England, with Mr. Justice Withings, danced with the bride, and were exceedingly merry. These great men spent the rest of the afternoon, till eleven at night, in drinking healths, taking tobacco, and talking much beneath the gravity of judges, who had but a day or two before condemned Mr. Algernon Sidney (60), who was executed the 7th on Tower Hill, on the single witness of that monster of a man, Lord Howard of Escrick, and some sheets of paper taken in Mr. Sidney's (60) study, pretended to be written by him, but not fully proved, nor the time when, but appearing to have been written before his Majesty's (53) Restoration, and then pardoned by the Act of Oblivion; so that though Mr. Sidney was known to be a person obstinately averse to government by a monarch (the subject of the paper was in answer to one by Sir E. Filmer), yet it was thought he had very hard measure. There is this yet observable, that he had been an inveterate enemy to the last king, and in actual rebellion against him; a man of great courage, great sense, great parts, which he showed both at his trial and death; for, when he came on the scaffold, instead of a speech, he told them only that he had made his peace with God, that he came not thither to talk, but to die; put a paper into the sheriff's hand, and another into a friend's; said one prayer as short as a grace, laid down his neck, and bid the executioner do his office.
The Duke of Monmouth (34), now having his pardon, refuses to acknowledge there was any treasonable plot; for which he is banished Whitehall. This is a great disappointment to some who had prosecuted Trenchard, Hampden, etc., that for want of a second witness were come out of the Tower upon their habeas corpus.
the King (53) had now augmented his guards with a new sort of dragoons, who carried also grenades, and were habited after the Polish manner, with long peaked caps, very fierce and fantastical.
On 15 Jul 1685 James Scott 1st Duke Monmouth 1st Duke Buccleuch 1649-1685 (36) was beheaded at Tower Hill. Francis Turner Bishop 1637-1700 (47) acted a Chaplain.
John Evelyn's Diary 15 July 1685. 15 Jul 1685. I went to see Dr. Tenison's (48) Library [in St. Martin's.].
Monmouth (36) was this day brought to London and examin'd before the King (51), to whom he made greate submission, acknowledg'd his seduction by Ferguson the Scot (48), whom he nam'd ye bloudy villain. He was sent to ye Tower, had an interview with his late Dutchesse (34), whom he receiv'd coldly, having liv'd dishonestly with ye Lady Henrietta Wentworth (24) for two yeares. He obstinately asserted his conversation with that debauch'd woman to be no in, whereupon, seeing he could not be persuaded to his last breath, the divines who were sent to assist him thought not fit to administer the Holy Communion to him. For ye rest of his faults he profess'd greate sorrow, and so died without any apparent feare; he would not make use of a cap or other circumstance, but lying downe, bid the fellow do his office better than to the late Lord Russell (45), and gave him gold; but the wretch made five chopps before he had his head off; wch so incens'd the people, that had he not been guarded and got away, they would have torn him to pieces. The Duke (36) made no speech on the scaffold (wch was on Tower Hill) but gave a paper containing not above 5 or 6 lines, for the King (51), in which he disclaims all title to ye Crown, acknowledges that the late King (55), his father, had indeede told him he was but his base sonn, and so desir'd his Ma* to be kind to his wife and children. This relation I had from Dr. Tenison (Rector of St. Martin's) (48), who, with the Bishops of Ely (47) and Bath and Wells (48), were sent to him by his Ma*, and were at the execution.
Thus ended this quondam Duke (36), darling of his father (55) and ye ladies, being extreamly handsome and adroit; an excellent souldier and dancer, a favourite of the people, of an easy nature, debauch'd by lust, seduc'd by crafty knaves who would have set him up only to make a property, and took the opportunity of the King (55) being of another religion, to gather a party of discontented men. He fail'd, and perish'd. He was a lovely person, had a virtuous and excellent lady that brought him greate riches, and a second dukedom in Scotland. He was Master of the Horse, General of the King (55) his father's Army, Gentleman of the Bedchamber, Knight of the Garter, Chancellor of Cambridge, in a word had accumulations without end. See what ambition and want of principles brought him to! He was beheaded on Tuesday 14th July [Note. Most sources quote 15 Jul 1685]. His mother (55), whose name was Barlow [Note. Lucy Walter is often spoken of incorrectly as Mrs. Walters or Waters, and during her career she seems to have adopted the alias of Mrs. Barlo or Barlow (the name of a family with which the Walters of Pembrokeshire had intermarried). From Dictionary of National Biography.], daughter of some very meane creatures, was a beautiful strumpet, whom I had often seene at Paris; she died miserably without any thing to bury her; yet this Perkin had ben made to believe that the King (55) had married her; a monstrous and ridiculous forgerie; and to satisfy the world of the iniquity of the report, the King (55) his father (If his father he really was, for he most resembl'd one Sidney (89), who was familiar with his mother (55)) publickly and most solemnly renounc'd it, to be so enter'd in the Council Booke some yeares since, with all ye Privy Councellors at testation.
