General Books

1138 Battle of the Standard aka Northallerton

1486 Marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth York

1600 Essex Rebellion

General Books is in Hudibras.

An Account of the Standard

Battle of the Standard aka Northallerton

An Account of the Standard was written around 1154 by Aelred of Reivaulx Chronicler 1110-1167 (44). It describes the Battle of the Standard aka Northallerton. In Latin it is known as "Relatio de Standardo" or "De bello standardii".

1230 De Sphaera Mundi

Around 1230 Johannes de Sacrobosco wrote an introduction to Astronomy De Sphaera Mundi.

Vatican Regesta Vol. DCLXXXV

Vatican Regesta Vol. DCLXXXV Secretarum Tomus IV 2 Innocent VIII

Marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth York

10 Kal. Aug. Decree, at the petition of king Henry (29) and queen Elizabeth (20), that a notarial copy of the process before James, bishop of Imola (7), Apostolic Nuncio with the power of a legate de latere, in regard to the dispensation granted by him to them to contract marriage, notwithstanding the impediment arising from their being related in the double fourth degree of kindred, shall have the same credence as the original letters of the said bishop (7). The Pope (54) exemplifies the said letters and process as follows:
Public instrument, setting forth that in the year of the Incarnation 1486, after the computation of the English church, the 4th indiction, anno 2 Innocent VIII [16 Jan 1486], in the chapel of St. Mary [the Virgin] on the east side of the cathedral church of St. Paul, London, before James, bishop of Imola (7), apostolic legate to England and Scotland, in presence of the below-written notaries public, appointed by the said bishop as scribes in the below-written matter of dispensation, and witnesses below-named, there appeared in person Master Robert Morton (51), Archdeacon of Winchester, and John de Giglis, I.U.D., as proctors of king Henry (29), and Richard Hill, dean of the chapel of the household of the said king, and David William, doctor of decrees, dean of St. Mary's Arches, London, as proctors of the lady Elizabeth (20), eldest daughter of the late king Edward IV (44), who produced their mandates of procuration and presented to the said legate a schedule of petition on behalf of the said king and lady, praying him to dispense them to marry, notwithstanding the impediment of their relationship in the fourth and fourth degrees of kindred, as was specified by the said Master Robert Morton (51).
The said instrument exemplifies the said procurations and schedule, as follows:
(i) A public instrument, setting forth that in the year of the Incarnation, etc., 1486, the 4th indiction, anno 2 Innocent VIII, January 14, in a certain great chamber within the palace royal at Westminster, before Thomas, archbishop of York (62) and legate of the apostolic see, John, bishop of Worcester (56), chancellor of England, and Jasper duke of Bedford (54), and many other nobles and magnates, in the presence of me, Richard Spencer, notary public below-written, the said king (29), present in person, appointed Masters John de Giglis, I.U.D., and Robert Morton (51), master or keeper of the rolls of the chancery of the said king, as his proctors to appear before the said bishop and legate (who, as is said, has faculty from the apostolic see to dispense a certain number of persons related in the fourth and fourth degrees of kindred and affinity to contract marriage), and to request him to exhibit, etc., the said letters, and execute them in accordance with the desire of the said king, etc. Of all which things, done on the above date and in the above place, in the presence of the above-named witnesses and of Richard Spencer, clerk, of the diocese of Lincoln, notary public by apostolic and imperial authorities, registrar-principal of the court of Canterbury, and keeper of the registers of the same court, the said notary has made the present public instrument, and, being otherwise engaged, has caused it to be written by another, and has published and drawn it up in this public form, and has signed it with his wonted sign and name;.
(ii) A like public instrument, setting forth that on the same date as in the preceding, and in a certain chamber within the royal palace of Westminster, before John, bishop of Worcester, chancellor of England (56), John lord de Wellys (36), Master William Smyth, dean of the chapel royal of Wymbourn in the diocese of Salisbury, and other witnesses, in the presence of the above notary, Richard Spencer, the above lady Elizabeth (20), present in person, appointed Masters Richard Hill, dean of the chapel of the king's household, and David William, doctor of decrees, dean of St. Mary's Arches, London, and commissary-general of the official of the court of Canterbury and president of the said court, in the absence of the said official, as her proctors to appear, etc., as in the preceding. Of all which things, done on the above date and in the above place, in the presence of the abovenamed witnesses and of … Richard Spencer, clerk, etc., as above, the said notary has made, written, subscribed, published, and drawn up in this public form the present public instrument, and has signed it with his wonted sign and name;.
(iii) The petition to James, bishop of Imola (7), apostolic legate to England and Scotland, on behalf of the most serene prince and lord, the lord Henry (29), by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland, of the one part, and of the most illustrious (clarissime) lady, the lady Elizabeth (20), eldest legitimate and natural daughter of the late Edward, sometime king of England and France and lord of Ireland, of the other part, setting forth that whereas the said king Henry has by God's providence won his realm of England, and is in peaceful possession thereof, and has been asked by all the lords of his realm, both spiritual and temporal, and also by the general council of the said realm, called Parliament, to take the said lady Elizabeth to wife, he, wishing to accede to the just petitions of his subjects, desires to take the said lady to wife, but cannot do so without dispensation, inasmuch as they are related in the fourth and fourth degrees of kindred, wherefore petition is made on their behalf to the said legate to grant them dispensation by his apostolic authority to contract marriage and remain therein, notwithstanding the said impediment of kindred, and to decree the offspring to be born thereof legitimate.

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Around 1510 Meynnart Wewyck Painter 1460-1525 is believed to have painted the portrait of Henry VII King England and Ireland 1457-1509.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1520 Unknown Painter. Netherlands. Portrait of Henry VII King England and Ireland 1457-1509.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1675 Unknown Painter. Portrait of Elizabeth York Queen Consort England 1466-1503. From a work of 1500.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">

Art of Dialling

Thomas Stirrup wrote the Art of Dialling in 1638.

Cassandre

In 1642 Gauthier de Costes Seigneur de la Calprenède 1610-1663 (32) published Cassandre.

Andronicus or The Unfortunate Politician

In 1646 Andronicus or The Unfortunate Politician authored by Thomas Fuller Author 1608-1661 was first published.

Monasticon Anglicanum

The Monasticon Anglicanum was first published by William Dugdale 1605-1686 (49) in 1655. Originally in Latin it was translated and published in English in 1693.

John Evelyn's Diary 21 May 1685. 21 May 1685. I din'd at my Lord Privy Seale's with Sr Wm Dugdale (79), Garter King at Armes, author of the Monasticon and other learned workes: he told me he was 82 yeares of age, and had his sight and memory perfect. There was shewn a draught of ye exact shape and dimensions of the Crowne the Queene (26) had been crown'd withall, together with the Jewells and pearles; their weight and value, wch amounted to £100,658 sterling, attested at the foote of the paper by the jeweller and goldsmith who sett them.

Ductor Dubitantium or the Rule of Conscience

John Evelyn's Diary 28 August 1655. 28 Aug 1655. Came that renowned mathematician, Mr. Oughtred (81), to see me, I sending my coach to bring him to Wotton, being now very aged. Among other discourse, he told me he thought water to be the philosopher's first matter, and that he was well persuaded of the possibility of their elixir; he believed the sun to be a material fire, the moon a continent, as appears by the late selenographers; he had strong apprehensions of some extraordinary event to happen the following year, from the calculation of coincidence with the diluvian period; and added that it might possibly be to convert the Jews by our Savior's visible appearance, or to judge the world; and therefore, his word was, "Parate in occursum"; he said original sin was not met with in the Greek Fathers, yet he believed the thing; this was from some discourse on Dr. Taylor's (42) late book, which I had lent him.

John Evelyn's Diary 25 March 1657. 25 Mar 1657. Dr. Taylor (44) showed me his MS. of "Cases of Conscience", or "Ductor Dubitantium", now fitted for the press.
The Protector Oliver (57), now affecting kingship, is petitioned to take the title on him by all his newly-made sycophant lords, etc.; but dares not, for fear of the fanatics, not thoroughly purged out of his rebel army.

History of the Worthies of England

In 1662 Thomas Fuller Author 1608-1661 (53) wrote History of the Worthies of England.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 10 December 1663. 10 Dec 1663. Up, pretty well, the weather being become pretty warm again, and to the office, where we sat all the morning, and I confess having received so lately a token from Mrs. Russell, I did find myself concerned for our not buying some tallow of her (which she bought on purpose yesterday most unadvisedly to her great losse upon confidence of putting it off to us). So hard it is for a man not to be warped against his duty and master's interest that receives any bribe or present, though not as a bribe, from any body else. But she must be contented, and I to do her a good turn when I can without wrong to the King's service.
Then home to dinner (and did drink a glass of wine and beer, the more for joy that this is the shortest day in the year, [Old Style] which is a pleasant consideration) with my wife. She in bed but pretty well, and having a messenger from my brother, that he is not well nor stirs out of doors, I went forth to see him, and found him below, he has not been well, but is not ill. I found him taking order for the distribution of Mrs. Ramsey's coals, a thing my father for many years did, and now he after him, which I was glad to see, as also to hear that Mr. Wheatly begins to look after him. I hope it is about his daughter.
Thence to St. Paul's Church Yard, to my bookseller's, and having gained this day in the office by my stationer's bill to the King (33) about 40s. or £3, I did here sit two or three hours calling for twenty books to lay this money out upon, and found myself at a great losse where to choose, and do see how my nature would gladly return to laying out money in this trade. I could not tell whether to lay out my money for books of pleasure, as plays, which my nature was most earnest in; but at last, after seeing Chaucer, Dugdale's History of Paul's, Stows London, Gesner, History of Trent, besides Shakespeare, Jonson, and Beaumont's plays, I at last chose Dr. Fuller's (55) Worthys, the Cabbala or Collections of Letters of State, and a little book, Delices de Hollande, with another little book or two, all of good use or serious pleasure: and Hudibras, both parts, the book now in greatest fashion for drollery, though I cannot, I confess, see enough where the wit lies.
My mind being thus settled, I went by linke home, and so to my office, and to read in Rushworth; and so home to supper and to bed.
Calling at Wotton's, my shoemaker's, today, he tells me that Sir H. Wright (26) is dying; and that Harris is come to the Duke's house again; and of a rare play to be acted this week of Sir William Davenant's (57): the story of Henry the Eighth with all his wives.

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Diary of Samuel Pepys 10 April 1664. 10 Apr 1664. Lord's Day. Lay long in bed, and then up and my wife dressed herself, it being Easter day, but I not being so well as to go out, she, though much against her will, staid at home with me; for she had put on her new best gowns, which indeed is very fine now with the lace; and this morning her taylor brought home her other new laced silks gowns with a smaller lace, and new petticoats, I bought the other day both very pretty. We spent the day in pleasant talks and company one with another, reading in Dr. Fuller's (55) book what he says of the family of the Cliffords and Kingsmills, and at night being myself better than I was by taking a glyster, which did carry away a great deal of wind, I after supper at night went to bed and slept well.

The Church History of Britain

In 1648 and 1655 Thomas Fuller Author 1608-1661 (46) published The Church History of Britain.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 02 December 1660. 02 Dec 1660. Lord's Day. My head not very well, and my body out of order by last night's drinking, which is my great folly. To church, and Mr. Mills made a good sermon; so home to dinner. My wife and I all alone to a leg of mutton, the sawce of which being made sweet, I was angry at it, and eat none, but only dined upon the marrow bone that we had beside. To church in the afternoon, and after sermon took Tom Fuller's Church History and read over Henry the 8th's life in it, and so to supper and to bed.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 30 December 1660. 30 Dec 1660. Lord's Day. Lay long in bed, and being up, I went with Will to my Lord's, calling in at many churches in my way. There I found Mr. Shepley, in his Venetian cap, taking physique in his chamber, and with him I sat till dinner. My Lord dined abroad and my Lady in her chamber, so Mr. Hetly, Child and I dined together, and after dinner Mr. Child and I spent some time at the lute, and so promising to prick me some lessons to my theorbo he went away to see Henry Laws, who lies very sick.
I to the Abby and walked there, seeing the great confusion of people that come there to hear the organs.
So home, calling in at my father's (59), but staid not, my father and mother being both forth. At home I fell a-reading of Fuller's Church History till it was late, and so to bed.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 11 October 1663. 11 Oct 1663. Lord's Day. And was mightily pleased to see my house clean and in good condition, but something coming into my wife's head, and mine, to be done more about bringing the green bed into our chamber, which is handsomer than the red one, though not of the colour of our hangings, my wife forebore to make herself clean to-day, but continued in a sluttish condition till to-morrow. I after the old passe, all the day within doors,.... The effect of my electuary last night, and the greatest of my pain I find to come by my straining.... For all this I eat with a very good stomach, and as much as I use to do, and so I did this noon, and staid at home discoursing and doing things in my chamber, altering chairs in my chamber, and set them above in the red room, they being Turkey work, and so put their green covers upon those that were above, not so handsome. At night fell to reading in the Church History of Fuller's, and particularly Cranmer's letter1 to Queen Elizabeth, which pleases me mightily for his zeal, obedience, and boldness in a cause of religion. After supper to bed as I use to be, in pain....
Note 1. TT. It isn't clear what letter Pepys is referring to here since there is not a letter from Cranmer to Queen Elizabeth?

Diary of Samuel Pepys 08 November 1663. 08 Nov 1663. Lord's Day. Up, and it being late, to church without my wife, and there I saw Pembleton come into the church and bring his wife with him, a good comely plain woman, and by and by my wife came after me all alone, which I was a little vexed at. I found that my coming in a perriwigg did not prove so strange to the world as I was afear'd it would, for I thought that all the church would presently have cast their eyes all upon me, but I found no such thing. Here an ordinary lazy sermon of Mr. Mill's, and then home to dinner, and there Tom came and dined with us; and after dinner to talk about a new black cloth suit that I have a making, and so at church time to church again, where the Scott preached, and I slept most of the time.
Thence home, and I spent most of the evening upon Fuller's "Church History" and Barckly's "Argeny", and so after supper to prayers and to bed, a little fearing my pain coming back again, myself continuing as costive as ever, and my physic ended, but I had sent a porter to-day for more and it was brought me before I went to bed, and so with pretty good content to bed.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 30 September 1666. 30 Sep 1666. Lord's Day. Up, and to church, where I have not been a good while: and there the church infinitely thronged with strangers since the fire come into our parish; but not one handsome face in all of them, as if, indeed, there was a curse, as Bishop Fuller (58) heretofore said, upon our parish. Here I saw Mercer come into the church, which I had a mind to, but she avoided looking up, which vexed me. A pretty good sermon, and then home, and comes Balty (26) and dined with us. A good dinner; and then to have my haire cut against winter close to my head, and then to church again. A sorry sermon, and away home. Sir W. Pen (45) and I to walk to talk about several businesses, and then home; and my wife and I to read in Fuller's Church History, and so to supper and to bed. This month ends with my mind full of business and concernment how this office will speed with the Parliament, which begins to be mighty severe in the examining our accounts, and the expence of the Navy this war.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 03 March 1667. 03 Mar 1667. Lord's Day. Lay long, merrily talking with my wife, and then up and to church, where a dull sermon of Mr. Mills touching Original Sin, and then home, and there find little Michell and his wife, whom I love mightily. Mightily contented I was in their company, for I love her much; and so after dinner I left them and by water from the Old Swan to White Hall, where, walking in the galleries, I in the first place met Mr. Pierce, who tells me the story of Tom Woodall, the surgeon, killed in a drunken quarrel, and how the Duke of York (33) hath a mind to get him [Pierce] one of his places in St. Thomas's Hospitall. Then comes Mr. Hayward, the Duke of York's (33) servant, and tells us that the Swede's Embassador hath been here to-day with news that it is believed that the Dutch will yield to have the treaty at London or Dover, neither of which will get our King any credit, we having already consented to have it at The Hague; which, it seems, De Witt opposed, as a thing wherein the King (36) of England must needs have some profound design, which in my conscience he hath not. They do also tell me that newes is this day come to the King (36), that the King of France (28) is come with his army to the frontiers of Flanders, demanding leave to pass through their country towards Poland, but is denied, and thereupon that he is gone into the country. How true this is I dare not believe till I hear more.
From them I walked into the Parke, it being a fine but very cold day; and there took two or three turns the length of the Pell Mell: and there I met Serjeant Bearcroft, who was sent for the Duke of Buckingham (39), to have brought him prisoner to the Tower. He come to towne this day, and brings word that, being overtaken and outrid by the Duchesse of Buckingham (28) within a few miles of the Duke's house of Westhorp, he believes she got thither about a quarter of an hour before him, and so had time to consider; so that, when he come, the doors were kept shut against him. The next day, coming with officers of the neighbour market-town to force open the doors, they were open for him, but the Duke (39) gone; so he took horse presently, and heard upon the road that the Duke of Buckingham (39) was gone before him for London: so that he believes he is this day also come to towne before him; but no newes is yet heard of him. This is all he brings.
Thence to my Chancellor's (58), and there, meeting Sir H. Cholmly (34), he and I walked in my Lord's garden, and talked; among other things, of the treaty: and he says there will certainly be a peace, but I cannot believe it. He tells me that the Duke of Buckingham (39) his crimes, as far as he knows, are his being of a caball with some discontented persons of the late House of Commons, and opposing the desires of the King (36) in all his matters in that House; and endeavouring to become popular, and advising how the Commons' House should proceed, and how he would order the House of Lords. And that he hath been endeavouring to have the King's nativity calculated; which was done, and the fellow now in the Tower about it; which itself hath heretofore, as he says, been held treason, and people died for it; but by the Statute of Treasons, in Queen Mary's times and since, it hath been left out. He tells me that this silly Lord hath provoked, by his ill-carriage, the Duke of York (33), my Chancellor (58), and all the great persons; and therefore, most likely, will die. He tells me, too, many practices of treachery against this King; as betraying him in Scotland, and giving Oliver an account of the King's private councils; which the King (36) knows very well, and hath yet pardoned him1.
Here I passed away a little time more talking with him and Creed, whom I met there, and so away, Creed walking with me to White Hall, and there I took water and stayed at Michell's to drink. I home, and there to read very good things in Fuller's "Church History", and "Worthies", and so to supper, and after supper had much good discourse with W. Hewer (25), who supped with us, about the ticket office and the knaveries and extortions every day used there, and particularly of the business of Mr. Carcasse, whom I fear I shall find a very rogue. So parted with him, and then to bed.
Note 1. Two of our greatest poets have drawn the character of the Duke of Buckingham (39) in brilliant verse, and both have condemned him to infamy. There is enough in Pepys's reports to corroborate the main features of Dryden's (35) magnificent portrait of Zimri in "Absolom and Achitophel": "In the first rank of these did Zimri stand; A man so various that he seemed to be Not one, but all mankind's epitome; Stiff in opinions, always in the wrong; Was everything by starts, and nothing long, But, in the course of one revolving moon, Was chymist, fiddler, statesman, and buffoon; Then all for women, painting, rhyming, drinking, Besides ten thousand freaks that died in thinking, * * * * * * * He laughed himself from Court, then sought relief By forming parties, but could ne'er be chief". Pope's facts are not correct, and hence the effect of his picture is impaired. In spite of the duke's constant visits to the Tower, Charles II still continued his friend; but on the death of the King (36), expecting little from James, he retired to his estate at Helmsley, in Yorkshire, to nurse his property and to restore his constitution. He died on April 16th, 1687, at Kirkby Moorside, after a few days' illness, caused by sitting on the damp grass when heated from a fox chase. The scene of his death was the house of a tenant, not "the worst inn's worst room" ("Moral Essays", epist. iii.). He was buried in Westminster Abbey.

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Diary of Samuel Pepys 17 November 1667. 17 Nov 1667. Lord's Day. Up, and to church with my wife. A dull sermon of Mr. Mills, and then home, without strangers to dinner, and then my wife to read, and I to the office, enter my journall to this day, and so home with great content that it is done, but with sorrow to my eyes. Then home, and got my wife to read to me out of Fuller's Church History, when by and by comes Captain Cocke (50), who sat with me all the evening, talking, and I find by him, as by all others, that we are like to expect great confusions, and most of our discourse was the same, and did agree with that the last night, particularly that about the difference between the King (37) and the Duke of York (34) which is like to be. He tells me that he hears that Sir W. Coventry (39) was, a little before the Duke of York (34) fell sick, with the Duke of York (34) in his closet, and fell on his knees, and begged his pardon for what he hath done to my Chancellor (58); but this I dare not soon believe. But he tells me another thing, which he says he had from the person himself who spoke with the Duke of Buckingham (39), who, he says, is a very sober and worthy man, that he did lately speak with the Duke of Buckingham (39) about his greatness now with the King (37), and told him-"But, sir, these things that the King (37) do now, in suffering the Parliament to do all this, you know are not fit for the King (37) to suffer, and you know how often you have said to me that the King (37) was a weak man, and unable to govern, but to be governed, and that you could command him as you listed; why do you suffer him to go on in these things?"—"Why", says the Duke of Buckingham (39), "I do suffer him to do this, that I may hereafter the better command him". This he swears to me the person himself to whom the Duke of Buckingham (39) said this did tell it him, and is a man of worth, understanding, and credit. He told me one odd passage by the Duke of Albemarle (58), speaking how hasty a man he is, and how for certain he would have killed Sir W. Coventry (39), had he met him in a little time after his shewing his letter in the House. He told me that a certain lady, whom he knows, did tell him that, she being certainly informed that some of the Duke of Albemarle's (58) family did say that the Earl of Torrington was a bastard, [she] did think herself concerned to tell the Duke of Albemarle (58) of it, and did first tell the Duchesse, and was going to tell the old man, when the Duchesse pulled her back by the sleeve, and hindered her, swearing to her that if he should hear it, he would certainly kill the servant that should be found to have said it, and therefore prayed her to hold her peace. One thing more he told me, which is, that Garraway (50) is come to town, and is thinking how to bring the House to mind the public state of the nation and to put off these particular piques against man and man, and that he propounding this to Sir W. Coventry (39), Sir W. Coventry (39) did give no encouragement to it: which he says is that by their running after other men he may escape. But I do believe this is not true neither. But however I am glad that Garraway (50) is here, and that he do begin to think of the public condition in reference to our neighbours that we are in, and in reference to ourselves, whereof I am mightily afeard of trouble.
So to supper, and he gone and we to bed.

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Astronomia Carolina or A New Theory of the Celestial Motions Caroline Tables

In 1661 Thomas Street Astronomer 1621-1689 (39) published Astronomia Carolina or A New Theory of the Celestial Motions (Caroline Tables).

De Historia Piscium

In 1686 John Ray 1628-1705 (58) published De Historia Piscium.

John Evelyn's Diary 10 March 1686. 10 Mar 1686. A Council of the Royal Society about disposing of Dr Ray's (58) book of Fishes, which was printed at the expence of the Society.

Ars Pictoria

In 1669 Ars Pictoria was published by Alexander Browne Printseller.

History of the Rebellion by Edward Hyde 1st Earl Clarendon 1609 1674

John Evelyn's Diary 01 December 1704. 01 Dec 1704. Lord Clarendon presented me with the three volumes of his father's (95) "History of the Rebellion".
My Lord of Canterbury (68) wrote to me for suffrage for Mr. Clarke's continuance this year in the Boyle Lecture, which I willingly gave for his excellent performance of this year.

Proceedings of the Old Bailey

Proceedings of the Old Bailey 1691

John Ashton Edmund Elliot Richard Graham 1691

On Fryday, the 2d day of this Sessions, my Lord Preston (41), John Ashton and Edmund Elliot, were all Arrained for High Treason, my Lord Preston (41) was Tryed on Saturday by the name of Sir Richard Graham, Mr. Ashton on Monday. The Indictments against them consisted of Two Parts, the First of which set forth, That they had a Treasonable Design carrying on to Depose the King and Queen, and to Subvert and Alter the Government of the Kingdom of England, and to raise War and Rebellion in the same; which said Traiterous and Wicked Designs and Purposes to bring to pass, they did, on the 29th of December last, Meet and Conspire together, with several other Traitors not yet discovered, and did Compose several Treasonable Letters, Notes and Memorandums in writing, which set forth the most effectual way and means how they might Dethrone and Depose our Most Gracious Sovereign Lord and Lady the King (40) and Queen (28), and further describing therein how the Affairs of this Kingdom stood, and of what Strength and Force our Shipping was; as also the Fortifications of several Sea-Port-Towns within this Kingdom. The Second Part was their adhering to the Kings's Enemies: And to that end, that they might Acquaint Lewis the French King of the same, they did hire a Boat and Embarque themselves in order to Transport themselves and Pacquet of Treasonable Letters into France, agreeing to pay for their said Passages the Sum of One hundred Pound; and, in order to their Treasonable Voyage, they had made their Passage as far as below Gravesend, but were then Taken by Captain Billop, who Cruised abroad to search for them.
After this the Evidence for the King (40) being called, gave an Account particularly from Step to Step, how cunningly and subtilly they managed this horrid Conspiracy, by hiring the Smack called the Thomas and Elizabeth, to convey them secretly into France; in order to which they took Water in a Skuller at Surrey-Stairs, and went on Board the aforesaid Vessel, which lay in the River of Thames over against the Tower: From thence they set Sail down the River, till coming within the View of the George Frigate, lying in Long-reach, they desired the Master of the Smack to hide them under the Quarter-Hatches; which was done, they having some Fear of being discovered: There they remained till past that Danger, and then came up; but when they were within Sight of Gravesend they hid again, and a little below it Captain Billop came aboard them, under Pretence of Pressing the Masters two Men, who were assistants to him; but indeed his Design and real Intention was to find out those Traytors, which, upon Search, he found lying along under the Hatches; and after their being haled up he search'd them, and found a Pacquet of Treasonable Papers in Mr. Ashton's Bosom: which he with the Prisoners carried before my Lord Nottingham; who examined the Papers, and after being examined by the Cabinet Council they were committed to the Tower. The Evidence was very full and plain against them both, much to the same effect and purport: The Letters being also Read against them in Court, were adjudged to be of no less Import than High-Treason. Upon the whole they had nothing material to offer in their Defence; so after a very long hearing, they were both found Guilty of High Treason. Edmond Elliot was ordered to remain till further order.

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Around 1680 Willem Wissing Painter 1656-1687. Portrait of King William III of England, Scotland and Ireland 1650-1702 wearing his Garter Collar.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1676 Peter Lely Painter 1618-1680. Portrait of Mary Stewart II Queen England Scotland and Ireland 1662-1694.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1686 Willem Wissing Painter 1656-1687. Portrait of Mary Stewart II Queen England Scotland and Ireland 1662-1694.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">

Survey London

Survey London Volume 4

Survey London Volume 4 Chelsea Part II

The Site of Beaufort House.
In the whole history of Chelsea, a history which is indeed famous, so many notable men and women has this little village known—the chief interest has centred about Beaufort House. From those early days in the 16th century, when it was the well-loved home of Sir Thomas More, until the 18th, when it was the seat of the Duke of Beaufort, it yielded to no other house in importance, not to King Henry VIII's manor house in Cheyne Walk, nor to the Earl of Shrewsbury's mansion, nor to the old manor house with which it shared the dignity of a proprietary chapel in the old Church. It did not carry with it the lordship of the manor, but its property was extensive, including practically the frontage of the Thames between Milman Street and Church Street, and its gardens stretched northwards as far as the King's Road.

1527 Hans Holbein The Younger Painter 1497-1543. Portrait of Thomas More Chancellor Speaker 1478-1535 wearing a Lancastrian Esses Collar with Beaufort Portcullis and Tudor Rose Pendant.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">

The house stood across the line of the present Beaufort Street and rather nearer King's Road than the river. Between it and the way along the waterside were two large courtyards, and opposite was a quay. The remainder of the estate, south of the present King's Road, was laid out in gardens and orchards, with the exception of the stable buildings, where now is the Moravian Burial Ground, and the farmhouse and barns on the site of Lindsey House. The situation, attractive as it is now, was far lovelier then, when across the Surrey bank was a view of undisturbed wood and pasture.

Sir Thomas More lived here for some fourteen years until his attainder in 1535. He loved to escape from London and from the Court, and to give himself up to his family and his own literary pursuits in his Chelsea home, and here he entertained many friends, among whom were Erasmus and Holbein. The latter may well have designed the beautiful capitals in the More chapel, in the old church (dated 1528), which show his hand as plainly as the ceiling of the Chapel Royal of St. James's Palace, which was executed in 1540.

More's estate was granted to Sir William Paulet [See Patent Roll, I Edward VI., pt. 3.] (first Marquess of Winchester): it was inherited by his son the second Marquess, and in 1575 passed to Gregory Fiennes, Lord Dacre of the South, and his wife Anne — the foundress of those charming almshouses, Emmanuel Hospital, Westminster, now destroyed — who was a daughter of the Marchioness of Winchester by her former husband, Sir Robert Sackville. Baroness Dacre, who died in 1595, left the house to Lord Burleigh, who is said to have lived here, and he was followed by his youngest son, Sir Robert Cecil, afterwards Earl of Salisbury, who took possession in 1597. It is to Cecil's passion for building, which was not exhausted until he had parted with his fortune in completing Hatfield, that we owe the earliest representations on paper of the house at Chelsea. In his Chelsea Old Church Mr. Randall Davies published a reproduction of a beautiful plan of the Chelsea Estate, preserved among the Hatfield papers, and the present writer in some further research among Lord Salisbury's MSS. found five plans to a larger scale, all of which have reference to Cecil's schemes for rebuilding Sir Thomas More's house. For a detailed examination of these plans, the reader is referred to the Architectural Review of March and May, 1911, but by the courtesy of the proprietors of the Review, the reproductions are included here.

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Around 1576 Unknown Painter. Portrait of William Paulet 1st Marquess Winchester 1483-1572 wearing his Garter Collar and Lord Treasurer Staff of Office.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1559 Hans Eworth Painter 1520-1574. Portrait of Mary Neville Baroness Dacre Gilsland 1524-1576 and her son Gregory Fiennes 10th Baron Dacre Gilsland 1539-1594.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">After 1585 Marcus Gheeraerts Painter 1562-1636 (attributed). Portrait of William Cecil 1st Baron Burghley 1520-1598. His right-hand is holding the Lord Treasurer Staff of Office.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1565 Unknown Painter. Portrait of William Cecil 1st Baron Burghley 1520-1598. His right-hand is holding the Lord Treasurer Staff of Office.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">After 1590 Unknown Painter. Portrait of William Cecil 1st Baron Burghley 1520-1598. His left-hand is holding the Lord Treasurer Staff of Office.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1602 John Critz Painter 1551-1642. Portrait of Robert Cecil 1st Earl Salisbury 1563-1612.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">

Cecil does not seem to have carried out his larger schemes and he sold the house to Henry Clinton, second Earl of Lincoln, in 1599.
Lincoln settled the estate on Sir Arthur Gorges, who had married his daughter. He lived in the house just mentioned, adjoining the great house, built for him by his father-in-law, and some four years after the latter's death in 1615, he sold Sir Thomas More's house to Lionel Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex. [See Close Roll, 18 Jas. I., pt. 18.] The new owner purchased several additions to the property, including "Brick Barn Close" and "The Sandhills," both north of the King's Road. These he converted into the Park, which is shown in Kip's view and was not built upon until after 1717. Cranfield fell under the displeasure of the King, and in consequence forfeited his property, which Charles I. granted in 1627 to George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham. After the Duke's assassination, the family continued to reside here until the outbreak of the Civil War, when the house was seized by the Parliament, and Mr. Randall Davies has referred to the record in the Perfect Occurrences of the petition in 1646 of the Duchess of Lennox, Buckingham's daughter, for leave to come to London, or to her house in Chelsea, to be under Dr. Mayerne's hands for her health. The great physician was then living at Lindsey House, the old farmhouse belonging to the estate.

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In 1620 Daniel Mijtens Painter 1590-1648. Portrait of Lionel Cranfield 1st Earl Middlesex 1575-1645.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Before 11 Dec 1643 Daniel Mijtens Painter 1590-1648. Portrait of Lionel Cranfield 1st Earl Middlesex 1575-1645.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Before 1628 Michiel Janszoon van Mierevelt Painter 1566-1641. Portrait of George Villiers 1st Duke of Buckingham 1592-1628.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1616 William Larkin Painter 1582-1619. Portrait of George Villiers 1st Duke of Buckingham 1592-1628 wearing his Garter Robes and Leg Garter.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1620 Daniel Mijtens Painter 1590-1648. Portrait of George Villiers 1st Duke of Buckingham 1592-1628.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1619 Cornelius Johnson Painter 1593-1661. Portrait of George Villiers 1st Duke of Buckingham 1592-1628.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1625 Peter Paul Rubens Painter 1577-1640. Portrait of George Villiers 1st Duke of Buckingham 1592-1628. <BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1675 Peter Lely Painter 1618-1680. Portrait of George Villiers 2nd Duke of Buckingham 1628-1687 wearing his Garter Collar.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">

In the account in the Architectural Review (May, 1911) I have summarised the later history of the house as follows:—"After the great house had been occupied during the Commonwealth by the Parliamentary Commissioners, Sir Bulstrode Whitlocke and John Lisle, the second Duke of Buckingham regained possession. Lost to him, through his debts, the house ultimately passed (1674) into the hands of the trustees for George Digby, Earl of Bristol, and his Countess sold it in 1682 to Henry, Marquess of Worcester, afterwards Duke of Beaufort, the house remaining in his family until 1720. It was during this period, about the year 1699, that Kip's beautiful view of the mansion - now called Beaufort House — was published, a priceless record of the property, so ruthlessly defaced and destroyed by Sir Hans Sloane after he purchased it in 1737. Mr. Randall Davies, whom I have followed in the account of the occupants of the house, has printed the interesting conveyance of the property to Sloane, and if its description is carefully collated with the information in Kip's view, one is struck by the wonderful accuracy of the latter. Here is the great house as shown by Thorpe, its lodges and its forecourts, the wharf, with its brick towers east and west, the orchard and 'one garden environed with brick walls … and a terrace on the north end, with a banqueting house on the east end of the terrace,' as well as 'one great garden … extending from the terrace and banqueting house into the highway on the north.' This banqueting house is alike in detail to the sketch of 'a summer house, Chelsea,' in the Smithson collection of seventeenth-century drawings, now in the possession of Colonel Coke. But valuable as is the representation of the great house, the print has much more information to give us. The great park is there shown in all its original beauty; the Duke of Beaufort's stables and yard, since converted into the historic chapel and burying ground of the Moravians is to the west; and nearer the river the beautiful Jacobean house of Sir Arthur Gorges (our sole evidence of its character and design) and the house and gardens of the Earls of Lindsey. And to the east, below the wide area of Dovecote Close, laid out as a huge kitchen garden, are the fine pleasure grounds of Danvers House, which had been destroyed but three years before the drawing was published.".

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In 1634. Unknown Painter. Portrait of Bulstrode Whitelocke 1605-1675.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1650. Unknown Painter. Portrait of Bulstrode Whitelocke 1605-1675.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1637 Anthony Van Dyck Painter 1599-1641. Portrait of George Digby 2nd Earl Bristol 1612-1677 and William Russell 1st Duke Bedford 1616-1700.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1638 Anthony Van Dyck Painter 1599-1641. Portrait of George Digby 2nd Earl Bristol 1612-1677.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Before 1699 Godfrey Kneller 1646-1723. Portrait of Henry Somerset 1st Duke Beaufort 1629-1700.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">

Survey London Volume 20

Survey London Volume 20 Part 3 Pages 101 103 Volume 20

In 1669 Shaver's Hall with all its appurtenances was bought by Thomas Panton, succinctly described by the Dictionary of National Biography as a "gambler," who in 1671 petitioned the Privy Council "that having been at great charge in purchasing a parcell of ground, lying at Pickadilly, part of it being the two bowling greens fronting the Haymarket, the other part lying on the north of Tennis Court," he might have leave to continue with his development of the property in spite of the king's "late proclamation" against building. Sir Christopher Wren (45) reported that "by opening a new street from the Hay-markett into Leicester-fields" Panton's scheme would "ease in some measure the great passage of the Strand, and will cure the noysomness of that part," and recommended that a licence to build be granted provided that the houses were built of brick "with sufficient scantlings, good paving in the streets, and sufficient sewers and conveighances for the water." Panton Street first appears in the ratebooks in 1674 and Oxendon Street, named after Baker's son-in-law, in 1675. Panton was also responsible for the erection of houses on the east side of the Haymarket at this time.

In 1711 Godfrey Kneller 1646-1723. Portrait of Christopher Wren 1632-1723.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">

Panton Street was described by Strype in 1720 as "a good open street, inhabited by tradesmen." On the south side lived in 1696–1730 Thomas Hickford, proprietor of "Hickford's Great Room" used for auction sales and entertainments.

Horologiographia: The Art of Dialling

In early 1663 John Flamsteed Astronomer 1646-1719 (16) read Horologiographia: The Art of Dialling.

Brief Lives John Aubrey

Brief Lives: William Cecil 1st Baron Burghley 1520 1598

Cecil, lord Burleigh: Memorandum, the true name is Sitsilt, and is an ancient Monmouthshire family, but now come to be about the size c of yeomanry. In the church at Monmouth, I remember in a south windowe an ancient scutcheon of the family, the same that this family beares. 'Tis strange that they should be so vaine to leave off an old British name for a Romancy one, which beteere Mr Verstegan did putt into their heads, telling his lordship, in his booke, that they were derived from the ancient Roman Cecilii. The first lord Burley (who was Secretary of Estate) was at first but (a) country-schoole-master, and (I thinke Dr. Thomas Fuller sayes, vide Holy State) borne in Wales. I remember (when I was a schooleboy at Blandford) Mr. Basket, a reverend divine, who was wont to beg us play-dayes, would alwayes be uncovered, and sayd that 'twas the lord Burleigh's custome for (said he) here is my Lord Chanceller, my Lord Treasurer, my Lord Chief Justice, &c., predestinated'. 'He made Cicero's Epistles his glasse, his rule, his oracle, and ordinarie pocket-booke ' (Dr. J. Web in preface of his translation of Cicero's Familiar Epistles.

Brief Lives: Charles Danvers 1568 1601

Essex Rebellion

[711]Sir Charles Danvers (33) was beheaded on Tower-hill with Robert, earle of Essex (35), February the 6th, 1600[712]. I find in the register of the Tower chapell only the sepulture of Robert, earl of Essex (35), that yeare; wherfore I am induced to beleeve that his body was carryed to Dantesey[CX] in Wilts to lye with his ancestors. Vide Stowe's Chronicle, where is a full account of his and the earle's deportment at their death on the scaffold.
With all their faylings, Wilts cannot shew two such[713] brothers.
His familiar acquaintance were...[714], earl of Oxon (50); Sir Francis (40) and Sir Horace Vere (36); Sir Walter Ralegh (47), etc.—the heroes of those times.
Quaere my lady viscountesse Purbec and also the lord Norris for an account of the behaviour and advice of Sir Charles Danvers in the businesse of the earl of Essex, which advice had the earle followed he had saved his life.
[715]Of Sir Charles Danvers, from my lady viscountesse Purbec:—Sir Charles Danvers advised the earle of Essex, either to treat with the queen—hostages..., whom Sir Ferdinando Gorges (36) did let goe; or to make his way through the gate at Essex house, and then to hast away to Highgate, and so to Northumberland (the earl of Northumberland (69) maried his mother's (51) sister (56)), and from thence to the king of Scots, and there they might make their peace; if not, the queen was old and could not live long. But the earle followed not his advice, and so they both lost their heads on Tower-hill.
Note.
[711]. MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25v.
[712]. i.e. 1600/1.
[713]. Dupl. with 'shew the like two brothers,' scil. as Sir Charles Danvers and his brother Henry, earl of Danby.
[714]. Edward Vere, seventeenth earl of Oxford (50).
[CX]In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 46, Aubrey writes, in reference to burials at Dantesey, 'quaere, if Sir Charles Danvers that was beheaded?—He was buryed in the Tower chapell.' Aubrey's description of the burial-place of the Danvers family (MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 46), with the inscriptions, is printed in J. E. Jackson's Aubrey's Wiltshire Collections, pp. 223-225; the pedigree of Danvers is there given at p. 216.

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In 1590 William Segar Painter 1554-1663. Portrait of Robert Devereux 2nd Earl Essex 1565-1601.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1596 Marcus Gheeraerts Painter 1562-1636. Portrait of Robert Devereux 2nd Earl Essex 1565-1601.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1597 Marcus Gheeraerts Painter 1562-1636. Portrait of Robert Devereux 2nd Earl Essex 1565-1601.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1650 based on a work of 1575.Unknown Painter. Portrait of Edward Vere 17th Earl Oxford 1550-1604.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1629 Michiel Janszoon van Mierevelt Painter 1566-1641. Portrait of Horace Vere 1st Baron Vere Tilbury 1565-1635.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1591 Nicholas Hilliard Painter 1547-1619 painted a portrait of Walter Raleigh 1554-1618.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1598 William Segar Painter 1554-1663. Portrait of Walter Raleigh 1554-1618.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1585 Unknown Painter. Portrait of Walter Raleigh 1554-1618.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1588 Unknown Painter. Portrait of Walter Raleigh 1554-1618.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1623 Michiel Janszoon van Mierevelt Painter 1566-1641. Portrait of Frances Coke Viscountess Purbeck 1602-1645.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Before 09 Dec 1641 Anthony Van Dyck Painter 1599-1641. Portrait of Henry Percy 8th Earl of Northumberland 1532-1585.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">

Brief Lives: Elizabeth Danvers

[716]His[CY] mother, an Italian, prodigious parts for a woman. I have heard my father's mother say that she had Chaucer at her fingers' ends.
A great politician; great witt and spirit, but revengefull[717].
Knew how to manage her estate as well as any man; understood jewells as well as any jeweller.
Very beautifull, but only short-sighted. To obtain pardons for her sonnes[718] she maryed Sir Edmund Carey, cosen-german to queen Elizabeth, but kept him to hard meate.
Smyth of Smythcotes—Naboth's vineyard—digitus Dei[CZ].
The arcanum—'traditio lampadis' in the family of Latimer[DA] of poysoning king Henry 8—from my lady Purbec.
Notes.
716. MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25.
717. Aubrey, in the margin, notes 'Anne Bulleyn.'
718. For the murder of Henry Long.
[CY]. i.e. Henry, earl of Danby's. She was Elizabeth, daughter of John Nevill, the last lord Latimer. 'An Italian' may mean that she knew that language, among her other accomplishments. I can make nothing of a note added by Aubrey here, which seems to read '... Cowley, crop-ear'd.'
[CZ]. I do not know to what circumstance, in the history of the Danvers family, Aubrey here applies 1 Kings xxi. 19.
[DA]. Catherine Parr, last consort of Henry VIII, was widow of John, 3rd lord Latimer; and step-mother of John, 4th lord Latimer, the father of this Elizabeth Danvers, whose grand-daughter ('viscountess Purbeck') was Aubrey's informant.

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Around 1534 Hans Holbein The Younger Painter 1497-1543. Drawing of Anne Boleyn Queen Consort England. The attribution is contentious.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1580 based on a work of around 1534.Unknown Painter. Portrait of Anne Boleyn Queen Consort England.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1639 Anthony Van Dyck Painter 1599-1641. Portrait of Henry Danvers 1st Earl Danby 1573-1644 in his Garter Robes.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">In 1544 Master John Painter. Portrait of Catherine Parr Queen Consort England 1512-1548.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">Around 1590 Unknown Painter. Portrait of Catherine Parr Queen Consort England 1512-1548.<BR><p class="inline-paragraph">