Chronicle of Queen Jane and Two Years of Queen Mary is in Chronicles.
06 Jul 1553. KING EDWARD (15) died at Greenwich, on the 6th July 1553, "towards night."a The event was kept perfectly secret during the next day;b but measures were taken to occupy and fortify the Tower of London.c On "the 8. of July the lord maior of London was sent for to the court then at Greenwich, to bring with him sixe aldermen, as many merchants of the staple, and as many merchant adventurers, unto whom by the Councell was secretly declared the death of king Edward, and also how hee did ordaine for the succession of the Crowne by his letters pattents, to the which they were sworne, and charged to keep it secret."d
a. Letter of the council to sir Philip Hoby (48), ambassador with the emperor, printed in Strype's Memorials, 1721, ii. 430. It was not written until the 8th of the month, and is silent regarding the successor to the throne. Mary (37), in her letter to the lords of the council, dated from Kenynghall on the 9th of July (printed in Foxe's Actes and Monuments), also states that she had learned from some advertisement that the king her brother had died on Thursday (the 6th) at night last past.
b. Northumberland's (49) intention was to keep the death of the king (15) a secret, until he should have obtained possession of the person of the lady Mary (37), who had been summoned to visit her brother, and was at no further distance from London than the royal manor of Hunsdon in Hertfordshire. But there were not wanting about the court those who from attachment to Mary, or from self-interest, ventured to incur the hazard of conveying to her this momentous intelligence ; whereupon she immediately took alarm, and rode off towards the eastern coast, from which she might have escaped to the continent, had such a step become necessary. Many writers assert that it was the earl of Arundel (41) who made a private communication to her. I have not found any contemporary authority for this statement ; but sir Nicholas Throckmorton (38), in his poetical autobiography (MS. Cole, vol xl. p. 272, verses 111, 112, 113, 114), claims the credit of having been the officious person. He had been a favourite servant of king Edward ; and on his royal master's death,
" Mourning, from Greenwich I didd strayt departe
To London, to an house which bore our name.
My bretheren guessed by my heavie hearte
The King was dead, and I confess'd the same:
The hushing of his death I didd unfolde,
Their meaninge to proclaime queene Jane I tolde.
And, though I lik'd not the religion
Which all her life queene Marye hadd profest,
Yett in my mind that wicked motion
Right heires for to displace I did detest.
Causeless to proffer any injurie,
I meant it not, but sought for remedie.
Wherefore from four of us the newes was sent,
How that her brother hee was dead and gone;
In post her goldsmith then from London went,
By whome the message was dispatcht anon.
Shee asked, ' If wee knewe it certainlie ? '
Whoe said, ' Sir Nicholas knew it verilie.'
The author bred the errand's greate mistrust:
Shee fear'd a traine to leade her to a trapp.
Shee saide, ' If Robert had beene there shee durst
Have gag'd her life, and hazarded the happ.'
Her letters made, shee knewe not what to doe:
Shee sent them oute, butt nott subscrib'd thereto."
By "Robert" the lady Mary meant sir Robert Throckmorton, one of the four brothers.
c. See the Diary of Henry Machyn, p. 35. for 07 July 1553.
d. It appears most probable that this was the first intimation which the citizens had received of the existence of the letters patent : and that it was on this occasion that, being " sworn to them," they affixed their signatures, although the document had been previously executed on the 21st of June. No fewer than thirty-two signatures follow that of the lord mayor, but the parties were perhaps not all citizens, and from the arrangement of their names in the existing transcript (mentioned in the following note b ) it would be difficult to distinguish which were the aldermen, which the merchants of the staple, and which the merchant adventurers.