Ross, tutor to the Duke of Monmouth, proposed to Bishop Cozens (90) to sign a certificate of the King's (55) marriage to Mrs. Barlow, though her own name was Walters: this the Bishop refused. She was born of a gentleman's family in Wales, but having little means and less grace, came to London to make her fortune. Algernon Sidney (62), then a Colonel in Cromwell's army, had agreed to give her 50 broad pieces (as he told the Duke of York) but being ordered hastily away with his regiment, he missed his bargain. She went into Holland, where she fell into the hands of his brother Colonel Robert Sidney (89), who kept her for some time, till the King (55) hearing of her, got her from him. On which the Colonel was heard to say, Let who will have her she is already sped and after being with the King (55) she was so soon with child that the world had no cause to doubt whose child it was, and the rather that when he grew to be a man, he very much resembled the Colonel both in stature and countenance, even to a wort on his face. However the King (55) owned the child. In the King's (55) absence she behaved so loosely, that on his return from his escape at Worcester, he would have no further commerce with her, and she became a common prostitute at Paris. Life of King James II Vol I.
Had it not pleas'd God to dissipate this attempt in ye beginning, there would in all appearance have gather'd an irresistable force which would have desperately proceeded to ye ruine of ye Church and Govern ment, so general was the discontent and expectation of the opportunity. For my owne part I look'd upon this deliverance as most signal. Such an Inundation of phanatics and men of impious principles must needs have caus'd universal disorder, cruelty, injustice, rapine, sacrilege, and confusion, an unavoidable civil war and misery without end. Blessed be God the knot was happily broken, and a faire prospect of tranquillity for the future if we reforme, be thankful!, and make a right use of this mercy.
The 1715 Battle of Preston was the final action of the 1715 Jacobite Rebellion. It commenced on 09 Nov 1715 when Jacobite cavalry entered Preston. Royalist troops arrived in number over the next few days surrounding Preston forcing the Jaocbite surrender. 1463 were taken prisoner of which 463 were English. The Scottish prisoners included:
George Seton 5th Earl of Winton 1678-1749. The only prisoner to plead not guilty, sentenced to death, escaped from the Tower of London on 04 Aug 1716 around nine in the evening. Travelled to France then to Rome.
On 24 Feb 1716 William Gordon 6th Viscount Kenmure 1672-1716 was beheaded on Tower Hill.
William Maxwell 5th Earl Nithsale 1676-1744. On 09 Feb 1716 he was sentenced to be executed on 24 Feb 1716. The night before his wife (35) effected his escape from the Tower of London by exchanging his clothes with those of her maid. They travelled to Paris then to Rome where the court of James "Old Pretender" Stewart 1688-1766 (26) was.
James Radclyffe 3rd Earl Derwentwater 1689-1716 (25) was imprisoned in the Tower of London. He was examined by the Privy Council on 10 Jan 1716 and impeached on 19 Jan 1716. He pleaded guilty in the expectation of clemency. He was attainted and condemned to death. Attempts were made to procure his pardon. His wife Anna Maria Webb Countess Derwentwater 1692-1723 (23), her sister Mary Webb Countess Waldegrave 1695-1719 (20) [Note. Assumed to be her sister Mary], their aunt Anne Brudenell Duchess Richmond 1671-1722 (44), Barbara Villiers 1st Duchess of Cleveland 1640-1709 (74) appealed to George I King Great Britain and Ireland 1660-1727 (54) in person without success. On 24 Feb 1716 James Radclyffe 3rd Earl Derwentwater 1689-1716 (25) was beheaded on Tower Hill.
William Murray 2nd Lord Nairne 1665-1726 was tried on 09 Feb 1716 for treason, found guilty, attainted, and condemned to death. He survived long enough to benefit from the Indemnity Act of 1717.
On 14 May 1716 Henry Oxburgh -1716 was hanged, drawn and quartered at Tyburn. He was buried at Church of St Gile's in the Fields. His head was spiked on Temple Bar.
The trials and sentences were overseen by the Lord High Steward William Cowper 1st Earl Cowper 1665-1723 (50) for which he subsequently received his Earldom.
