John Evelyn's Diary 1685

1678 Popish Plot

1685 Coronation James II and Mary

1685 Argyll's Rising

1685 Battle of Sedgemoor

1685 Execution of the Duke of Monmouth

1685 Death and Burial of Charles II

John Evelyn's Diary 1685 is in John Evelyn's Diary 1680s.

John Evelyn's Diary January 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 01 January 1685

01 Jan 1685. It prov'd so sharp weather, and so long and cruel a frost, that the Thames was frozen acrosse, but the frost was often dis solv'd, and then froze again.

John Evelyn's Diary 11 January 1685

11 Jan 1685. A young man preached upon 13 St. Luke 5 after the Presbyterian tedious method and repetition.

John Evelyn's Diary 24 January 1685

24 Jan 1685. I din'd at Lord Newport's (64), who has some excellent pictures, especialy that of Sr Tho. Hanmer, by Van Dyke, one of the best he ever painted; another of our English Dobson's painting; but above all, Christ in the Virgin's lap by Poussin, an admirable piece, with some thing of most other famous hands.

John Evelyn's Diary 25 January 1685

25 Jan 1685. Dr. Dove preach'd before ye King (54). I saw this evening such a scene of profuse gaming, and the King (54) in the midst of his three concubines, as I had never before seen. Luxurious dallying and prophanenesse.

John Evelyn's Diary 27 January 1685

27 Jan 1685. I din'd at Lord Sunderland's (43), being invited to heare that celebrated voice of Mr. Pordage, newly come from Rome; his singing was after the Venetian recitative, as masterly as could be, and with an excellent voice both treble and basse; Dr. Walgrave accompanied it with his theorba lute, on which he perform'd beyond imagination, and is doubtlesse orie of the greatest masters in Europe on that charming in strument. Pordage is a priest, as Mr. Bernard Howard (44) told me in private. There was in the roome where we din'd, and in his bed-chamber, those incomparable pieces of Columbus, a Flagellation, the Grammar-schoole, the Venus and Adonis of Titian; and of Vandyke's that picture of the late E. of Digby (father of the Countess of Sunderland (39)), and Earle of Bedford (68), Sr Kenelm Digby, and two Ladys of incomparable performance; besides that of Moses and the burning bush of Bassano, and several other pieces of ye best masters. A marble head of M. Brutus, &c.
Sir William Estcourt. It was in a sudden quarrel, and there was doubt whether it was more than manslaughter : but he was advised' to plead guilty, and then had a pardon, for which he paid £l,600.

John Evelyn's Diary 28 January 1685

Popish Plot

28 Jan 1685. I was invited to my Lord Arundel of Wardour (52), (now newly released of his 6 yeares confinement in ye Tower on suspicion of the Plot call'd Oates's Plot), where after dinner the same Mr. Pordage entertain'd us with his voice, that excellent and stupendous artist Sign' Jo. Baptist playing to it on the harpsichord. My daughter Mary (20) being with us, she also sung to the greate satisfaction of both the masters, and a world of people of quality present. She (20) did so also at my Lord Rochester's (42) the evening following, where we had the French Boy so fam'd for his singing, and indeede he had a delicate voice, and had ben well taught. I also heard Mrs. Packer (daughter to my old friend) sing before his Ma* and the Duke, privately, that stupendous basse Gosling accompanying her, but hers was so loud as tooke away much of the sweetnesse. Certainly never woman had a stronger or better eare, could she possibly have govern'd it. She would do rarely in a large church among the nunns.

John Evelyn's Diary February 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 04 February 1685

Death and Burial of Charles II

04 Feb 1685. I went to London, hearing his Ma* (54) had ben the Monday before (02 Feb 1685) surpriz'd in his bed-chamber with an apoplectic fit, so that if, by God's providence, Dr. King (that excellent chirurgeon as well as physitian) had not ben accidentally present to let him blood (having his lancet in his pocket) his Ma* had certainly died that moment, which might have ben of direful consequence, there being nobody else present with the King (54) save this Doctor and one more, as I am assur'd. It was a mark of the extraordinary dexterity, resolution, and presence of mind in the Dr, to let him bloud in the very paroxysm, without staying the coming of other physitians, which regularly should have ben don, and for want of which he must have a regular pardon, as they tell me *. This rescu'd his Ma* for the instant, but it was only a short reprieve. He still complain'd, and was relapsing, often fainting, with sometimes epileptic symptoms, till Wednesday, for which he was cupp'd, let bloud in both jugulars, had both vomit and purges, which so rellev'd him that on Thursday hopes of recovery were signified in the publiq Gazette, but that day, about noone, the physitians thought him feaverish. This they seem'd glad of, as being more easily allay'd and methodically dealt with than his former fits; so as they prescrib'd the famous Jesuits powder : but it made him worse, and some very able Doctors who were present did not think it a fever, but the effect of his frequent bleeding and other sharp operations us'd by them about his head, so that probably the powder might stop the circulation, and renew his former fits, which now made him very weake. Thus he pass'd Thursday night with greate difficulty, when complaining of a paine in his side, they drew 12 ounces more of bloud from him; this was by 6 in the morning on Friday, and it gave him reliefe, but it did not continue, for being now in much paine, and strugling for breath, he lay dozing, and after some conflicts, the physitians despairing of him, he gave up the ghost at halfe an houre after eleven in the morning, being the sixth of February 1685, in the 36th yeare of his reigne, and 54th of his age.
Prayers were solemnly made in all the Churches, especialy in both ye Court Chapells, where the Chaplaines reliev'd one another every halfe quarter of an houre from the time he began to be in danger till he (54) expir'd, according to the forme prescrib'd in the Church Offices. Those who assisted his Majesty's (54) devotions were, the Abp. of Canterbury (68), the Bishops of London (53), Durham (52), and Ely (47), but more especialy Dr. Ken, the Bp. of Bath and Wells (47) receiving the Holy Sacrament, but his Ma* told them he would consider of it, which he did so long 'till it was too late. Others whisper'd that the Bishops and Lords, except the Earles of Bath (56) and Feversham (44), being order'd to withdraw the night before, Hurlston, the 'Priest, had presumed to administer the Popish Offices. He gave his breeches and keys to yc Duke (51), who was almost continually kneeling by his bed-side, and in teares. He (54) also recommended to him the care of his natural children, all except the Duke of Monmouth (35), now in Holland, and in his displeasure. He intreated the Queene (46) to pardon him (not without cause); who a little before had sent a Bishop to excuse her not more frequently visiting him, in reguard of her excessive griefe, and withall, that his Ma* (54) would forgive it if at any time she had offended him. He spake to ye Duke (51) to be kind to the Dutchesse of Cleaveland (44), and especialy Portsmouth (35), and that Nelly (35) might not starve. Thus died King Charles II (54) of a vigorous and robust constitution, and in all appearance promising a long life. He was a Prince of many virtues, and many greate imperfections; debonaire, easy of accesse, not bloudy nor cruel; his countenance fierce, his voice greate, proper of person, every motion became him; a lover of the sea, and skilfull in shipping; not affecting other studies, yet he had a laboratory, and knew of many empyrical medicines, and the easier mechanical mathe matics; he lov'd planting and building, and brought in a politer way of living, which pass'd to luxury and intolerable expence. He had a particular talent in telling a story, and facetious passages, of which he had innumerable; this made some buffoons and vitious wretches too presumptuous and familiar, not worthy the favour they abus'd. He tooke delight in having a number of little spaniels follow him and lie in his bed-chamber, where he often suffer'd the bitches to puppy and give suck, which render'd it very offensive, and indeede made the whole Court nasty and stinking. He would doubtlesse have ben an excellent Prince, had he ben less addicted to women, who made him uneasy, 'and allways in want to supply their unmeasurable profusion, to ye detriment of many Indigent persons who had signaly serv'd both him and his father. He frequently and easily chang'd favorites, to his greate prejudice. As to other publiq transactions and unhappy miscarriages, .'tis not here I intend to number them; but certainly never had King more glorious opportunities to have made himselfe, his people, and all Europe happy, and prevented innumerable mischeifs, had not his too easy nature resign'd him to be manag'd by crafty men, and some abandon'd and profane wretches who corrupted his otherwise sufficient parts, disciplin'd as he had ben by many afflictions during his banishment, which gave him much experience and knowledge of men and things; but those wicked creatures took him off from all application becoming so greate a King. The history of his reigne will certainely be the most wonderfull for the variety of matter and accidents, above any extant in former ages : the sad tragical death of his father, his banishment and hardships, his miraculous restauration, conspiracies against him, parliaments, wars, plagues, fires, comets, revolutions abroad happening in his time, with a thousand other particulars. He was ever kind to me, and very gracious upon all occasions, and therefore I cannot, without ingratitude, but deplore his losse, which for many respects as well as duty I do with all my soul. His Majesty (54) being dead, the Duke, now K. James II went immediately to Council, and before entering into any businesse, passionately declaring his sorrow, told their Lordships that since the succession had fallen to him, he would endeavour to follow the example of his predecessor in his clemency and tendernesse to his people; that, however he had ben misrepresented as affecting arbitrary power, they should find the contrary, for that the Laws of England had made ye King as greate a monarch as he could desire; that he would endeavor to maintain the Government both in Church and State, as by Law established, its principles being so firme for monarchy, and the members of it shewing themselves so good and loyal subjects; and that as he would never depart from the just rights and prerogatives of y Crown, so would he never invade any man's property; but as he had often adventur'd his life in defence of the Nation, so he would still proceede, and preserve it in all its lawful rights and liberties. This being the substance of what he said, the Lords desir'd it might be publish'd, as ontaining matter of greate satisfaction to a jealous people upon this change, which his Ma* consented to. Then were the Counsel sworn, and a Proclamation order'd to be publish'd, that all Officers should continue in their stations, that there might be no failure of public justice, till his further pleasure should be known. Then the King (54) rose, the Lords accompanying him to his bed-chamber, where, whilst he repos'd himselfe, tired indeede as he was with griefe and watching, they return'd againe Into the Council-chamber to take order for the proclaiming his Ma*, which (after some debate) they consented should be in the very forme his grandfather K. James I. was, after ye death of Queene Elizabeth; as likewise that the Lords, &c. should proceede in their coaches thro' the Citty for the more solemnity of it. Upon this was I, and severall other Gentlemen waiting in the Privy-gallerie, admitted into ye Council-chamber to be witnesse of what was resolv'd on. Thence with the Lords, the Lord Marshall and Heraulds, and other Crowne Officers being ready, we first went to White-hall gate, where the Lords stood on foote bare-headed, whilst the Herauld proclaim'd his Majesty's (54) title to the Imperial Crowne and Succession according to ye forme, the trumpets and kettle-drums having first sounded 3 times, which ended with the people's acclamations. Then a Herauld call'd the Lords' coaches according to rank, myselfe accompanying the solemnity in my Lord Cornwallis's (29) coach, first to Temple Barr, where the Lord Maior and his brethren met us on horseback, in all theire formalities, and proclaim'd the King (54); hence to the Exchange in Cornhill, and so we return'd in the order we set forth. Being come to Whitehall, we all went and kiss'd the King (51) and Queenes (26) hands. He had ben on ye bed, but was now risen and in his undresse. The Queene (22) was in bed in her appartment, but put forth her hand, seeming to be much afflicted, as I believe she was, having deported herselfe so decently upon all occasions since she came into England, which made her universally belov'd. Thus concluded this sad and not joyfull day.
I can never forget the inexpressible luxury and prophanenesse, gaming and all dissoluteness, and as it were total forgetfullnesse of God (it being Sunday evening) which this day se'nnight I was wit nesse of, the King (54) sitting and toying with his concubines, Portsmouth, Cleaveland, and Mazarine, &c a French boy singing love songs, in that glorious gallery, whilst about 20 of the greate courtiers and other dissolute persons were at Basset round a large table, a bank of at least 2000 in gold before them, upon which two gentlemen who were with me made reflexions with astonishment. Six days after was all in the dust ! It was enjoyn'd that those who put on mourning should wear it as for a father, in ye most solemn manner.

John Evelyn's Diary 10 February 1685

10 Feb 1685. Being sent to by the Sheriff of the County to appeare and assist in proclayming the King (51), I went the next day to Bromely, where I met the Sheriff of and the Commander of the Kentish Troop, with an appearance, I suppose, of above 500 horse, and innumerable people, two of his Ma*'s trumpets and a Serjeant with other officers, who having drawn up the horse in a large field neere the towne, march'd thence, wifh swords drawne, to the market-place, where making a ring, after sound of trumpets and silence made, the High Sheriff of read the pro claiming titles to his Bailiffe, who repeated them aloud, and then after many shouts of the people, his Ma*'s health being drunk in a flint glasse of a yard long, by the Sheriff, Commander, Officers and cheife Gentlemen, they all dispers'd, and I return'd.

John Evelyn's Diary 13 February 1685

13 Feb 1685. I pass'd a fine on selling of Honson Grange in Staffordshire, being about £20 per ann., which lying so greate a distance I thought fit to part with it to one Burton, a farmer there. It came to me as part of my daughter-in-law's portion, this being but a fourth part of what was divided betweene ye mother and three sisters.

John Evelyn's Diary 14 February 1685

Death and Burial of Charles II

14 Feb 1685. The King was this, night very obscurely buried in a vault under Hen. 7th's Chapell at Westminster, without any manner of pomp, and soone forgotten after all this vanity, and the face of the whole Court was exceedingly chang'd into a more solemn and moral behaviour; the new King (51) affecting neither prophanenesse nor buffoonery. All the greate Officers broke their staves over the grave, according to form.

John Evelyn's Diary 15 February 1685

15 Feb 1685. Dr. Tenison (48) preach'd to the Household. The second sermon should have ben before the King (51); but he, to the greate griefe of his subjects, did now for the first time go to masse publickly in ye little Oratorie at the Duke's lodgings, the doors being set wide open. Note. the 'greate grief' being the King going to a Catholic Mass.

John Evelyn's Diary 16 February 1685

16 Feb 1685. I din'd at Sr' Rob' Howard's (59), Auditor of the Exchequer, a gentleman pretending to all manner of arts and sciences, for which he had ben the subject of Comedy, under the name of Sir Positive; not ill-natur'd, but insufferably boasting. He was sonn to the late Earl of Berkshire.

John Evelyn's Diary 17 February 1685

17 Feb 1685. This morning his Ma* (51) restor'd the staffe and key to Lord Arlington (67), Chamberlaine; to Mr. Savell (43), Vice-chamberlaine; to Lords Newport (64) and Malnard (62), Treasurer and Comptroler of the Household; Lord Godolphin (39) made Chamberlaine to ye Queene (26); Lord Peterborow (63) Groome of ye Stole in place of the Earle of Bath (56); the Treasurer's staff to the Earle of Rochester (42); and his brother the Earle of Clarendon Lord Privie Seale in place of the Marquis of Halifax (51), who was made President of the Council; the Secretarys of State remaining as before.

John Evelyn's Diary 19 February 1685

19 Feb 1685. The Lord Treasurer and yc other new Officers were sworne at the Chancery Barr and the Exchequer. The late King having the revenue of Excise, Costoms, and other late duties granted for his life only, they were now farmed and lett to severall persons, upon an opinion that the late King might lett them for three yeares after his decease; some of the old Commissioners refus'd to act. The lease was made but the day before the King died; the major part of the Judges (but as some think not the best Lawyers) pronounc'd it legal, but four dissented. The Clerk of the Closet (50) had shut up the late King's private Oratorie next the Privy-chamber above, but the King caus'd it to be open'd againe, and that prayers should be said as formerly.

John Evelyn's Diary 22 February 1685

22 Feb 1685. Several most useful Tracts against Dissenters, Papists, and Fanatics, and Resolutions of Cases, were now publish'd by the London Divines.

John Evelyn's Diary March 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 04 March 1685

04 Mar 1685. Ash Wednesday; after evening prayers I went to London.

John Evelyn's Diary 05 March 1685

05 Mar 1685. To my griefe I saw the new pulpit set up in the Popish Oratorie at Whitehall Palace for the Lent preaching, masse being publicly said, and the Romanists swarming at Court with greater confidence than had ever ben seene in England since the Reformation, so as every body grew jealous to what this would tend.
A Parliament was now summon'd, and greate industry us'd to obtaine elections which might promote the Court interest, most of the Corporations being now by their new Charters impower'd to make what returnes of members they pleas'd.
There came over divers envoyes and greate persons to condole the death of the late King, who were receiv'd by the Queene Dowager (46) on a bed of mourning, the whole chamber, cieling and floore hung with black, and tapers were lighted, so as nothing could be more lugubrous and solemne. The Queene Consort sat out under a state on a black foot-cloth, to entertaine the circle (as the Queene us'd to do), and hat very decently.

John Evelyn's Diary 06 March 1685

06 Mar 1685. Lent Preachers continu'd as formerly in the Royal Chapell.

John Evelyn's Diary 07 March 1685

07 Mar 1685. My daughter Mary (20) was taken with the smallpox, and there soon was found no hope of her recovery. A very greate affliction to me : but God's holy will be done.
10 Mar 1685. She receiv'd the blessed Sacrament; after which, disposing herselfe to suffer what God should determine to inflict, she bore the remainder of her sicknesse with extraordinary patience and piety, and more than ordinary resignation and blessed frame of mind. She died the 14th, to our unspeakable sorrow and affliction, and not to ours onely, but that of all who knew her, who were many of the best quality, greatest and most virtuous persons. The justnesse of her stature, person, comelinesse of countenance, gracefull nesse of motion, unaffected tho' more than ordinary beautifull, were the least of her ornaments compared with those of her mind. Of early piety, singularly religious, spending a part of every day in private devotion, reading and other vertuous exereises; she had collected and written out many of the most usefull and judicious periods of the books she read in a kind of common-place, as out of Dr. Hammond on the New Testament, and most of the best practical treatises. She had read and digested a considerable deale of history and of places. The French tongue was as familiar to her as English; she understood Italian, and was able to render a laudable account of what she read and observed, to which assisted a most faithful memory and discernment; and she did make very prudent and discreete reflexions upon what she had observed of the conversations among which she had at any time ben, which being continualy of persons of the best quality, she thereby improved. She had an excellent voice, to which she play'd a thorough-bass on the harpsichord, in both which she arived to that perfection, that of the schollars of those two famous masters Signors Pietro and Bartholomeo she was esteem'd the best; for the sweetnesse of her voice and management of it added such an agreeablenesse to her countenance, without any constraint or concerne, that when she sung, it was as charming to the eye as to the eare; this I rather note, because it was a universal remarke, and for which so many noble and judicious persons in musiq desired to heare her, the last being at Lord Arundel's of Wardour (see above). What shall 1 say, or rather not say, of the cheerefullness and agreeablenesse of her humour ? condescending to the meanest servant in the family, or others, she still kept up respect, without the least pride. She would often reade to them, examine, instruct, and pray with them if they were sick, so as she was exceedingly beloved of every body. Piety was so prevalent an ingredient in her constitution (as I may say) that even amongst equals and superiors she no sooner became intimately acquainted, but she would endeavour to improve them, by insinuating something of religious, and that tended to bring them to a love of devotion; she had one or two confidents with whom she used to passe whole dayes In fasting, reading and prayers, especialy before the monethly communion and other solemn occasions. She abhorr'd flattery, and tho' she had aboundance of witt, the raillery was so innocent and ingenuous that it was most agreeable; she sometimes would see a play, but since the stage grew licentious, express'd herselfe weary of them, and the time spent at the theater was an unaccountable vanity. She never play'd at cards without extreame importunity and for the company, but this was so very seldome that I cannot number it among any thing she could name a fault. No one could read prose or verse better or with more judgment; and as she read, so she writ, not only most correct orthography, with that maturitie of judgment and exactnesse of the periods, choice of expressions, and familiarity of stile, that some letters of hers have astonish'd me and others to whom she has occasionally written. She had a talent of rehersing any comical part or poeme, as to them she might be decently free with was more pleasing than heard on yb theater; she daunc'd with the greatest grace I had ever seene, and so would her master say, who was Monsr Isaac; but she seldome shew'd that perfection, save in the gracefullnesse of her carriage, which was with an aire of spritely modestie not easily to be described. Nothing affected, but natural and easy as well in her deportment as in her discourse, which was always materiall, not trifling, and to which the extraordinary sweetnesse of her tone, even in familiar speaking, was very charming. Nothing was so pretty as her descending to play with little children, whom she would caresse and humour with greate delight. But she most affected to be with grave and sober men, of whom she might learne something, and improve herselfe. I have ben assisted by her in reading and praying by me; comprehensive of uncommon notions, curious of knowing every thing to some excesse, had I not sometimes repressed it. Nothing was so delightfull to her as to go into my study, where she would willingly have spent whole dayes, for as I sayd she had read aboundance of history, and all the best poets, even Terence, Plautus, Homer, Virgil, Horace, Ovid; all the best romances and modern poemes; she could compose happily, and put in pretty symbols, as in the Mundus Mulie bris, wherein is an enumeration of the immense variety of the modes and ornaments belonging to the sex; but all these are vaine trifles to the virtues which adorn'd her soule; she was sincerely religious, most dutifull to her parents, whom she lov'd with an affection temper'd with greate esteeme, so as we were easy and free^ and never were so well pleas'd as when she was with us, nor needed we other conversation; she was kind to her sisters, and was still improving them by her constant course of piety. Oh deare, sweete, and desireable child, how shall I part with all this goodness and virtue without the bittemesse of sorrow and reluctancy of a tender parent! Thy affection, duty, and love to me was that of a friend as well as a child. Nor lesse deare to thy mother, whose example and tender care of thee was unparellel'd, nor was thy returne to her lesse conspicuous; Oh ! how she mourns thy loss! how desolate hast thou left us! To the grave shall we both carry thy memory!.
God alone (in whose bosom thou art at rest and happy !) give us to resigne thee and all our contentments (for thou indeede wert all in this world) to his blessed pleasure ! Let him be glorified by our submission, and give us grace to blesse him for the graces he planted in thee, thy virtuous life, pious and holy death, which is indeede the onely comfort of our soules, hastening thro' the infinite love and mercy of the Lord Jesus to be shortly with thee, deare child, and with thee and those blessed saints like thee, glorifye the Redeemer of the world to all eternity ! Amen !.
It was in the 19th year of her age that this sicknesse happen'd to her. An accident contributed to this disease; she had an apprehension of it in particular, and which struck her but two days before she came home, by an imprudent gentlewoman whom she went with Lady Falkland to visite, who after they had ben a good while in the house, told them she had a servant sick of the smallpox (who indeede died the next day); this my poore child acknowledg'd made an impression on her spirits. There were foure gentlemen of quality offering to treate with me about marriage, and I freely gave her her owne choice, knowing her discretion. She showed great indifference to marrying at all, for truly, says she to her mother (the other day), were I assur'd of your life and my deare father's, never would I part from you; I love you and this home, where we serve God, above all things, nor ever shall I be so happy; I know and consider the vicissitudes of the world, I have some experience of its vanities, and but for decency more than inclination, and that you judge it expedient for me, I would not change my condition, but rather add the fortune you designe me to my sisters, and keepe up the reputation of our family, This was so discreetly and sincerely utter'd that it could not but proceede from an extraordinary child, and one who lov'd her parents beyond example.
At London she tooke this fatal disease, and the occasion of her being there was this; my Lord Viscount Falkland's (29) Lady having ben our neighbour (as he was Treasurer of the Navy), she tooke so greate an affection to my daughter, that when they went back in the autumn to the Citty, nothing would satisfie their incessant importunity but letting her accompany my Lady, and staying sometime with her; it was with yc greatest reluctance I complied. Whilst she was there, my Lord (29) being musical, when I saw my Lady would not part with her till Christmas, I was not unwilling she should improve the opportunity of learning of Signr Pietro, who had an admirable way both of composure and teaching. It was the end of February before I could prevail with my Lady to part with her; but my Lord going into Oxfordshire to stand for Knight of the Shire there, she express'd her wish to come home, being tir'd of ye vain and empty conversation of the towne, ye theatres, the court, and trifling visites wch consum'd so much precious time, and made her sometimes misse of that regular course of piety that gave her ye greatest satisfaction. She was weary of this life, and I think went not thrice to Court all this time, except when her mother or I carried her. She did not affect shewing herselfe, she knew ye Court well, and pass'd one summer in it at Windsor with Lady Tuke one of the Queene's women of the bed chamber (a most virtuous relation of hers); she was not fond of that glittering scene, now become abominably licentious, though there was a designe of Lady Rochester (39) and Lady Clarendon to have made her a maid of honour to the Queene as soon as there was a vacancy. But this she did not set her heart upon, nor in deede on any thing so much as the service of God, a quiet and regular life, and how she might improve herselfe in the most necessary accomplishments, and to wch she was ariv'd at so greate a measure. This is y° little history and imperfect character of my deare child, whose piety, virtue, and incomparable endowments deserve a. Monument more durable than brasse and marble. Precious is the memorial of the just.
Much I could enlarge on every peribd of this hasty account, but that I ease and discharge my overcoming passion for the present, so many things worthy an excellent Christian and dutifull child crowding upon me. Never can I say enough, oh deare, my deare child, whose memory is so precious to me! This deare child was born at Wotton in the same house and chamber in which I first drew my breath, my wife (50) having retir'd to my brother there in the great sicknesse that yeare upon the first of that moneth, and neere the ve'ry houre that I was borne, upon the last : viz. October. 16 March. She was interr'd in the South-east end of the Church at Deptford, neere her grandmother and severall of my younger children and relations. My desire was she should have ben carried and layed among my own parents and relations at Wotton, where I desire to be interr'd myselfe, when God shall call me out of this uncertaine transitory life, but some circumstances did not permit it. Our vicar Dr. Holden preach'd her funeral sermon on 1 Phil. 21. "For to me to live is Christ and to die is gaine", upon which he made an apposite discourse, as those who heard it assur'd me (for griefe suffer'd me not to be present), concluding with a modest recital of her many virtues and signal piety, so as to draw both teares and admiration from the hearers. I was not altogether unwilling that something of this sort should be spoken, for the edification and encouragement of other young people. Divers noble persons honour'd her funeral, some in person, others sending their coaches, of wch there were six or seven with six horses, viz. the Countesse of Sunderland (39), Earle of Clarendon, Lord Godolphin (39), Sr Stephen Fox (57), Sr Wm Godolphin, Viscount Falkland, and others. There were distributed amongst her friends about 60 rings. Thus liv'd, died, and was buried the joy of my life, and ornament of her sex and of my poore family ! God Almighty of his infinite mercy grant me the grace thankfully to resigne myselfe and all I have, or had, to his Divine pleasure, and in his good time, restoring health and comfort to my family : " teach me so to number my days that I may apply my heart to wisdom", be prepar'd for my dissolution, and that into the hands of my blessed Saviour I may recommend my spirit ! Amen !.
On looking into her closet, it is incredible what a number of collections she had made from historians, poetes, travellers, &c. but above all devotions, contemplations, and resolutions on these contemplations, found under her hand in a booke most methodicaly dispos'd; prayers, meditations, and devotions on particular occasions, with many pretty letters to her confidants; one to a divine (not nam'd) to whom she writes that he would be her ghostly father, and would not despise her for her many errors and the imperfections of her youth, but beg of God to give her courage to acquaint him with all her faults, imploring his assistance and spiritual directions. I well remember she had often desir'd me to recommend her to such a person, but I did not think fit to do it as yet, seeing her apt to be scrupulous, and knowing the great innocency and integrity of her life. It is astonishing how one who had acquir'd such substantial and practical knowledge in other ornamental parts of education, especialy music both vocal and instrumental, In dauncing, paying and receiving visites, and necessary conversation, could accomplish halfe of what she has left; but as she never affected play or cards, which consume a world of precious time, so she was in continual exercise, which yet abated nothing of her most agreeable conversation. But she was a little miracle while she liv'd, and so she died!.

John Evelyn's Diary 26 March 1685

26 Mar 1685. I was invited to the funerall of Capt. Gunman, that excellent pilot and seaman, who had behav'd himselfe so valiantly in the Dutch warr. He died of a gangrene, occasion'd by his fall from the pier of Calais. This was the Captain of the yacht carrying the Duke (51) (now King) to Scotland, and was accus'd for not giving timely warning when she split on the sands, where so many perish'd; but I am most confident he was no ways guilty, either of negligence or designe, as he made appeare not onely at the examination of the matter of fact, but in the Vindication he shew'd me, and which must needes give any man of reason satisfaction. He was a sober, frugal, cheerfull, and temperate man; we have few such seamen left.

John Evelyn's Diary April 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 08 April 1685

08 Apr 1685. Being now somewhat compos'd after my greate affliction, I went to London to hear Dr. Tenison (48) (it being on a Wednesday in Lent) at Whitehall. I observ'd that tho' the King (51) was not in his seate above in the chapell, the Doctor made his three congees, which they were not us'd to do when the late King was absent, making then one bowing onely. I ask'd the reason; it was sayd he had a special order so to do. The Princesse of Denmark (34) was in the King's Closet, but sat on the left hand of the chaire, the Clearke of the Closet (50) standing by His Ma*s chaire, as If he had ben present. I met the Queene Dowager (46) going now first from Whitehall to dwell at Somerset-house. This day my brother of Wotton and Mr. Onslow (30) were candidates for Surrey against Sr Adam Brown and my cousin Sr Edwd Evelyn, and were circumvented in their election by a trick of the Sheriff's* taking advantage of my brother's party going out of the small village of Leatherhead to seek shelter and lodging, the afternoone being tempestuous, proceeding to the Election when they were gon; they expecting the next morning; whereas before and then they exceeded the other party by many hundreds, as I am assur'd. The Duke of Norfolk (30) led Sr Edw. Evelyn's and Sr Adam Brown's party. For this Parliament, very meane and slight persons (some of them gentlemen's servants, clearkes, and persons neither of reputation nor interest) were set up, but the country would choose my brother whether he would or no, and he miss'd it by the trick above mentioned. Sr Adam Brown was so deafe that he could not heare one word. S1 Edw. Evelyn was an honest gent much in favour with his Majesty.

John Evelyn's Diary 10 April 1685

Popish Plot

10 Apr 1685. I went early to Whitehall to heare Dr. Tillotson, Deane of Canterbury (54), preaching on 9 Eccles. 18. I returned in the evening, and visited Lady Tuke, and found with her Sr Geo Wakeman, the physician, whom I had seene tried and acquitted J, amongst the plotters for poisoning the late King, on the accusation of the famous Oates (35); and surely I believ'd him guiltlesse.

John Evelyn's Diary 14 April 1685

14 Apr 1685. According to my costome I went to London to passe the holy weeke.

John Evelyn's Diary 17 April 1685

17 Apr 1685. Good Friday. Dr. Tenison (48) preached at the new church at St. James's, on 1 Cor. 16, 22, upon the infinite love of God to us, which he illustrated in many instances. The holy Sacrament followed, at which I participated. The Lord make me thankfull. In tbe after noone Dr. Sprat, Bp. of Rochester (50), preached in Whitehall Chapell, the auditory very full of Lords, the two Archbishops, and many others, now drawne to towne upon the occasion of the Coronation and ensuing Parliament. I supp'd with the Countesse of Sunderland (39) and Lord Godolphin (39), and return'd home.

John Evelyn's Diary 23 April 1685

Coronation James II and Mary

23 Apr 1685. Was the Coronation of the King (51) and Queene (26). The solemnity was magnificent, as is set forth in print. The Bp. of Ely (47) preach'd; but, to the greate sorrow of the people, no Sacrament, as ought to have ben. However the King begins his reigne with greate expectations, and hopes of much reformation as to the late vices and prophanenesse both of Court and Country. Having ben present at the late King's Coronation, I was not ambitious of seeing this ceremonie.

John Evelyn's Diary May 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 03 May 1685

03 May 1685. A young man preach'd, going chaplain with Sir Jo. Wiburn, Governor of Bombay in the East Indies.

John Evelyn's Diary 07 May 1685

Popish Plot

07 May 1685. I was in Westm Hall when Oates (35), who had made such a stir in the Kingdom, on his revealing a Plot of the Papists, and alarm'd several Parliaments, and had occasioned the execution of divers Priests, Noblemen*, &c. was tried for perjurie at the King's Bench; but being very tedious, I did not endeavour to see the issue, considering that it would be published. Aboundance of Roman Catholics were in the Hall in expectation of the most gratefull conviction and ruine of a person who* had ben so obnoxious to them, and, as I verily believe, had don much mischeife and greate injury to several by his violent and ill-grounded proceedings; whilst he was at first so unreasonably blowne up and encouraged, that his insolence was no longer sufferable. Mr. Roger L'Estrange (68) (a gentleman whom I had long known, and a person of excellent parts abating some affectations) appearing first against the Dissenters in several Tracts, had now for some yeares turn'd his style against those whom (by way of hateful distinction) they call'd Whiggs and Trimmers, under the title of Observator, which came out 3 or 4 days every weeke, in which sheets, under pretence to serve the Church of England, he gave suspicion of gratifying another party, by several passages which rather kept up animosities than appeas'd them, especialy now that nobody gave the least occasion.

John Evelyn's Diary 10 May 1685

10 May 1685. The Scots valueing themselves exceedingly to have ben ye first Parliament call'd by his Ma* (51), gave the Excise and Costomes to him and his successors for ever; yfc D. of Queensberry (48) making eloquent speeches, and especialy minding them of a speedy suppression of those late despe rate Field-Conventiclers who had done such unheard-of assassinations. In the meane time elections for the ensueing Parliament in England were thought to be very indirectly carried on in most places. God grant a better issue of it than some expect!.

John Evelyn's Diary 16 May 1685

Popish Plot

16 May 1685. Oates (35) was sentenced to be whipped and pilloried with the utmost severity.Popish Plot.

John Evelyn's Diary 21 May 1685

21 May 1685. I din'd at my Lord Privy Seale's with Sr Wm Dugdale (79), Garter King at Armes, author of the Monasticon and other learned workes: he told me he was 82 yeares of age, and had his sight and memory perfect. There was shewn a draught of ye exact shape and dimensions of the Crowne the Queene (26) had been crown'd withall, together with the Jewells and pearles; their weight and value, wch amounted to £100,658 sterling, attested at the foote of the paper by the jeweller and goldsmith who sett them.

John Evelyn's Diary 22 May 1685

Argyll's Rising

22 May 1685. In the morning I went with a French gentleman, and my Lord Privy Seale, to the House of Lords, where we were plac'd by his lordship next the Bar, just below yc Bishops, very commodiously both for hearing and seeing. After a short space came in ye Queene (26) and Princesse of Denmark (20), and stood next above the Archbishops, at the side of the House on the right hand of the throne. In the interim divers of the Lords, who had not finish'd before, tooke the Test and usual Oathes, so that her Ma*, the Spanish and other Ambassadors, who stood behind the throne, heard the Pope and worship of the Virgin Mary, &c. renounc'd very decently, as likewise the prayers which follow'd, standing all the while. Then came in the King (51), the Crowne on his head, and being seated, the Commons were introduced, and the House being full, he drew forth a paper containing his speech, which he read distinctly enough, to this effect : " That he resolv'd to call a Parliament from the moment of his brother's decease, as the best meanes to settle all the concernes of the Nation, so as to be most easy and happy to himselfe and his subjects; that he would confirme whatever he had said in his declaration at the first Council concerning his opinion of the principles of the Church of England, for their loyaltie, and would defend and support it, and preserve its government as by law now establish'd; that, as he would invade no man's property, so he would never depart from his owne prerogative; and as he had ventur'd his life in defence of the Nation, so he would proceede to do still; that, having given this assurance of his care of our Religion (his word was your Religion) and Property (wch he had not said by chance but solemnly), so he doubted not of suitable returnes of his subjects duty and kindnesse, especialy as to settling his Revenue for life, for yte many weighty necessities of go vernment, weh he would not suffer to be precarious; that some might possibly suggest that it were better to feede and supply him from time to time only, out of their inclination to frequent Parliaments, but that that would be a very improper method to take with him, since the best way to engage him to meete oftener would be always to use him well, and therefore he expected their compliance speedily, that this Session being but short, they might meet againe to satisfaction". At every period of this the House gave loud shouts. Then he acquainted them with that morning's news of Argyle's (56) being landed in the West High lands of Scotland from Holland, and the treasonous declaration he had published, which he would communicate to them, and that he should take the best care he could it should meete with the reward It deserv'd, not questioning the Parliament's zeale and readinesse to assist him as he desir'd; at which there follow'd another Vive le Roi, and so his Ma* retlr'd.
So soone as ye Commons were return'd and had put themselves into a grand Committee, they immediately put the question, and unanimously voted the Revenue to his Ma* for life. Mr. Seymour made a bold speech against many Elections, and would have had those members who (he pretended) were obnoxious, to withdraw, till they had clear'd the matter of their being legally return'd; but no one seconded him. The truth is, there were many of the new members whose Elections and Returns were universally censur'd, many of them being persons of no condition or interest in the Nation, or places for which they serv'd, especially in Devon, Cornwall, Norfolk, &c. said to have ben recommended by the Court and from the effect of the new charters changing ye electors. It was reported that Lord Bath (56) carried down with him [into Cornwall] no fewer than 15 charters, so that some call'd him the Prince Elector; whence Seymour told the House in his speech that if this was digested, they might introduce what religion and lawes they pleas'd, and that tho' he never gave heed to ye feares and jealousies of the people before, he now was really apprehensive of Popery. By the printed list of Members of 505 there did not appeare to be above 135 who had ben in former Parliaments, especialy that lately held at Oxford. In ye Lords House Lord Newport (65) made an exception against two or three young Peeres, who wanted some moneths, and some only four or five daies of being of age.
The Popish Lords who had ben sometime before releas'd from their confinement about the Plot, were now discharg'd of their impeachment, of wch I gave Lord Arundel of Wardour (52) joy.
Oates (35), who had but two dayes before ben pilloried at severall places and whipt at ye carts taile from Newgate to Aldgate, was this day plac'd on a sledge, being not able to go by reason of so late scourging, and dragg'd from prison to Tyburn, and whipt againe all ye way, which some thought to be very severe and extraordinary; but if he was guilty of the perjuries, and so of the death of many innocents, as I feare he was, his punishment was but what he deserv'd. I chanc'd to pass just as execution was doing on him. A strange revolution!.

John Evelyn's Diary 24 May 1685

24 May 1685. We had hitherto not any raine for many moneths, so as ye caterPillars had already devour'd all yc winter fruite thro' the whole land, and even kill'd severall greater old trees. Such two winters and summers I had never knowne.

John Evelyn's Diary June 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 04 June 1685

04 Jun 1685. Came to visite and take leave of me Sr Gab. Sylvius, now going Envoy extraordinary into Denmark, with his Secretary and Chaplaine, a Frenchman, who related the miserable persecution of the Protestants in France; not above 10 Churches left them, and those also threaten'd to be demolish'd; they were commanded to christen their children within 24 houres after birth, or else a Popish Priest was to be call'd, and then yc infant brought up in Popery. In some places they were 30 leagues from any minister or opportunity of worship. "This persecution had displeas'd the most industrious part of ye nation, and dispers'd those into Swisse, Burgundy, Holland, Germany, Denmark, England, and the Plantations". There were with Sr Gabriel, his lady, Sr Wm Godolphin (45) and sisters, and my Lord Godolphin's (39) little son, my charge. I brought them to the water side where Sir Gabriel embark'd, and the rest return'd to London.

John Evelyn's Diary 14 June 1685

14 Jun 1685. There was now certaine intelligence of the Duke of Monmouth (36) landing at Lyme in Dorsetshire, and of his having set up his standard as King of England. I pray God deliver us from the confusion which these beginnings threaten! Such a dearth for want of raine was never in my memory.

John Evelyn's Diary 17 June 1685

17 Jun 1685. The Duke (36) landed with but 150 men, but the whole Kingdom was alarm'd, fearing triat the disaffected would joyn them, many of the train'd bands flocking to him. At his landing he (36) publish'd a declaration, charging his Ma* (51) with usurpation and several horrid crimes, on pretence of his owne title, and offering to call a free Parliament. This declaration was order'd to be burnt by the hangman, the Duke proclaim'd a traytor, and a reward of £5,000 to any who should kill him. At this time the words engraved on the. Monument in London, intimating that the Papists fir'd the Citty, were erased and cut out.
The exceeding drowth still continues.

John Evelyn's Diary 18 June 1685

18 Jun 1685. I received a warrant to send out a horse with 12 dayes provision, &c.

John Evelyn's Diary 22 June 1685

Argyll's Rising

22 Jun 1685. We had now plentiful raine after 2 yeares excessive drowth and severe winters.
Argyle (56) taken in Scotland and executed, and his party dispers'd.Argyll's Rising.

John Evelyn's Diary July 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 02 July 1685

02 Jul 1685. No considerable account of the troops sent against the Duke (36), tho' greate forces sent. There was a smart skirmish, but he would not be provok'd to come to an encounter, but still kept in the fastnesses. Dangerfield whipp'd, like Oates (35), for perjurie.

John Evelyn's Diary 08 July 1685

Battle of Sedgemoor

08 Jul 1685. Came news of Monmouth's (36) utter defeate, and the next day of his being taken by Sr Wm Portman (41) and Lord Lumley (35) with the militia of their counties. It seemes the horse, commanded by Lord Grey (29), being newly rais'd and undisciplin'd, were not to be brought in so short a time to endure the fire, which expos'd the foote to the King's, so as when Monmouth had led the foote in greate silence and order, thinking to surprize Lieut Gen Lord Feversham (44) newly encamp'd, and given him a smart charge, interchanging both greate and small shot, the horse, breaking their owne ranks, Monmouth (36) gave it over, and fled with Grey (29), leaving their party to be cut in pieces to the number of 2000. The whole number reported to be above 8,000, the King's but 2,700. The slaine were most of them Mendip-miners, who did greate execution with their tooles, and sold their lives very dearely, whilst their leaders flying were pursu'd and taken the next morning, not far from one another. Monmouth (36) had gone 16 miles on foote, changing; his habite for a poore coate, and was found by Lord Lumley (35) in a dry ditch cover'd with fern-brakes, but without sword, pistol, or any weapon, and so might have pass'd for some countryman, his beard being grown so long and so grey as hardly to be known, had not his George [Note. This is possible a reference to the Small St George Pendant] discover'd him, which was found in his pocket. 'Tis said he trembl'd exceedingly all over, not able to speake. Grey (29) was taken not far from him. Most of his party were anabaptists and poore cloth workers of yu country, no gentlemen of account being come in to him. The arch-boutefeu Ferguson, Matthews, *&c. were not yet found. The £5,000 to be given to whoever should bring Monmouth in, was to be distributed among the militia by agreement between Sr Wm Portman (41) and Lord Lumley (35). The battail ended, some words, first In jest, then in passion, pass'd between Sharington Talbot (a worthy gent. son to Sr John Talbot (55), and who had behav'd himselfe very handsomely) and one Capt. Love, both commanders of the militia, as to whose souldiers fought best, both drawing their swords and passing at one another. Sharington was wounded to death on the spot, to the greate regret of those who knew him. He was Sir John's only son.

John Evelyn's Diary 09 July 1685

09 Jul 1685. Just as I was coming into the lodgings at Whitehall, a little before dinner, my Lord of Devonshire (45) standing very neere his Ma's (51) bed-chamber doore in the lobby, came Col. Culpeper (50), and in a rude manner looking my Lord in the face, asked whether this was a time and place for excluders to appeare; my Lord at first tooke little notice of what he said, knowing him to be a hot-headed fellow, but he reiterating it, my Lord ask'd Culpeper whether he meant him; he said, yes, he meant his Lordship. My Lord told him he was no excluder (as indeed he was not); the other affirming it againe, my Lord told him he lied, on which Culpeper struck him a box on the eare, which my Lord return'd and fell'd him. They were soone parted, Culpeper was seiz'd, and his Ma*, who was all the while in his bed-chamber, order'd him to be carried to the Green Cloth Officer, who sent him to the Marshalsea as he deserv'd. My Lord Devon had nothing said to him. I supp'd this night at Lambeth at my old friend's Mr. Elias Ashmole's (68), with my Lady Clarendon, ye Bishop of St. Asaph (57), and Dr. Tenison (48), when we were treated at a greate feast.

John Evelyn's Diary 10 July 1685

10 Jul 1685. The Count of Castel Mellor (49), that greate favourite and prime minister of Alphonso, late King of Portugal, after several yeares banishment, being now receiv'd to grace and call'd home by Don Pedro the present King (36), as having ben found a person of the greatest integrity after all his sufferings, desir'd me to spend part of this day with him, and assist him in a collection of books and other curiosities, which he would carry with him into Portugal. Mr. Hussey, a young gentleman who made love to my late deare child, but whom she could not bring herselfe to answer in affection, died now of the same cruel disease, for wch I was extreamly sorry, because he never enjoy'd himselfe after my daughter's decease, nor was I averse to the match, could she have overcome her disinclination.

John Evelyn's Diary 15 July 1685

Execution of the Duke of Monmouth

15 Jul 1685. I went to see Dr. Tenison's (48) Library [in St. Martin's.].
Monmouth (36) was this day brought to London and examin'd before the King (51), to whom he made greate submission, acknowledg'd his seduction by Ferguson the Scot (48), whom he nam'd ye bloudy villain. He was sent to ye Tower, had an interview with his late Dutchesse (34), whom he receiv'd coldly, having liv'd dishonestly with ye Lady Henrietta Wentworth (24) for two yeares. He obstinately asserted his conversation with that debauch'd woman to be no in, whereupon, seeing he could not be persuaded to his last breath, the divines who were sent to assist him thought not fit to administer the Holy Communion to him. For ye rest of his faults he profess'd greate sorrow, and so died without any apparent feare; he would not make use of a cap or other circumstance, but lying downe, bid the fellow do his office better than to the late Lord Russell, and gave him gold; but the wretch made five chopps before he had his head off; wch so incens'd the people, that had he not been guarded and got away, they would have torn him to pieces. The Duke (36) made no speech on the scaffold (wch was on Tower Hill) but gave a paper containing not above 5 or 6 lines, for the King (51), in which he disclaims all title to ye Crown, acknowledges that the late King, his father, had indeede told him he was but his base sonn, and so desir'd his Ma* to be kind to his wife and children. This relation I had from Dr. Tenison (Rector of St. Martin's) (48), who, with the Bishops of Ely (47) and Bath and Wells (48), were sent to him by his Ma*, and were at the execution.
Thus ended this quondam Duke (36), darling of his father and ye ladies, being extreamly handsome and adroit; an excellent souldier and dancer, a favourite of the people, of an easy nature, debauch'd by lust, seduc'd by crafty knaves who would have set him up only to make a property, and took the opportunity of the King being of another religion, to gather a party of discontented men. He fail'd, and perish'd. He was a lovely person, had a virtuous and excellent lady that brought him greate riches, and a second dukedom in Scotland. He was Master of the Horse, General of the King his father's Army, Gentleman of the Bedchamber, Knight of the Garter, Chancellor of Cambridge, in a word had accumulations without end. See what ambition and want of principles brought him to! He was beheaded on Tuesday 14th July [Note. Most sources quote 15 Jul 1685]. His mother, whose name was Barlow [Note. Lucy Walter is often spoken of incorrectly as Mrs. Walters or Waters, and during her career she seems to have adopted the alias of Mrs. Barlo or Barlow (the name of a family with which the Walters of Pembrokeshire had intermarried). From Dictionary of National Biography.], daughter of some very meane creatures, was a beautiful strumpet, whom I had often seene at Paris; she died miserably without any thing to bury her; yet this Perkin had ben made to believe that the King had married her; a monstrous and ridiculous forgerie; and to satisfy the world of the iniquity of the report, the King his father (If his father he really was, for he most resembl'd one Sidney, who was familiar with his mother) publickly and most solemnly renounc'd it, to be so enter'd in the Council Booke some yeares since, with all ye Privy Councellors at testation.
Ross, tutor to the Duke of Monmouth, proposed to Bishop Cozens to sign a certificate of the King's marriage to Mrs. Barlow, though her own name was Walters: this the Bishop refused. She was born of a gentleman's family in Wales, but having little means and less grace, came to London to make her fortune. Algernon Sidney, then a Colonel in Cromwell's army, had agreed to give her 50 broad pieces (as he told the Duke of York) but being ordered hastily away with his regiment, he missed his bargain. She went into Holland, where she fell into the hands of his brother Colonel Robert Sidney, who kept her for some time, till the King hearing of her, got her from him. On which the Colonel was heard to say, Let who will have her she is already sped and after being with the King she was so soon with child that the world had no cause to doubt whose child it was, and the rather that when he grew to be a man, he very much resembled the Colonel both in stature and countenance, even to a wort on his face. However the King owned the child. In the King's absence she behaved so loosely, that on his return from his escape at Worcester, he would have no further commerce with her, and she became a common prostitute at Paris. Life of King James II Vol I.
Had it not pleas'd God to dissipate this attempt in ye beginning, there would in all appearance have gather'd an irresistable force which would have desperately proceeded to ye ruine of ye Church and Govern ment, so general was the discontent and expectation of the opportunity. For my owne part I look'd upon this deliverance as most signal. Such an Inundation of phanatics and men of impious principles must needs have caus'd universal disorder, cruelty, injustice, rapine, sacrilege, and confusion, an unavoidable civil war and misery without end. Blessed be God the knot was happily broken, and a faire prospect of tranquillity for the future if we reforme, be thankful!, and make a right use of this mercy.

John Evelyn's Diary 18 July 1685

18 Jul 1685. I went to see the muster of the 6 Scotch and English regiments whom the Prince of Orange (34) had lately sent to his Ma* (51) out of Holland upon this rebellion, but which were now returning, there having ben no occasion for their use. They were all excellently clad and well disciplin'd, and were incamped on Blackheath with their tents: the King and Queene (46) came to see them exercise, and the manner of their incampment, which was very neate and magnificent. By a grosse mistake of the Secretary of his Ma*'s forces, it had ben order'd that they should be quarter'd in private houses, contrary to an Act of Parliament, but on my informing his Ma* timely of it, It was prevented. The two horsemen wch my son and myselfe sent into the county troopes, were now come home, after a moneth's being out to our greate charge.

John Evelyn's Diary 20 July 1685

20 Jul 1685. The Trinity House met this day, which should have ben on ye Monday after Trinity, but was put off by reason of the Royal Charter being so large that it could not be ready before. Some immunities were super-added. Mr. Pepys (52), Secretary to ye Admiralty, was a second time chosen Master. There were present the Duke of Grafton (21), Lord Dartmouth (12), Master of ye Ordnance, the Commissioners of ye Navy, and brethren of the Corporation. We went to Church according to costome, and then took barge to the Trinity House, in London, where we had a great dinner, above 80 at one table.

John Evelyn's Diary August 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 07 August 1685

07 Aug 1685. I went to see Mr. Wats, keeper of the Apothecaries Garden of Simples at Chelsea, where there is a collection of innumerable rarities of that sort particularly, besides many rare annuals, the tree bearing Jesuits bark, wch had don such wonders in quartan agues. What was very ingenious was the subterranean heate, conveyed by a stove under the conservatory, all vaulted with brick, so as he has the doores and windowes open in the hardest frosts, secluding only the snow.

John Evelyn's Diary 15 August 1685

15 Aug 1685. Came to visite us Mr. Boscawen (57) with my Lord Godolphin's (40) little son (6), with whose education hither his father had intrusted me.

John Evelyn's Diary 27 August 1685

27 Aug 1685. My daughter Elizabeth (17) died of the smallpox, soon after having married a young man, nephew of Sir John Tippett, surveyor of the Navy, and one of the Commissioners. The 30th she was buried in the Church at Deptford. Thus in lesse than six moneths were we deprived of two children for our unworthinesse and causes best knowne to God, whom I beseeche from the bottome of my heart that he will give us grace to make that right use of all these chastisements, that we may become better, and entirely submitt in all things to his infinite wise disposal. Amen.

John Evelyn's Diary September 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 02 September 1685

02 Sep 1685. Lord Clarendon (Lord Privy Seale) wrote to let me know that the King being pleas'd to send him Lord Lieutenant into Ireland, was also pleas'd to nominate me one of the Commissrs to execute ye office of Privy Seale during his Lieutenancy there, it behoving me to wait upon his Ma* to give him thanks for this greate honour.

John Evelyn's Diary 05 September 1685

05 Sep 1685. I accompanied his Lordship to Windsor (dining by the way at Sir Henry Capel's (47) at Kew), where his Ma* (51) receiving me with extra ordinary kindnesse, I kiss'd his hand. I told him how. sensible I was of his Ma*s (51) gracious favour to me, that I would endeavour to serve him with all sincerity, diligence, and loyalty, not more out of my duty than inclination. He said he doubted not of it, and was glad he had the opportunity to shew me the kindnesse he had for me. After this came aboundance of greate men to give me joy.

John Evelyn's Diary 06 September 1685

06 Sep 1685. Sunday. I went to prayer in the Chapell, and heard Dr. Standish. The second sermon was preach'd by Dr. Creighton (46), on 1 Thess. 4, 11, persuading to unity and peace, and to be mindfull of our owne businesse, according to the advise of the Apostle. Then I went to heare a Frenchman who preached before the King (51) and Queene (26) in that splendid Chapell next St. George's Hall. Their Maties going to masse, I withdrew to consider the stupendous painting of ye Hall, which, both for the art and invention, deserve the inscription in honour of the painter, Signior Verrio (49). The history is Edward the 3rd receiving the Black Prince, coming towards him in a Roman triumph. The whole roofe is the history of St. George. The throne, the carvings, &e. are incomparable, and I think equal to any, and in many circumstances exceeding any, I have seene abroad.
I din'd at Lord Sunderland's (44), with (amongst others) Sr Wm Soames (40), design'd Ambass. to Constantinople.
About 6 o'clock came Sl Dudley (44) and his brother Roger North (32), and brought the greate seale from my Lord Keeper, who died ye day before at his house in Oxfordshire. the King went immediately to Council; every body guessing who was most likely to succeed this greate officer; most believing it could be no other than my Lord Chief Justice Jefferies (40), who had so vigorously prosecuted the late rebells, and was now gone the Western circuit, to punish the rest that were secur'd in the several counties, and was now neere upon his returne. I tooke my leave of his Ma* (51), who spake very graciously to me, and supping that night at Sr Stephen Fox's (58), I promis'd to dine there the next day.

John Evelyn's Diary 15 September 1685

15 Sep 1685. I accompanied Mr. Pepys (52) to Portsmouth, whither his Ma* (51) was going the first time since his coming to the Crowne, to see in what state the fortifications were. We tooke coach and six horses, late after dinner, yet got to Bagshot that night. Whilst supper was making ready I went and made a visit to Mrs. Graham (34), some time maid of honour to ye Queene Dowager (46), now wife to James Graham, Esq (36) of the privy purse to the King; her house being a walke in the forest, within a little quarter of a mile from Bagshot towne. Very importunate she was that I would sup, and abide there that night, but being obliged by my companion, I return'd to our inn, after she had shew'd me her house, wch was very commodious and well furnish'd, as she was an excellent housewife, a prudent and virtuous lady. There is a parke full of red deere about it. Her eldest son was now sick there of the small-pox, but in a likely way of recovery, and other of her children run about, and among the infected, wnh she said she let them do on purpose that they might whilst young pass that fatal disease she fancied they were to undergo one time or other, and that this would be the best: the severity of this cruell disease so lately in my poore family confirming much of what she affirmed.

John Evelyn's Diary 16 September 1685

16 Sep 1685. The next morning setting out early, we ariv'd soon enough at Winchester to waite on the King (51), who was lodg'd at the Dean's (Dr. Meggot). I found very few with him besides my Lords Feversham (44), Arran [Note. Not clear which Earl of Arran], Newport (65), and the Bishop of Bath and Wells (48). His Ma* (51) was discoursing with the Bishops concerning miracles, and what strange things the Saludadors would do in Spaine, as by creeping into heated ovens without hurt, and that they had a black crosse in the roofe of their mouthes, but yet were commonly notorious and profane wretches; upon which his Majesty (51) further said, that he was so extreamly difficult of miracles, for feare of being impos'd upon, that if he should chance to see one himselfe, without some other witness, he should apprehend it a delusion of his senses. Then they spake of ye boy who was pretended to have a wanting leg restor'd him, so confidently asserted by Fr. de Sta Clara and others. To all which the Bishop added a greate miracle happening In Winchester to his certaine knowledge, of a poor miserably sick and decrepit child (as I remember long kept unbaptiz'd), who immediately on his baptism recover'd; as also of yc salutary effect of K. Charles his Ma*s father's blood, in healing one that was blind.
There was something said of the second sight happening to some persons, especialy Scotch; upon which his Ma*, and I think Lord Arran, told us that Mons a French nobleman, lately here in England, seeing the late Duke of Monmouth come into yc play-house at London, suddenly cried out to somebody sitting in the same box, Voila Monsieur comme il entre sans tete. Afterwards his Ma* (51) spoke of some reliques that had effected strange cures, particularly a piece of our Bl. Saviour's Crosse, that heal'd a gentleman's rotten nose by onely touching; and speaking of the golden crosse and chaine taken out of the coffin of St. Edward the Confessor at Westmr*, by one of the singing men, who, as the scaffolds were taking down after his Ma*s coronation, espying a hole in the tomb, and something glisten, put his hand in, and brought it to the Deane, and he to the King; his Maty began to put the Bishop in mind how earnestly the late King (his brother) call'd upon him, during his agonie, to take out what he had in his pocket. I had thought, said the King, it had ben for some keys, which might lead to some cabinet that his Ma* would have me secure; but, says he, you well remember that I found nothing in any of his pockets but a crosse of gold, and a few insignificant papers; and thereupon he shew'd us the crosse, and was pleas'd to put it into my hand. It was of gold, about three inches long, having on one side a crucifix enamell'd and emboss'd, the rest was grav'd and garnish'd with goldsmiths' work, and two pretty broad table amethists (as I conceiv'd), and at the bottom a pendant pearle; within was inchas'd a little fragment, as was thought, of the true Crosse, and a Latine inscription in gold and Roman letters. More company coming in, this discourse ended. I may not forget a resolution which his Ma* made, and had a little before enter'd upon it at ye Council Board at Windsor or Whitehall, that the Negroes in the Plantations should all be baptiz'd, exceedingly declaiming against that impiety of their masters prohibiting it, out of a mistaken opinion that they would be ipso facto free; but his Ma* persists in his resolution to have them christen'd, wch piety ye Bishop blessed him for.
I went out to see the new Palace the late King had began, and brought almost to the covering. It is plac'd on the side of the hill where formerly stood the old Castle. It is a stately fabric, of three sides and a corridor, all built of brick, and cornish'd, windows and columns at the break and entrance of free-stone. It was intended for a hunting-house when his Ma* should come to these parts, and has an incomparable prospect. I believe there had already ben £20,000 and more expended, but his now Majesty did not seeme to encourage the finishing It, at least for a while.
Hence I went to see the Cathedral, a reverend pile, and in good repaire. There are still the coffins of the six Saxon Kings, whose bones had ben scatter'd by the sacrilegious Rebells of 1641, in expectation, I suppose, of finding some valuable reliques, and afterwards gather'd up againe and put into new chests, wch stand above the stalls of the Choir.

John Evelyn's Diary 17 September 1685

17 Sep 1685. Early next morning we went to Portsmouth, something before his Ma* (51) ariv'd. We found all the way full of people, the women in their best dress, in expectation of seeing the King pass by, which he did riding on horseback a good part of the way. We found the Maior and Aldermen with their mace, and in their formalities, standing at the entrance of the fort, a mile on this side of the towne, where the Maior made a speech to the King, and then the guns of the fort were fired, as were those of the garrison so soone as the King was come into Portsmouth. All the souldiers (neere 3000) were drawn up, and lining the streetes and platforme to God's-house (the name of the Governor's house), where, after he had view'd the new fortifications and ship-yard, his Ma* was entertain'd at a magnificent dinner by Sir Slingsby yc Lieut. Governor (47), all the gentlemen in his traine setting down at table with him, wch I also had don had I not ben before engag'd to Sir Rob Holmes (63), Gov of ye Isle of Wight, to dine with him at a private house, where likewise we had a very sumptuous and plentiful repast of excellent venison, fowle, fish, and fruit.
After dinner I went to wait on his Ma* (51) againe, who was pulling on his bootes in ye Townehall, adjoyning the house where he din'd, and then having saluted some ladys, who came to kiss his hand, he tooke horse for Winchester, whither he returned that night. This hall is artificialy hung round with armes of all sorts, like the Hall and Keep at Windsor.
I went hence to see the ship-yard and dock, the fortifications, and other things.
Portsmouth when finish'd will be very strong, and a noble key.
There were now 32 men of war in ye harbour. I was invited by Sir R. Beach ye Commissioner, where, after a greate supper, Mr. Secretary and myselfe lay that night, and the next morning set out for Guildford, where we ariv'd in good hour, and so the day after to London. I had twice before ben at Portsmouth, ye Isle of Wight, &c. many yeares since I found this part of Hampshire bravely wooded, especialy about ye house and estate of Col. Norton, who, tho' now in being, having formerly made his peace by means of Col. Legg, was formerly a very fierce commander in the first Rebellion. His house is large, and standing low, on the road from Winchester to Portsmouth. By what I observ'd in this journey, is that infinite industry, sedulity, gravity, and greate understanding and experience of affaires, in his Ma*, that I cannot but predict much happiness to yc Nation, as to its political government; and if he so persist, there could be nothing more desir'd to accomplish our prosperity but that he was of the National Religion.

John Evelyn's Diary 30 September 1685

30 Sep 1685. Lord Clarendon's Commission for Lieutenant of Ireland was seal'd this day.

John Evelyn's Diary October 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 02 October 1685

02 Oct 1685. Having a letter sent me by Mr. Pepys (52) with this expression at the foote of it, "I have something to shew you that I may not have another time", and that I would not faile to dine with him, I accordingly went. After dinner he had me and Mr. Houblon (a rich and considerable merchant, whose father had fled out of Flanders on the persecution of the Duke of Alva) into a private roome, and told us that being lately alone with his Ma*, and upon some occasion of speaking concerning my late Lord Arlington dying a Roman Catholic, who had all along seem'd to profess himselfe a Protestant, taken all the tests, &c. till the day (I think) of his death, his Ma* sayd that as to his inclinations he had known him long wavering, but from feare of looseing his places he did not think it convenient to declare himself. There are, says the King, those who believe the Church of Rome gives dispensations for going to church, and many like things, but that is not so; for if that might have ben had, he himselfe had most reason to make use of it. Indeede, he said, as to some matrimonial cases, there are now and then dispensations, but hardly in any cases else. This familiar discourse encourag'd Mr. Pepys to beg of his Ma*, if he might ask it without offence, and for that his Ma* could not but observe how it was whisper'd among many, whether his late Ma* bad ben reconcil'd to ye Church of Rome; he againe humbly besought his Ma* to pardon his presumption if he had touch'd upon a thing which did not befit him to looke into : the King ingenuously told him that he both was and died a Roman Catholic, and that he had not long since declar'd it was upon some politic and state reasons, best known to himselfe (meaning the King his brother) but that he was of that persuasion : he bid him follow him into his closet, where opening a cabinet, he shew'd him two papers, containing about a quarter of a sheete, on both sides written, in the late King's owne hand, severall arguments opposite to the doctrine of the Church of England, charging her with heresy, novelty and ye fanaticism of other Protestants, the cheif whereof was, as I remember, our refusing to acknowledge the Primacy and Infallibility of the Church of Rome; how impossible it was that so many ages should never dispute it, till of late; how unlikely our Saviour would leave his Church without a visible head and guide to resort to, during his absence; with the like usual topics; so well penn'd as to the discourse as did by no means seeme to me to have ben put together by the late King, yet written all with his owne hand, blotted and interlin'd, so as, if indeede it was not given him by some priest, they might be such arguments and reasons as had ben inculcated from time to time, and here recollected; and in the conclusion shewing his looking on the Protestant Religion (and by name the Church of England) to be without foundation, and consequently false and unsafe. When his Ma* had shewn him these originals, he was pleas'd to lend him the copies of those two papers, attested at the bottome in 4 or 5 lines, under his owne hand.
These were the papers I saw and read. This nice and curious passage I thought fit to set downe. Tho' all the arguments and objections were altogether weake, and have a thousand times ben answer'd by our Divines; they are such as their Priests insinuate among their proselites, as if nothing were Catholiq but the Church of Rome, no salvation out of that, no reformation sufferable, bottoming all their errors on St. Peter's successors unerrable dictatorship, but proving nothing with any reason, or taking notice of any objection which could be made against it. Here all was taken for granted, and upon it a resolution and preference implied. I was heartily sorry to see all this, tho' it was no other than was to be suspected, by his late Ma*s too greate indiffer ence, neglect, and course of life, that he had ben perverted, and for secular respects onely profess'd to be of another beliefe, and thereby giving greate advantage to our adversaries, both the Court and generaly the youth and greate persons of the Nation becoming dissolute and highly profane. God was incens'd to make his reign very troublesome and unprosperous, by warrs, plagues, fires, losse of reputation by an universal neglect of the publique for the love of a voluptuous and sensual life, wc?? a vlcions?? Court had brought into credit. I think of it with sorrow and pity when I consider of how good and debonaire a nature that unhappy Prince was, what opportunities he had to have made himselfe the most renown'd King that ever sway'd the British scepter, had he ben firm to that Church for wch his martyr'd and blessed father suffer'd; and had he ben gratefull to Almighty God, who so miraculously restor'd him, with so excellent a Religion; had he endeavour'd to owne and propagate it as he should have don, not onely for the good of his Kingdom, but of all the Reformed Churches in Christendom, now weaken'd and neere ruin'd thro' our remissnesse and suffering them to be suplanted, persecuted and destroy'd, as in France, which we tooke no notice of. The consequence of this time will shew, and I wish it may proceed no further. The emissaries and instruments of the Church of Rome will never rest till they have crush'd the Church of England, as knowing that alone to be able to cope with them, and that they can never answer her fairly, but lie aboundantly open to the irresistable force of her arguments, antiquity and purity of her doctrine, so that albeit it may move God, for the punishment of a Nation so unworthy, to eclipse againe the profession of her here, and darknesse and superstition prevaile, I am most confident the doctrine of the Church of England will never be extinguish'd, but remaine visible, if not eminent, to ye consummation of the world. I have innumerable reasons that confirm me in this opinion, which I forbear to mention here. In the mean time as to the discourse of his Ma* with Mr. Pepys, and those papers, as I do exceedingly prefer his Majesty's free and in genuous profession of what his own Religion is, beyond concealment upon any politic accounts, so I thinke him of a most sincere and honest nature, one on whose word one may relie, and that he makes a con science of what he promises, to performe it. In this confidence I hope that the Church of England may yet subsist, and when it shall please God to open his eyes and turne his heart (for that is peculiarly in the Lord's hands) to flourish also. In all events whatever do become of the Church of England, it is certainely, of all the Christian professions on the earth, the most primitive, apostolical and excellent.

John Evelyn's Diary 08 October 1685

08 Oct 1685. I had my picture drawn this week by the famous Kneller.

John Evelyn's Diary 14 October 1685

14 Oct 1685. I went to London about finishing my lodgings at Whitehall.

John Evelyn's Diary 15 October 1685

15 Oct 1685. Being the King's (52) birthday, there was a solemne ball at Court, and before it musiq of instruments and voices. At the musiq I happen'd by accident to stand the very next to the Queene (27) and the King (52), who talk'd with me about the musick.

John Evelyn's Diary 18 October 1685

18 Oct 1685. The King (52) was now building all that range from East to West by ye Court and Garden to the streete, and making a new Chapel for ye Queene (27), whose lodgings were to be in this new building, as also a new Council chamber and offices next ye South end of yc Banquetting house. I returned home next morning to London.

John Evelyn's Diary 22 October 1685

22 Oct 1685. I accompanied my Lady Clarendon to her house at Swallowfield in Berks, dining by the way at Mr. Graham's (36) lodge at Bagshot; the house, new repair'd and capacious enough for a good family, stands in a Park. Hence we went to Swallowfield; this house is after the antient build ing of honourable gentlemen's houses, when they kept up antient hospitality, but the gardens and waters as elegant as 'tis possible to make a flat, by art and industrie, and no meane expence, my lady being so extraordinarily skill'd in ye flowery part, and my lord in diligence of planting; so that I have hardly seene a seate whrch shews more tokens of it than what is to be found here, not only in the delicious and rarest fruits of a garden, but in those innumerable timber trees in the ground about the seate, to the greatest ornament and benefit of the place. There is one orchard of 1000 golden, and other cider pippins; walks and groves of elms, limes, oaks, and other trees. The garden is so beset with all manner of sweete shrubbs, that it per fumes the aire. The distribution also of the quarters, walks, and parterres, is excellent. The nurseries, kitchin garden full of ye most desireable plants; two very noble Orangeries well furnished; but above all, the canall and fishponds, the one fed with a white, the other with a black running water, fed by a quick and swift river, so well and plen tifully stor'd with fish, that for pike, carp, breame and tench, I never saw any thing approching it. We had at every meale carp and pike of size fit for the table of a Prince, and what added to ye delight was to see the hundreds taken by the drag, out of which, the cooke standing by, we pointed out what we had most mind to, and had carp that would have ben worth at London twenty shillings a piece. The waters are flagg'd about with Calamus aromaticus, with wch my lady has hung a closet, that retains the smell very perfectly. There is also a certaine sweete willow and other exotics : also a very fine bowllng-greene, meadow, pasture, and wood; in a word, all that can render a country seate delightful. There is besides a well furnish'd library in ye house.

John Evelyn's Diary 26 October 1685

26 Oct 1685. We return'd to London, having ben treated with all sorts of cheere and noble freedom by that most religious and vertuous lady. She was now preparing to go for Ireland with her husband, made Lord Deputy, and went to this country-house and antient seate of her father and family, to set things in order during her absence; but never were good people and neighbours more concern'd than all the country (the poor especialy) for the departure of this charitable woman; every one was in teares, and she as unwilling to part from them. There was amongst them a maiden of primitive life, the daughter of a poore labouring man, who had sustain'd her parents (sometime since dead) by her labour, and has for many years refus'd marriage, or to receive any assistance from the parish, besides yc little hermitage my lady gives her rent-free; she lives on foure pence a day, which she gets by spinning; says she abounds and can give almes to others, Jiving in greate humility and content, without any apparent affectation or singularity; she is continualy working, praying or reading, gives a good account of her knowledge in religion, visites the sick; is not in the least given to talke; very modest, of a simple not unseemly behaviour; of a comely countenance, clad very plaine, but cleane and tight. In sum, she appeares a saint of an extraordinary sort, in so religious a life as is seldom met with in villages now a-daies.

John Evelyn's Diary 27 October 1685

27 Oct 1685. I was invited to dine at Sir Ste. Fox's (58) with my Lord Lieutenant, where was such a dinner for variety of all things as I had seldome seene, and it was so for the trial of a master cooke whom Sir Stephen (58) had recommended to go with his Lordship Into Ireland; there were all ye dainties not onely of the season, but of what art could add, venison, plaine solid meate, fowle, bak'd and boil'd meates, banquet [desert], &c. in exceeding plenty and exquisitely dress'd. There also din'd my Lord Ossory (20) and Lady (the Duke of Beaufort's daughter) (21), my Lady Treasurer, Lord Cornbery (23), &c.

27 Oct 1685. At the Royal Society an Urn full of bones was presented, dug up in an highway, whilst repairing it, in a field in Camberwell in Surrey; it was found intire with its cover, amongst many others, be liev'd to be truly Roman and antient. Sir Richd Bulkeley described to us a model of a charriot he had invented, wch it was not possible to overthrow in whatever uneven way it was drawn, giving us a wonderfull relation of what it had perform'd in that kind, for ease, expedition, and safety; there were some incon veniencies yet to be remedied — it would not contain more than one person; was ready to take fire every 10 miles, and being plac'd, and playing on no fewer than 10 rollers, it made a most prodigious noise, almost intolerable. A remedy was to be sought for these inconveniencies.

John Evelyn's Diary 31 October 1685

31 Oct 1685. I din'd at our greate Lord Chancellor Jefferies (40), who us'd me with much respect. This was the late Chief Justice who had newly ben the Western Circuit to try the Monmouth conspirators, and had formerly don such severe justice amongst the obnoxious in Westmr Hall, for which his Ma* (52) dignified him by creating him first a Baron, and now Lord Chancellor. He had some years past ben conversant at Deptford; is of an assur'd and undaunted spirit, and has serv'd the Court interest on all the hardiest occasions; is of nature cruel and a slave of the Court.

John Evelyn's Diary November 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 03 November 1685

03 Nov 1685. The French persecution of ye Protestants raging with the utmost barbarity, exceeded even what ye very heathens us'd : innumerable persons of the greatest birth and riches leaving all their earthly substance, and hardly escaping with their lives, dispers'd thro' all the countries of Europe. The French tyrant abrogated the Edict of Nantes which had ben made in favour of them, and without any cause; on a suddaine demolishing all their Churches, banishing, imprisoning, and sending to ye gallies all ye ministers; plundering the common people, and exposing them to all sorts of barbarous usage by souldiers sent to mine and prey on them; taking away their children; forcing people to ye Masse, and then executing them as relapsers; they burnt their libraries, pillag'd their goods, eate up their fields and substance, banish'd or sent the people to ye gallies, and seiz'd on their estates. There had now ben number'd to passe thro' Geneva onely (and that by stealth, for all the usual passages were strictly guarded by sea and land) 40,000 towards Swisserland. In Holland, Denmark, and all about Germany, were dispers'd some hundred thousands; besides those in England, where though multitudes of all degrees sought for shelter and wellcome as distressed Christians and Confessors, they found least encourage ment, by a fatality of the times we were fallen into, and ye uncharitable indifference of such as should have embrac'd them; and I pray it be not laid to our charge. The famous Claude fled to Holland, Allix and severall more came to London, and persons of greate estates came over, who had forsaken all. France was almost dispeopled, the bankers so broaken that ye Tyrant's revenue was exceedingly diminish'd, manufactures ceas'd, and everybody there, save the Jesuites, abhorr'd what was don, nor did the Papists themselves approve it. What the further intention is time will shew, but doubtlesse portending some revolution. I was shew'd the harangue wch the Bishop of Valentla on Rhone made in ye name of yc Cleargie, celebrating the French King, as if he was a God, for persecuting the poore Protestants, with this expression in it, "That as his victory over heresy was greater than all the "conquests of, Alexander and Caesar", it was but what was wish'd in England; and that God seem'd to raise the French King to this power" and magnanimous action, that he might be in capacity to assist in "doing the same here". This paragraph is very bold and remarkable; severall reflecting on Archbishop Usher's prophecy as now begun in France, and approching the orthodox in all other reform'd churches. One thing was much taken notice of, that the Gazettes which were still constatl y printed twice a weeke, informing us what was don all over Europe, never spake of this wonderfull proceeding in France, nor was any relation of it publish'd by any, save what private letters and the persecuted fugitives brought : whence this silence I list not to conjecture, but it appear'd very extraordinary in a Protestant countrie that we should know nothing of what Protestants suffer'd, whilst greate collections were made for them in forreine places, more hospitable and Christian to appearance.

John Evelyn's Diary 05 November 1685

05 Nov 1685. It being an extraordinary wett morning, and myself indisposed by a very greate rheume, I did not go to church, to my very greate sorrow, it being the first Gunpowder Conspiracy anniversary that had ben kept now these 80 yeares under a prince of the Roman religion. Bonfires were forbidden on this day; what does this portend!.

John Evelyn's Diary 09 November 1685

09 Nov 1685. Began the Parliament; the King (52) in his speech required continuance of a standing force instead of a militia, and indemnity and dispensation to Popish officers from the Test; demands very unexpected and unpleasing to the Commons. He also requir'd a supply of revenue, which they granted, but return'd no thanks to the King for his speech, till farther consideration.

John Evelyn's Diary 12 November 1685

12 Nov 1685. The Commons postponed finishing the bill for the supply, to consider of the Test, and Popish officers; this was carried but by one voice.

John Evelyn's Diary 14 November 1685

14 Nov 1685. I dined at Lambeth, my Lord Archbishop (68) carrying me with him in his barge: there were my Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Bp. of Ely (48), and St. Asaph (58), Dr. Sherlock, and other divines; Sir Wm Hayward, Sir Paule Rycaut, &c.

John Evelyn's Diary 20 November 1685

20 Nov 1685. The Parliament was adjourn'd to February, severall both of Lords and Commons excepting against some passage of his Majesty's (52) speech relating to the Test, and continuance of Popish officers in command. This was a greate surprize in a Parliament which people believ'd would have complied in all things.
Popish pamphlets and pictures sold publickly; no books nor answers to them appearing till long after.

John Evelyn's Diary 21 November 1685

21 Nov 1685. I resign'd my trust for composing a difference between Mr. Thynn and his wife.

John Evelyn's Diary 22 November 1685

22 Nov 1685. Hitherto was a very wett warme season.

John Evelyn's Diary December 1685

John Evelyn's Diary 04 December 1685

04 Dec 1685. Lord Sunderland (44) was declar'd President of ye Counsel, and yet to hold his Secretarie's place. The forces dispos'd into severall quarters thro' ye kingdome are very insolent, on wch are greate complaints. Lord Brandon (67) tried for the late conspiracy, was condemn'd and pardon'd; so was Lord Grey (30), his accuser and witnesse.
Persecution in France raging, the French Insolently visite our vessells and take away the fugitive Protestants; some escape in barrells.

John Evelyn's Diary 10 December 1685

10 Dec 1685. To Greenwich, being put into the new Commission of Sewers.

John Evelyn's Diary 13 December 1685

13 Dec 1685. Dr Patrick, Dean of Peterborough (59), preach'd at Whitehall before ye Princesse of Denmark (20); who since his Ma* (52) came to the Crown, allways sate in the King's closet, and had the same bowings and ceremonies applied to the place where she was, as his Ma* had when there in person.
Dining at Mr. Pepys's, Dr. Slayer shewed us an experiment of a wonderful nature, pouring first a very cold liquor into a glass, and super-fusing on it another, to appearance cold and cleare liquor also; it first produced a white cloud, then boiling, divers cormscations and actual flames of fire mingled with the liquor, which being a little shaken together, fixed divers sunns and starrs of real fire, perfectly globular, on the sides of the glasse, and which there stuck like so many constellations, burning most vehemently, and resembling starrs and heavenly bodies, and that for a long space. It seemed to exhiblte a theorie of the eduction of light out of the chaos, and the fixing or gathering of the universal light into luminous bodys. This matter or phosphorus was made out of human blood and urine, elucidating the vital flame or heate in animal bodys. A very noble experiment.

John Evelyn's Diary 16 December 1685

16 Dec 1685. I accompanied my Lord Lieutenant as far as St. Alban's, there going out of towne with him neere 200 coaches of all the greate officers and nobilitie. The next morning taking leave, I return'd to London.

John Evelyn's Diary 18 December 1685

18 Dec 1685. I din'd at the greate entertainment his Ma* (52) gave ye Venetian Ambassadors, Sign. Zenno and Justiniani, accompanied with 10 more noble Venetians of their most illustrious families, Cornaro, Maccenigo, &c. who came to congratulate their Maties coming to ye Crowne. The dinner was most magnificent and plentifull, at four tables, with music, kettle drums, and trumpets, wcb sounded upon a whistle at every health. The banquet [desert] was 12 vast chargers pil'd up so high that those who sat one against another could hardly see each other. Of these sweetemeates, weh doubtless were some days piling up in that exquisite manner, the Ambassadors touch'd not, but leaving them to ye spectators who came out of curiosity to see the dinner, were exceedingly pleas'd to see in what a moment of time all that curious work was demolished, the comfitures voided, and the tables clear'd. Thus his Ma* entertain'd them three days, which (for the table only) cost him £600, as the Cleark of the Greene cloth (Sr Wm Bbreman (73)) assur'd me. Dinner ended, I saw their procession or cavalcade to Whitehall, innumerable coaches attending. The two Ambass. had 4 coaches of their owne and 50 footemen (as I remember), besides other equipage as splendid as ye occasion would permitt, the Court being still in mourning. Thence I went to the audience wch they had in the Queene's presence chamber, the Banquetting house being full of goods and furniture till the galleries on the garden side, Council chamber, and new Chapell now in building, were finish'd. They went to their audience in those plain black gownes and caps which they constantly weare in the Citty of Venice. I was invited to have accompanied the 2 Ambassadors in their coach to supper that night, returning now to their own lodgings, as no longer at the King's expence; but being weary I excus'd myself.

John Evelyn's Diary 19 December 1685

19 Dec 1685. My Lord Treasurer (43) made me dine with him, where I became acquainted with Monsr Barillon, the French Ambassador, a learned and crafty advocate.

John Evelyn's Diary 20 December 1685

20 Dec 1685. Dr Turner, brother to yc Bp. of Ely (48), and sometime Tutor to my son, preach'd at Whitehall on 8 Mark 38, concerning ye submission of Christians to their persecutors, in were some passages indiscreete enough, considering yc time, and the rage of the inhumane French tyrant against the poore Protestants.

John Evelyn's Diary 22 December 1685

22 Dec 1685. Our patent for executing the office of Privy Seal during the absence of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, being this day seal'd by the Lord Chancellor (40), we went afterwards to St James's, where the Court then was on occasion of building at Whitehall; his Ma* (52) deliver'd the seale to my Lord Tivlot and myselfe, the other Commissioners not being come, and then gave us his hand to kisse. There were the two Venetian Ambassadors, and a world of company; amongst the rest the first Popish Nuncio that had ben in England since the Reformation, so wonderfully were things chang'd, to the universal jealousy.

John Evelyn's Diary 24 December 1685

24 Dec 1685. We were all three Commissioners sworne on our knees by the Cleark of the Crowne, before my Lord Chancellor (40), three severall oathes; allegiance, supremacy, and the oath belonging to ye Lord Privy Seal (52), wch last we tooke standing. After this the Lord Chancellor (40) invited us all to dinner, but it being Christmas-eve we desir'd to be excus'd, intending at three in ye afternoone to seale divers things which lay ready at ye office; so attended by three of the Clearks of ye Signet, we met and seal'd. Amongst other things was a pardon to West, who being privy to the late conspiracy, had reveal'd the accomplices to save his owne neck. There were also another pardon and two indenizations; and so agreeing to a fortnight's vacation, I return'd home.

John Evelyn's Diary 31 December 1685

31 Dec 1685. Recollecting the passages of the yeare past, and made up accompts, humbly besought Almighty God to pardon those my sinus which had provoked him to discompose my sorrowfull family; that he would accept of our humiliation, and in his good time restore comfort to it. I also blest God for all his undeserved mercies and preservations, begging the continuance of his grace and preservation. — The winter had hitherto been extraordinary wett and mild.