10 Jul 1553. The 10. of July, in the afternoone, about 3. of the clocke, lady Jane (17) was convayed by water to the Tower of London, and there received as queene.a After five of the clocke, the same afternoone, was proclamation made of the death of king Edward the sixt, and how hee had ordained by his letters pattents bearing date the 21. of June last pastb that the lady Jane should be heire to the Crowne of England, and the heire males of her body, &c.
a. Dr. Peter Heylyn, in his History of the Reformation, fol. 1674, p. 159, has described the interview supposed to have taken place between the dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk and their daughter the lady Jane, when they waited upon her on the morning of the 10th of July, and then first made known to her the fatal diadem to which she was destined. The scruples of the gentle heiress were overcome with much difficulty, and the whole course of argument, pro et contra, is stated at considerable length. I believe, however, that this is only one of those dramatic scenes in which historical writers formerly considered themselves justified in indulging, as I have not been able to trace it to any earlier authority. Its verisimilitude may indeed be justified by the passage of the duke of Northumberland's speech recorded by our present chronicler (p. 6), "Who, by your and our enticement, is rather of force placed therein, than by her own seeking and request." However, having been adopted by the writer of the Life of Lady Jane Grey in the Biographia Britannica, it is followed as authentic history by many subsequent writers. The more recent authors (including sir Harris Nicolas, Mr. P. F. Tytler, and Mr. Aungier the historian of Syon-house and Isleworth) have placed the scene of this interview at Syon ; but Heylyn himself fixed it at Durham-house in the Strand : which was the duke of Northumberland's town mansion, and where the lady Jane's marriage had been celebrated only a few weeks before. Here Heylyn might well suppose she would be lodged at this critical period of her father-in-law's conspiracy. The fact, however, seems to have been otherwise. In the chronicle of the Grey Friars (which will be found in the Appendix) she is stated to have come down the river from Richmond to Westminster, and so to the Tower of London. If, then, she was supposed to have come from Richmond, she may very well have come from Syon, which was also at this time in the hands of the duke of Northumberland.
b. Scarcely any of our historical writers show an acquaintance with these letters patent, though they have been conversant with the substance of them from the recital which is made in queen Jane's proclamation. A copy of the letters patent exists among Ralph Starkey's collections in the Harl. MS. 35, bearing this attestation : " This is a true coppie of Edward the Sixte his Will [this terme is misapplied], takene out of the original! undere the greate scale, which sir Robart Cottone delyvered to the King's Ma tie the xij th of Apprill 1611 at Roystorne to be canseled." From this source the document is printed, in connection with the lady Jane's trial, in Cobbett's State Trials ; and Mr. Howard, in his Lady Jane Grey and her Times, pp. 213-216, has described its contents.
It is set forth in these letters patent that the king intended to complete this settlement of the crown by making a will, and by act of Parliament : thus following the precedent of his father Henry the Eighth's settlement, which this was to supersede (see an essay by the present writer in the Archaeologia, vol. xxx. p. 464). But the rapid termination of king Edward's illness prevented these final acts of ratification ; and Northumberland, in consequence, could only rely upon the validity of the letters patent, which had passed the great seal upon the 21st of June.
There are, besides the letters patent, two other documents extant, marking the earlier stages of this bold attempt to divert the succession.
1. The king's " own devise touching the said succession." This was "first wholly written with his most gracious hand, and after copied owt in his Majesties presence, by his most high commandment, and confirmed with the subscription of his Majesties owne hand, and by his highnes delivered to certain judges and other learned men to be written in full order." It was written in six paragraphs, to each of which Edward attached his signature. Burnet has printed the whole in his History of the Reformation, Documents, book iv. no. 10, from the MSS. of Mr. William Petyt, now in the Inner Temple Library. Strype, in the Appendix to his Life of Cranmer, has printed the first four clauses only, from the same manuscript, the fifth and sixth having, as Burnet remarks, been erased with a pen, but not so as to render them illegible nor was it intended to cancel them, for they are followed in the letters patent.
2. An instrument of the Council, undated, but signed at the head by the King, and at its close by twenty-four councillors, &c. in which they " promise by their oaths and honors to observe, fully perform, and keep all and every article, branch, and matter contained in the said writing delivered to the judges and others." This also is printed both by Burnet and Strype.
Besides these documents, three very important papers in reference to this transaction are, 1. the narrative of chief justice Montagu, printed in Fuller's Church History ; 2. sir William Cecill's submission to queen Mary, printed in Howard's Lady Jane Grey and Tytler's Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary ; and 3. his servant Alford's statement as to Cecill's conduct at this crisis, written in 1573, and printed in Strype 's Annals, vol. iv. p. 347.