Wriothesley's Chronicle Henry VIII 1536 27th Year. Allso the 17th day of May, beinge Weddensday, the Lord of Rochforde, Mr. Norys, Mr. Bruton, Sir Francis Weston, and Markys, were all beheaded [Note. Smeaton was hanged] at the Tower-hill; and the Lord of Rocheforde, brother to Queene Anne, sayde these wordes followinge on the scaffolde to the people with a lowde voyce: Maisters all, I am come hither not to preach and make a sermon, but to dye, as the lawe hath fownde me, and to the lawe I submitt me, desiringe you all, and speciallie you my maisters of the Courte, that you will trust on God speciallie, and not on the vanities of the worlde, for if I had so done, I thincke I had bene alyve as yee be now; allso I desire you to helpe to the settinge forthe of the true worde of God; and whereas I am sclaundered by it, I have bene diligent to reade it and set it furth trulye; but if I had bene as diligent to observe it, and done and lyved thereafter, as I was to read it and sett it forthe, I had not come hereto, wherefore I beseche you all to be workers and lyve thereafter, and not to reade it and lyve not there after. As for myne offences, it can not prevayle you to heare them that I dye here for, but I beseche God that I may be an example to you all, and that all you may be wayre by me, and hartelye I require you all to pray for me, and to forgive me if I have offended you, and I forgive you all, and God save the Kinge. Their bodies with their heades were buried within the Tower of London; the Lord of Rochfordes bodie and head within the chappell of the Tower, Mr. Weston and Norys in the church yeard of the same in one grave, Mr. Bruton and Markes in another grave in the same churche yerde within the Tower of London. See Execution of Anne Boleyn's Co-accused.
All Hallows by the Tower Church, Tower Hill, City of London
In 1477 John Croke Alderman -1477 died. He was buried at All Hallows by the Tower Church. His Purbeck marble monument was destroyed during an air-raid in 1940 but has subsequently been restored from over 150 frgaments.
Diary of Henry Machyn April 1554. 28 Apr 1554. The xxviij day of Aprell was heddyd on Towre hyll, betwyn ix and x of the cloke a-for none, my lord Thomas Gray, the duke of Suffoke-Dassett (37) brodur, and bered at Allalow's Barkyng, and the hed (unfinished)
Diary of Isabella Twysden 1645. 10 Jan 1645. The 10 of Janu: my lo: of canterbury (71) was beheaded on tower hill and was buried at barking church.
On 26 Dec 1761 Crisp Gascoyne Lord Mayor London 1700-1761 (61) died. He was buried on 04 Jan 1762 in All Hallows by the Tower Church.
Angel Tavern, Tower Hill, City of London
Diary of Samuel Pepys 14 September 1665. 14 Sep 1665. Up, and walked to Greenwich, and there fitted myself in several businesses to go to London, where I have not been now a pretty while. But before I went from the office newes is brought by word of mouth that letters are now just now brought from the fleete of our taking a great many more of the Dutch fleete, in which I did never more plainly see my command of my temper in my not admitting myself to receive any kind of joy from it till I had heard the certainty of it, and therefore went by water directly to the Duke of Albemarle (56), where I find a letter of the Lath from Solebay, from my Lord Sandwich (40), of the fleete's meeting with about eighteen more of the Dutch fleete, and his taking of most of them; and the messenger says, they had taken three after the letter was wrote and sealed; which being twenty-one, and the fourteen took the other day, is forty-five sail; some of which are good, and others rich ships, which is so great a cause of joy in us all that my Lord and everybody is highly joyed thereat. And having taken a copy of my Lord's letter, I away back again to the Beare at the bridge foot, being full of wind and out of order, and there called for a biscuit and a piece of cheese and gill of sacke, being forced to walk over the Bridge, toward the 'Change, and the plague being all thereabouts.
Here my news was highly welcome, and I did wonder to see the 'Change so full, I believe 200 people; but not a man or merchant of any fashion, but plain men all. And Lord! to see how I did endeavour all I could to talk with as few as I could, there being now no observation of shutting up of houses infected, that to be sure we do converse and meet with people that have the plague upon them. I to Sir Robert Viner's (34), where my main business was about settling the business of Debusty's £5000 tallys, which I did for the present to enable me to have some money, and so home, buying some things for my wife in the way.
So home, and put up several things to carry to Woolwich, and upon serious thoughts I am advised by W. Griffin to let my money and plate rest there, as being as safe as any place, nobody imagining that people would leave money in their houses now, when all their families are gone. So for the present that being my opinion, I did leave them there still. But, Lord! to see the trouble that it puts a man to, to keep safe what with pain a man hath been getting together, and there is good reason for it.
Down to the office, and there wrote letters to and again about this good newes of our victory, and so by water home late. Where, when I come home I spent some thoughts upon the occurrences of this day, giving matter for as much content on one hand and melancholy on another, as any day in all my life. For the first; the finding of my money and plate, and all safe at London, and speeding in my business of money this day.