12 Jul 1553. The 12. of July word was brought to the Councell, being then at the Tower with the lady Jane (17), that the lady Mary was at Keninghall castle in Norfolk, and with her the earle of Bath (54), sir Thomas Wharton (33) sonne to the lord Wharton (58), sir John Mordaunt (45) sonne to the lord Mordaunt (73), sir William Drury (3),a sir John Shelton (50), sir Henry Bedingfield (44), master Henry Jerningham (41), master John Sulierde, master Richard Freston, master sergeant Morgan, master Clement Higham of Lincolnes inne, and divers others ; and also that the earle of Sussex and master Henry Ratcliffe his sonne were comming towards her : whereupon by speedy councell it was there concluded, that the duke of Suffolk, with certaine other noblemen, should goe towards the lady Mary, to fetch her up to London. This was first determined ; but by night of the same day the said voyage of the duke of Suffolke was cleane dissolved by the speciall meanes of the lady Jane his daughter, who, taking the matter heavily, with weeping teares made request to the whole councell that her father might tarry at home in her company : whereupon the councell perswaded with the duke of Northumberland to take that voyage upon him, saying that no man was so fit therefor, because that he had atchieved the victory in Norfolke once already,b and was therefore so feared, that none durst once lift up their weapon against him : besides that, he was the best man of warre in the realme ; as well for the ordering of his campes and souldiers both in battell and in their tents, as also by experience, knowledge, and wisedome, he could animate his army with witty perswasions, and also pacific and alay his enemies pride with his stout courage, or else to disswade them if nede were from their enterprise. " Well (quoth the duke then) since ye thinke it good, I and mine will goe, not doubting of your fidelity to the quenes majestie, which I leave in your custodie." So that night hee sent for both lords, knights, and other that should goe with him, and caused all things to be prepared accordingly. Then went the councell in to the lady Jane and told her of their conclusion, who humbly thanked the duke for reserving her father at home, and beseeched him to use his diligence, whereto he answered that hee would doe what in him lay.
a. Sir William Drury, for his services " at Framlingham," received, by patent dated the 1st Nov. following, an annuity of 100 marks : see it printed in Rymer's Foedera, xv. 352. A like annuity of 200 marks was granted on the 14th Nov. to Thomas West lord la Warre for his services against the duke (ibid. p. 352) ; one of 100. on the 4th Dec. to sir Richard Southwell (ibid. p. 355) ; and one of 501. on the 10th Feb. to Francis Purefay for his services at Framlingham (ibid. p. 365). Probably many others, unnoticed by Rymer, are recorded on the Patent Rolls.
b. In the suppression of Kett's rebellion.
12 Jul 1553. The xij th dale the lady Mary (37) sent to Norwich to be proclaymed, but they wolde not, because they were not certeyn of the kinges death ; but within a daye after they dyd not only proclayme hir, but also sent men and weapons to ayde hir.
. By this tyme worde was broughte to the quene (17) at the Tower that sir Edmonde Peckham (58), sir Edward Hastings (32), and the lorde Windsore (54), with others, were upp proclayming quene Mary (37) in Buckinghamshire.a
a. See the commissions addressed to several commanders to suppress the rebellion in Buckinghamshire, in the Catalogue of State Papers of the reign of queen Jane in the Appendix.
13 Jul 1553. Note, thisse dale also sir John Gates (49) went oute. The morowe followinge ther was sent after the duke (49) the cartes with munytion and the ordenance.
13 Jul 1553. The xiij th daie ther cam dyverse gentyllmen with ther powers to quene Maries (37) suckour.
13 Jul 1553. After the dyner the duke (49) went into the quene (17), wher his comyssion was by that tyme sealed for his liefetenantship of the armye, and ther he tooke his leave of hir ; and so dyd certayn other lordes also. Then, as the duke cam thoroughe the counsayle chamber, he tooke his leave of the erle of Arundell (41), who praied God be with his grace ; saying he was very sory yt was not his chaunce to go with him and beare him companye, in whose presence he coulde fynde in his harte to spende his bloode, even at his foote. Then my lorde of Arundell (41) tooke also my lordes boy Thomas Lovell (27) by the hande, and saide, " Farewell, gentyll Thomas (27), with all my harte." Then the duke cam downe, and the lorde marques (41),a my lorde Grey, with diverse other, and went out of the Tower and tooke their boote and went to Dyrrame Place or Whithall, wher that night they musteryd their company in names, and the next day in the morning the duke departed, to the nomber of vj c men or theraboutes. And as they went thoroughe Shordyshe, saieth the duke to one that rid by him,b " The people precec to se us, but not one sayeth God spede us."
a. The marquess of Northampton (41).
b. Stowe has altered this to the lord Grey.
c. presse in Stowe.