The hearing of this good news to such excess, after so great a despair of my Lord's doing anything this year; adding to that, the decrease of 500 and more, which is the first decrease we have yet had in the sickness since it begun: and great hopes that the next week it will be greater.
Then, on the other side, my finding that though the Bill in general is abated, yet the City within the walls is encreased, and likely to continue so, and is close to our house there. My meeting dead corpses of the plague, carried to be buried close to me at noon-day through the City in Fanchurch-street. To see a person sick of the sores, carried close by me by Gracechurch in a hackney-coach. My finding the Angell tavern, at the lower end of Tower-hill shut up, and more than that, the alehouse at the Tower-stairs, and more than that, the person was then dying of the plague when I was last there, a little while ago, at night, to write a short letter there, and I overheard the mistresse of the house sadly saying to her husband somebody was very ill, but did not think it was of the plague.
To hear that poor Payne, my waiter, hath buried a child, and is dying himself. To hear that a labourer I sent but the other day to Dagenhams, to know how they did there, is dead of the plague; and that one of my own watermen, that carried me daily, fell sick as soon as he had landed me on Friday morning last, when I had been all night upon the water (and I believe he did get his infection that day at Brainford), and is now dead of the plague. To hear that Captain Lambert and Cuttle are killed in the taking these ships; and that Mr. Sidney Montague (84) is sick of a desperate fever at my Baroness Carteret's (63), at Scott's-hall. To hear that Mr. Lewes hath another daughter sick.
And, lastly, that both my servants, W. Hewer (23) and Tom Edwards, have lost their fathers, both in St. Sepulchre's parish, of the plague this week, do put me into great apprehensions of melancholy, and with good reason. But I put off the thoughts of sadness as much as I can, and the rather to keep my wife in good heart and family also. After supper (having eat nothing all this day) upon a fine tench of Mr. Shelden's taking, we to bed.
Church of St Katharine's by the Tower, Tower Hill, City of London
On 05 Aug 1447 John Holland 2nd Duke Exeter 1395-1447 (52) died at Stepney. He was buried at the Church of St Katharine's by the Tower. His son Henry Holland 3rd Duke Exeter 1430-1475 (17) succeeded 3rd Duke Exeter 1C 1397, 3rd Earl Huntingdon 4C 1388. Anne York Duchess Exeter 1439-1476 (7) by marriage Duchess Exeter.
On 20 Jul 1742 Arthur Devis Painter 1712-1787 (30) and Elizabeth Faulkener 1719-1788 (23) were married at Church of St Katharine's by the Tower. They had twenty-two children of which only six survived infancy.
On 30 Jun 1785 Elizabeth Girlie 1701-1785 (84) died. She was buried at Church of St Katharine's by the Tower.
Crutched Friars, Tower Hill, City of London
John Stow's Annales of England Edward VI 1547. 28 Jan 1547. Edward (9) the first borne at Hampton court (by the decease of k. Henry (55) his father) began his raigne the 28 of January, and was proclaimed k. of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the churches of England and also of Ireland the supreme head immedlatly in earth under God, & on the last day of January, in the yere of Christ after the Church of England 1546 but after the accompt of them that begin the yere at Chatfimas 1547 being then of the age of nine yéeres. And the same day in the afternoone the saide young king came to the tower of London from Hertford, and rode into the City at Aldgate, and so along the wall by the crossed Friars to the Tower hill, & entred at the red bulwarke, where be was received by sir John Gage (67) constable of the tower, and the lieutenant on horseback, the Earle of Hertford (47) riding before the king, and sir Anthony Browne (47) riding after him: and on the bridge next the warde gate, the archbishop of Canterbury (57), the lorde Chancellor (41), with other great lords of the Councell received him, and so brought him to his chamber of pretence, there they were sworne to his majesty.
Hospital of St Katharine's by the Tower Tower Hill, City of London
On 16 Mar 1410 John Beaufort 1st Marquess Somerset Dorset 1373-1410 (37) died at Hospital of St Katharine's by the Tower Tower Hill. He was buried at St Michael's Chapel. His son Henry Beaufort 2nd Earl Somerset 1401-1418 (9) succeeded 2nd Earl Somerset 2C 1397.
Diary of Henry Machyn April 1563. 07 Apr 1563. The vii day of Aprell at sant Katheryns be-yond the Towre the wyff of the syne of the Rose a tavarne was set on the pelere for ettyng of rowe flesse [raw flesh] and rostyd boyth, and iiij women was sett in the stokes all nyght tyll ther hosbandes dyd feyche them hom.