13 Jul 1553. By this tyme newes was brought that sir John Williams was also proclamyng quene Mary (37) in Oxfordeshire. From that tyme forwarde certayne of the counsayll, that is, the erle of Penbroke (52) and the lorde warden (68),b sought to go out of the Tower to consult in London, but could not as yet.
b. Thomas lord Cheney (68).
13 Jul 1553. The morrow following great preparation was made. The duke (49) early in the morning calleda for all his owne harnes, and sawe yt made redy. At Duram Place he apoynted all the retenue to mete. The same day cartes were laden with munytion, and artyllery and felde peces prepared for the purpose. The same forenoone he moved eftesones the counsell to sende theire powers after him, as yt was before determyned, which should have met him at Newmarket, and they promysed him they wolde. He saide further to some of them, " My lordes, I and theis other noble personages, and the hole army, that nowe go furthe, aswell for the behalfe of you and yours as for the establishing of the queues highnes, shall not onely adventer our bodyes and lives amongest the bludy strokes and cruell assaltes of our adversaryes in the open feldes, but also we do leave the conservacion of our selves, children, and fameUies at home here with you, as altogether comytted to your truths and fydellyties, whom if we thought you wolde through malice, conspiracie, or discentyon leave us your frendes in the breers and betray us, we coulde aswell sondery waies foresee and provide for our owne savegardes as eny of you by betraying us can do for youres. But now upon the onely truste and faythefullnes of your honnours, wherof we thincke ourselves moste assured, we do hassarde and jubarde our lives, which trust and promise yf ye shall violate, hoping therby of life and promotyon, yet shall not God counte you innocent of our bloodes, neither acquite you of the sacred and holley othe of allegiance made frely by you to this vertuouse lady the queues highenes, who by your and our enticement is rather of force placed therin then by hir owne seking and request Consider also that Goddes cause, which is the preferment of his worde and the feare of papestry's re-entrance, hathe been as ye have herebefore allwaies layed,b the oryginall grounde wherupon ye even at the first motyon granted your goode willes and concentes therunto, as by your handes writinges evidentlie apperith. And thincke not the contrary, but if ye meane deceat, thoughe not forthwith yet hereafter, God will revenge the same. I can sale no more ; but in theis troblesome tyme wishe you to use constaunte hartes, abandoning all malice, envy, and privat affections."
a. Here commences our Manuscript, at f. 31 of the Harleian volume No. 194, as now incorrectly bound.
b. i. e. alleged ; printed said in Stowe.
13 Jul 1553. Therewith-all the first course for the lordes came uppe. Then the duke (49) did knit uppe his talke with theis words : " I have not spoken to you on this sorte upon any distrust I have of your truthes, of the which allwaies I have ever hitherto conceaved a trusty confidence; but I have put you in remembrance therof, what chaunce of variaunce soever might growe emongest you in myne absence ; and this I praye you, wishe me no worse goode spede in this journey then ye wolde have to yourselves." " My lorde, (saith one of them,) yf ye mistrust eny of us in this matter, your grace is far deceaved; for which of us can wipe his. handes clene therof? And if we should shrincke from you as one that were culpable, which of us can excuse himself as guiltles ? Therefore herein your doubt is too farre cast." " I praie God yt be so (quod the duke) ; let us go to dyner." And so they satt downe.
13 Jul 1553. About this tyme or therabouts the vj. shippes that were sent to lie befor Yarmothe, that if she had fled to have taken hir, was by force of wether dreven into the haven, w(h)er about that quarters one maister Gerningham was ray sing power on quene Maryes (37) behalfe, and hering therof came thether. Wherupon the captaynes toke a bote and went to their shipes. Then the marynours axed maister Gernyngham what he wolde have, and wether he wolde have their captaynes or no ; and he said, " Yea, mary." Saide they, " Ye shall have theym, or els we shall throwe theym to the bottom of the sea." The captaynes, seing this perplexity, saide furthwith they wolde serve quene Mary gladlie ; and so cam fourthe with their men, and convayed certeyn great ordenaunce ; of the which comyng in of the shipes the lady Mary and hir company were wonderfull joyous, and then afterwarde doubted smaly the duke's puisance. And as the comyng of the shipes moche rejoyced quene Mary's party, even so was it as great a hart-sore to the duke (49), and all his campe, whose hartes wer all-redy bent agaynst him. But after once the submyssyon of the shipes was knowne in the Towera eche man then began to pluck in his homes ; and, over that, worde of a greater mischief was brought to the Tower the noblemen's tenauntes refused to serve their lordes agaynst quene Mary. The duke he thought long for his succours, and writ somewhat sharplie to the counsayll here in that behalfe, aswell for lacke of men as munytion : but a slender answer he had agayn.
a. This passage, together with those that follow, shows that the Chronicler was still writing in the Tower of London.
16 Jul 1553. The xvj th daye of July the lorde highe treasurer (70)c was going to his howse in London at night, and about vij. of the clocke the gates of the Tower upon a sudden was shut, and the keyes caryed upp to the quene Jane (17) ; but what the cause was I knowe not. The noyes in the Tower was that ther was a seale lackinge ; but many men thought they surmysed that but the truthe was she feared some packinge in the lorde treasurer, and so they dyd fetch him at xij. of the clocke in the night from his house in London into the Tower.
c. The marquess of Winchester (70).
18 Jul 1553. The xviij. daye the duke (49), perceaving howe their succours came not, and also receyving from some of the counsell at the Tower lettres of discomfort, retoumed from Bury, and came back agayn to Cambridge.
19 Jul 1553. Note here, the xlx th day at night he harde howe that quene Mary (37) was proclaymed in London. And the next morning he called for a herolde and proclaymed hir himself.b Within an hower after he had lettresc from the counsell here that he should forthwith dismysse his armye, and not to come within x. myles of London, or els they wolde fight with him. The rumour hereof was no sooner abrode but every man departyd. Then was the duke (49) arested, by the mayre of the towne of Cambridge some say, some say by mr. Thomas Myldemay at the quenes commandement.d At last cam lettres from the counsell of London that all men shoulde go eche his waye. Then saide the duke to certayn that kepte him, " Ye do me wrong to withdrawe my libertye ; se you not the counselles lettres, without exception, that all men should go whether they wolde?" At which wordes they than sett them agayn at libertye, and so contynued they all night ; in so moche that the erle of Warwicke (26) was booted redy to have ryden in the mornynge. Then came the erle of Arundell (41), who had ben with the quene, to the duke into his chamber ; and when the duke knewe therof he came out to mete him ; and assone as ever he sawe the erle of Arundell (41) he fell downe on his knees and desyred him to be goode to him, for the love of God. " And consider (saith he) I have done nothing but by the concentes of you and all the hole counsell." " My lorde (quod he), I am sent hether by the quenes majestic, and in hir name I do arest you." " And I obey it, my lorde (quod he), and I beseeche you, my lorde of Arundell (quod the duke), use mercy towardes me, knowing the case as yt is." "My lorde (quod the erle), ye shoulde have sought for mercy sooner ; I must do according to my commandement." And therwith he commytted the charge of him to diverse of the garde and gentyllmen that stoode by. And so the duke contynued walking up and downe in the utter chamber almost ij howers ; and once or twyce he wolde have gone to the bedd-chamber about some busynes, but he coulde not be sufferyd. Then was Thome and Coxe from him.
The MS. being now imperfect, as well as incorrectly bound up, its earliest portion in point of date commences in the midst of a passage relating to the Duke of Northumberland's preparations to march against the lady Mary on the 13th of July, which Stowe has extracted. A few introductory paragraphs from Stowe, which were probably taken by that chronicler, either in whole or in part, from our MS., will render the course of events distinct from the time of king Edward's death: