Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII Volume 4 1524 1530

1486 Marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth York

1501 Marriage of Arthur Tudor and Catherine of Aragon

1528 June Sweating Sickness Outbreak

1529 Oct Wolsey surrenders the Great Seal

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII Volume 4 1524 1530 is in Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII.

11 Jun 1528. R. O. St. P. VII. 77. 4355. Gardiner (45) to Henry VIII (36).
Has at last conduced to the setting forward of Campeggio, as will appear by the Cardinal's letters sent to Fox. Thinks the King will be satisfied with their services. It is a great heaviness to them to be accused of want of diligence and sincerity. After many altercations and promises made to the Pope, he has consented at last to send the commission by Campeggio. We urged the Pope to express the matter in special terms, but could not prevail with him in consequence of the difficulty. He said you would understand his meaning by the words, "inventuri sumus aliquam formam." I may be deceived, but I think the Pope means well. If I thought otherwise I would certainly tell the truth, for your Majesty is templum fidei et veritatis unicum in orbe relictum. Your Majesty will now understand how much the words spoken by you to Tuke do prick me. Apologises for his rude writing. Viterbo, 11 June.

11 Jun 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 289. 4356. Thomas Hennege to Wolsey (55).

This day, as the King came "towards evensong," the marquis of Exeter brought two great bucks from Burllyng, the best of which the King sends to your Grace. This day the King has received his Maker at the Friars', when my lord of Lincoln administered. On Tuesday the King goes to Waltham. Greenwich, Corpus Christi Day. Signed.

11 Jun 1528. R. O. Wood's Lett., vol. II. 39. 4357. Lady Elizabeth Tailbois (57) to Wolsey (55).
Has received his letters, dated Durham Place, 15 May, desiring her to deliver to Sir Gilbert Tailbois (30), her son, lands to the yearly value of 100l., the residue of those worth 200l., appointed by Act of Parliament to him (30) and his wife (30) after her husband's decease, an annuity of 40l., and the money received from the lands from Mayday last. Will give him the lands, but begs to be excused from giving the money for the following reasons:—1. Since her husband's (61) visitation, when he was committed to Wolsey by the King, his rents have been employed for household expences and the marriages of his children, and not in wasteful expences. 2. There is now 150 marks owing of the marriage money of one of their children, for which her nearest friends are bound. 3. Her other son (26), brother to Sir Gilbert, has no assignment for his living, and must be provided for. 4. Wm. Bongham, an old servant of her husband's (61), who was accustomed to provide wheat and grain for the household, has gone away with money enough to provide for the whole year, and she is obliged to make fresh provision with the rents of the lordships for which her son Sir Gilbert asks, and of other lands also. 6. There are 10 score wild beasts in the lordship of Kyme, from which they used to provide beef for the household, but from which they can now get no profit. Has had little comfort since her husband's (61) last visitation, "and for the pleasure of God I have yielded me thereunto," and now my husband (61) is aged it would be hard to live in penury, and be unable to discharge our friends of the sums in which they are bound for us. If my son obtain his demands, we shall be obliged to break up house and "sparpull" our children and servants. He has now in his hands lands worth 342l. 17s. 11¾d.,—more than she and her husband (61) have. Will do all she can for him when her children are provided for and her debts paid. Goltaght, 11 June. Signed.

11 Jun 1528. R. O. 4358. Brian Tuke to Thomas Derby (19).
Perceived by his letters that my Lord's pleasure is that lady Margaret's secretaries should be with him on Friday morning. Tuke will be there, but is forbidden to ride, and will therefore go by water. Is to assure Wolsey (55) that Stephens' letters did not come in the packet, as the bishop of Bath stated; and therefore Tuke supposed they were either in Mr. Peter's (Vannes') packet, or the same as the letters in Latin to Wolsey (55). Doubts not that the Cardinal will find they were not sent in the packet Tuke had. Missed them as soon as he read the bishop of Bath's letters, expecting himself to have heard from Mr. Stephens. This is all he can say. Thinks they have been left out of the packet by inadvertence, or else that my lord of Bath called Mr. Gregory's Mr. Stephens' letters. The bishop of Bath's packet came whole in a cover from the deputy of Calais, who said they had "flyen over the walls to him at 10 of the clock at night, and should fly over again to the post, to send them over incontinently; and with that packet was a truss in canvas, directed to my Lord's grace, which was not cast over the walls." The letters of sundry dates were put by Twichet into one packet. Sends various letters, and mentions others that came; some directed to the ambassador of Florence, others for Anthony Vivaldi, one to Nich. Carewe. Begs he may come on Friday, as, but for the King and Wolsey's (55) commandment, he would not stir from his chamber for 100l., "till a thing that is amiss in my body be better amended, for stirring is the most dangerous thing I can do, and besides potions and other medicines I am anointed morning and evening, and have other things administered to me not meet to be used in Court." London, Corpus Christ evening, late.

11 Jun 1528. Vit. B. XII. 4. B. M. Burnet, I. 103. Anne Boleyn (27) to Wolsey (55).
My Lord, in my most humble wise I desire you to pardon me that I am so bold to trouble you with my simple and rude writing, proceeding from one who is much desirous to know that your Grace does well, as I perceive by this bearer. The great pains you take for me, both day and night, are never likely to be recompensed, "but alonely in loving you, next unto the King's grace, above all creatures living," as my deeds shall manifest. I long to hear from you news of the Legate, and hope they will be very good.
Added by the King:—The writer of this would not cease till she had called me likewise to set to my hand. Both of us desire to see you, and are glad to hear you have escaped the plague so well, trusting the fury of it is abated, especially with those that keep good diet, as I trust you do. The not hearing of the Legate's arrival in France causeth us somewhat to muse; but we trust by your diligence shortly to be eased of that trouble.

1528 June Sweating Sickness Outbreak

16 Jun 1528. Love Letters XII. 4383. Henry VIII (36). to Anne Boleyn (27).
There came to me in the night the most afflicting news possible. I have to grieve for three causes: first, to hear of my mistress's (27) sickness, whose health I desire as my own, and would willingly bear the half of yours to cure you; secondly, because I fear to suffer yet longer that absence which has already given me so much pain, God deliver me from such an importunate rebel!; thirdly, because the physician I trust most is at present absent when he could do me the greatest pleasure. However, in his absence, I send you the second, praying God he may soon make you well, and I shall love him the better. I beseech you to be governed by his advice, and then I hope to see you soon again.!

20 Jun 1528. Love Letters, III. 4403. Henry VIII (36). to Anne Boleyn (27).
The doubt I had of your health troubled me extremely, and I should scarcely have had any quiet without knowing the certainty; but since you have felt nothing, I hope it is with you as with us. When we were at Waltham, two ushers, two valets de chambre, your brother (25), master "Jesoncre" (Treasurer), fell ill, and are now quite well; and we have since removed to Hunsdon, where we are very well, without one sick person. I think if you would retire from Surrey, as we did, you would avoid all danger. Another thing may comfort you:—few women have this illness; and moreover, none of our court, and few elsewhere, have died of it. I beg you, therefore, not to distress yourself at our absence, for whoever strives against fortune is often the further from his end.

23 Jun 1528. Love Letters IX. 4410. Henry VIII (36). to Anne Boleyn (27).
The cause of my writing at this time, good sweetheart, is only to understand of your good health and prosperity, whereof to know I would be as glad as in manner mine own; praying God that (and it be His pleasure) to send us shortly together, for I promise you I long for it, howbeit trust it shall not be long to; and seeing my darling is absent, I can no less do than to send her some flesh representing my name, which is hart's flesh for Henry, prognosticating that hereafter, God willing, you must enjoy some of mine, which, He pleased, I would were now. As touching your sister's (29) matter, I have caused Water Welze to write to my Lord my mind therein, whereby I trust that Eve shall not have power to deceive Adam; for surely, what soever is said, it cannot so stand with his honor but that he must needs take her his natural daughter now in her extreme necessity. No more to you at this time, mine own darling, but that a while I would we were together of an evening. With the hand of yours, &c.

30 Jun 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 303. 4438. Hennege to Cardinal Thomas Wolsey 1473-1530 (55).
The King (37) begs you to be of good comfort, and do as he does. He is sorry that you are so far off, and thinks that if you were at St. Alban's you might every hour hear the one of the other, and his physicians attend upon you, should anything happen. News is come of the death of Sir Wm. Compton (46). Suits are made for his offices, and the King wishes to have a bill of them. All are in good health at the Court, and they that sickened on Sunday night are recovered. The King (37) is merry, and pleased with your "mynone house" here. Tuesday.
P.S.—I will not ask for any of those offices for myself, considering the little time I have been in the King's service. The King sent for Mr. Herytage today, to make a new window in your closet, because it is so little.

30 Jun 1528. R. O. St. P. I. 304. 4439. Cardinal Thomas Wolsey 1473-1530 (55) to Henry VIII King England and Ireland 1491-1547 (37).
Is glad the King has escaped the plague. Has just heard of the death of Sir Wm. Compton (46), and advises the King to stay the distribution of his offices for a time. Is sorry to be so far away from the King, but will at any time attend him with one servant and a page to do service in the King's chamber. Hampton Court, 30 June. Signed.

1528 June Sweating Sickness Outbreak

30 Jun 1528. Le Grand, III. 143. 1440. Du Bellay to Montmorency.
Such conversations as he has had with Wolsey (55) he has pretty well foreseen. Will not presume to say things are going wrong, but if they go on, you will not gain much. I protest, if I have not my recall, I will go without it; and whoever would whip me, not being my master, shall find I fear less 100 deaths than one dishonor. Job would have lost patiencc in my place. Whatever you have done, I hear from Richard d'Albene that he has not a crown, and I am sure if my man had one, he has given it him. He would have spent 1,000 crowns in nine months in that stupid way ;—a good thing to resolve me, seeing I had assigned all my property to bankers and bull-brokers before my departure.
News has arrived that Campeggio is coming. Dr. Stephen will be soon at Lyons, who is coming to prepare his lodging; "et puis en dancera qui pourra." The young lady (27) is still with her father. The King (37) keeps moving about for fear of the plague. Many of his people have died of it in three or four hours. Of those you know there are only Poowits, Carey and Cotton (Compton) (46) dead; but Feuguillem, the marquis [Dorset] (51), my lord William, Bron (Brown), Careu, Bryan [Tuke], who is now of the Chamber, Nourriz (Norris), Walop, Chesney, Quinston (Kingston), Paget, and those of the Chamber generally, all but one, have been or are attacked. Yesterday some of them were said to be dead. The King (37) shuts himself up quite alone. It is the same with Wolsey (55). After all, those who are not exposed to the air do not die. Of 40,000 attacked in London, only 2,000 are dead; but if a man only put his hand out of bed during twenty-four hours, it becomes as stiff as a pane of glass. So they do need patience; but I would sooner endure that than what is inflicted on me, for it does not last so long. But, with your aid, or even without it, I mean to be off. After my protests for the last four months, no one will be able to blame me. Let those who have the charge look to it. Moreover, in choosing the persons, you had better not send an Italian, for Wolsey (55) will not have one. Some days ago he told me he would not trust them for their partiality; besides, a man who speaks Latin is required, and he has often been in terrible difficulty for want of it; but you have plenty of bishops and others who will do. In any case, don't send a man who will not spend money, else matters will not mend. I do not speak without reason.
As Wolsey told me he would cause the money of the contribution to be paid to me for you, I spoke to a merchant that it might be paid you at Lyons. Let me know how much is due to you at the end of July, if, as I suppose, it begins on the first day of this month.
Wolsey is informed of great overtures made by the Emperor to the Venetians and duke of Bari, which he thinks they will accept, and that the Duke's ambassador had yielded to the Emperor the investiture of Milan, pretending he had been forced to do so.
The King and Wolsey wish a confirmation by France of the privileges of the isles of Grenesay (Guernsey),—a sort of neutrality which they obtained long ago from the Pope. Such a confirmation was made by Louis XI. London, 30 June.
  P.S.—There have died at Wolsey's house the brother of the earl of Derby and a nephew of the duke of Norfolk; and the Cardinal has stolen away with a very few people, letting no one know whither he has gone. The King has at last stopped twenty miles from here, at a house built by Wolsey, finding removals useless. I hear he has made his will, and taken the sacraments, for fear of sudden death. However, he is not ill. I have not written this with my own hand, as you do not read it easily when I write hastily.

30 Jun 1528. R. O. 4442. Sir William Compton (46).
Will of Sir William Compton, made on 8 March 1522, 14 Hen. VIII. Desires to be buried at Compton in Warwickshire, beside his ancestors:—That if his wife die before he return home from his journey, she be afterwards brought to Compton and buried there. Bequeaths to his wife movables at Bettyschorne, and at the great park of Windsor, and the plate which belonged to Francis Cheyny, "my predecessor." If his wife be delivered of a son, bequeaths to him all his household stuff at Compton, with the plate which was given him by the French king in a schedule. His wife to have the control of it till the child be of age. If he have a son, bequeaths to each of his daughters 1,000 marks for their marriages, and 100 marks in plate. Wills that 40 pair of vestments be made of one suit, to be distributed to the parish churches in the counties of Warwick and Worcester, adjoining to Compton. All his apparel to be used in making vestments and other works of charity. Bequeaths to the abbey of Winchcomb his wedding gown of tynsen satin, to make a vestment that they may pray for the souls of his ancestors. Wills his executors to release to the monastery of Denny all the debts they owe him, and bequeaths to them 10l. for an obit. Bequeaths goods to the value of 200 marks to be distributed to poor householders, and to the marriages of poor maids in the counties of Warwick and Worcester. Wills that a tomb of alabaster be prepared for his father, with his arms graven upon it. Bequeaths to the King (37) his little chest of ivory with gilt lock, "and a chest bourde under the same, and a pair of tables upon it," with all the jewels and treasure enclosed, now in his wife's custody; also "certain specialties to the sum of 1,000 marks, which I have of Sir Thos. Bullen (51), knight," for money lent to him. Wills that his children have their plate on coming to their full ages; i.e., on the males coming to the age of twenty-one, and the females to the age of eighteen.
  Bequests to his sister [Elizabeth] Rudney, and his cousin John Rudney, her son. Wills that his mother's body be taken up and buried at Compton. Bequest to the daughter of his aunt Appulby. 20l. to be put in a box at the abbey of Winchecombe, to make defence for all such actions as may be wrongfully taken against his wife or his executors. Two chantries to be founded in his name at Compton, to do daily service for the souls of the King, the Queen, my lady Anne Hastings (45), himself, his wife and ancestors. The priests to be appointed by the abbot of Winchecombe, or, failing him, the abbot of Evesham. 5 marks a year to be paid to the parson of Compton to keep a free grammar school. 100l. a year to be paid to his wife during her life, for her jointure, besides her inheritance in Barkeley's lands. Bequests to the monasteries of Evesham, Hayles, Winchecombe, Worcester, Croxton, the charterhouses of Henton and Coventry, for obits; to Sir William Tyler, Sir Thos. Lynne, Thos. Baskett and George Lynde; to his servants who happen to be with him this journey; to John Draper, his servant, and Robt. Bencare, his solicitor; to Griffin Gynne, now with Humphrey Brown, serjeant-at-law, for his learning; and to lady Anne Hastings (45). Executors appointed: Dame Warburgh my wife, the bishop of Exeter (66), Sir Henry Marney, lord privy-seal, Sir Henry Guildford (39), Sir Ric. Broke, Sir John Dantsy, Dr. Chomber, Humphrey Brown, serjeant-at-law, Thos. Leson, clk., Jas. Clarell and Thos. Unton. Appoints my lord bishop of Canterbury (78) supervisor of his will. Gifts to the executors.
3. Bargain and sale by Sir Henry Guildford (39), Humphrey Brown, Thos. Hunton and Thos. Leeson, as executors of Sir William Compton, to Sir Thomas Arundell, of certain tenements in St. Swithin's Lane, [London,] lately in the possession of Lewis ... and Humphrey ... as executors of Sir Richard Wingfield.
4. Inventory of the goods of Sir Wm. Compton in his house in London.
Ready money, gold and silver, 1,338l. 7s. 0½d. Jewels of gold and silver, 898l. 6s. 2d. Gilt plate, 85l. 5s. 3d. Parcel gilt plate, 31l. 12s. 2d. White plate, 90l. 0s. 3½d. Silks, 210l. 13s. 6d.=2,654l. 4s. 5d.
5. Names of the officers upon the lands late Sir Wm. Compton's.
[Note. Lots of names of Steward and Bailiffs and values.].
6. Inquisition taken in Middlesex on the death of Sir Will. Compton, 20 Hen. VIII.
Found that Ric. Broke, serjeant-at-law, [Walter Rodney] [Names in brackets crossed out], Will. Dyngley and John Dyngley, now surviving, with [Sir Rob. Throgmerton and Will. Tracy,]* deceased, were seized of the manors of Totenham, Pembrokes, Bruses, Daubeneys and Mokkyngs, with lands in Tottenham, Edelmeton and Enfeld, to Compton's use; and that Geo. earl of Shrewsbury (60), Henry earl of Essex, John Bourchier lord Bernes (61), [Sir Rob. Ratclyf,]* Rob. Brudenell (67), justice of the King's Bench, Ric. Sacheverell (61) [and Thos. Brokesby],* now surviving, with [Sir Ralph Shyrley,]* deceased, were seized of the manor of Fyncheley and lands in Fyncheley and Hendon to his use. His son, Peter Compton (5), is his heir, and is six years old and over.
7. Citation by Wolsey (55), as legate, of Sir Wm. Compton, for having lived in adultery with the wife (45) of Lord Hastings (41), while his own wife, dame Anne Stafford Countess Huntingdon 1483-1544 (45), was alive, and for having taken the sacrament to disprove it.
4443. SIR WILL. COMPTON.
Inventory of the goods of Sir Will. Compton at his places in London, Compton, Bittisthorne, the Great Park of Windsor, Sir Walter Stoner's place. Total of moveables, 4,485l. 2s. 3½d. "Sperat dettes," estimated at 3,511l. 13s. 4d. "Chatell Royall," 666l. 13s. 4d.
Wards.—One ward that cost 466l. 13s. 4d.; another of 500 marks land; the third, "Sir Geo. Salynger's son and his heir." There is at Windsor Great Park plate embezzled to the value of 579l. 2s. 6d., as appears by a bill found in Sir William's place at London. Desperate debts estimated at 1,908l. 6s. 8d. Debts owing by him estimated at 1,000l.

1528 June Sweating Sickness Outbreak

07 Jul 1528. Love Letters, XIII. 4477. Henry VIII (37) to Anne Boleyn (27).
Since her last, Walter Welshe, Master Browne, Thos. Care, Yrion of Brearton, John Coke the potecary, are fallen of the sweat in this house, and, thank God, have all recovered, so the plague has not yet quite ceased here. The rest of us are well, and I hope will pass it. As for the matter of Wylton, my lord Cardinal has had the nuns before him, and examined them in presence of Master Bell, who assures me that she whom we would have had abbess has confessed herself to have had two children by two different priests, and has since been kept, not long ago, by a servant of lord Broke that was. "Wherefore I would not, for all the gold in the world, cloak your conscience nor mine to make her ruler of a house which is of so ungodly demeanour; nor I trust you would not that neither for brother nor sister I should so distayne mine honor or conscience. And as touching the prioress or dame Ellenor's eldest sister, though there is not any evident case proved against them, and the prioress is so old that of many years she could not be as she was named, yet notwithstanding, to do you pleasure, I have done that nother of them shall have it, but that some other good and well-disposed woman shall have it, whereby the house shall be the better reformed, whereof I ensure you it hath much need, and God much the better served. As touching your abode at Hever, do therein as best shall like you, for you know best what air doth best with you; but I would it were come thereto, if it pleased God, that nother of us need care for that, for I ensure you I think it long. Suche (Zouch) is fallen sick of the sweat, and therefore I send you this bearer because I think you long to hear tidings from us, as we do in likewise from you.".

07 Jul 1528. Otho, C. X. 218. B. M. Burnet, I. 104. Anne Boleyn (27) to Wolsey (55).
In most humble wise that my poor heart can think, I thank your Grace for your kind letter and rich present, which I shall never be able to deserve without your help; "of the which I have hitherto had so great plenty that all the days of my life I am most bound, of all creatures, next the King's grace, to love and serve your Grace." I beseech you never to doubt that I shall ever vary from this thought while breath is in my body. As to your Grace's trouble with the sweat, I thank God those that I desired and prayed for have escaped,—namely, the King and you. I much desire the coming of the Legate, and, if it be God's pleasure, I pray Him to bring this matter shortly to a good end, when I trust partly to recompense your pains.

21 Jul 1528. R.O. St. P.I. 321. 4536. Duke of Richmond (9) to Henry VIII (37).
I have received two of your letters, dated Tittenhanger, the 10th, desiring the preferment of Sir Giles Strangwisshe (42) and Sir Edw. Seymer, master of my horse, to rooms vacant by the death of Sir Wm. Compton. I send a list of the offices and the fees appertaining. I presume you mean that one of the said gentlemen is to be preferred to the stewardship of Canforde.
It was signified to me by the Cardinal that it was your pleasure, when any office fell vacant, that I should dispose of it, considering the great number of my servants who have no other reward. Hearing, then, that the stewardship of my lands in Dorset and Somerset shires was void, I have disposed of one of them to Sir Wm. Parre, and the other to Geo. Coton, who attends upon me. Sheriffhutton, 21 July. Signed.

21 Jul 1528. Love Letters, XI. 4537. Henry VIII (37) to Anne Boleyn (27).
The approach of the time which has been delayed so long delights me so much that it seems almost already come. Nevertheless, the entire accomplishment cannot be till the two persons meet; which meeting is more desired on my part than anything in the world, for what joy can be so great as to have the company of her who is my most dear friend, knowing likewise that she does the same. Judge then what will that personage do whose absence has given me the greatest pain in my heart, which neither tongue nor writing can express, and nothing but that can remedy. Tell your father (51) on my part that I beg him to abridge by two days the time appointed that he may be in court before the old term, or at least upon the day prefixed; otherwise I shall think he will not do the lover's turn as he said he would, nor answer my expectation. No more, for want of time. I hope soon to tell you by mouth the rest of the pains I have suffered in your absence. Written by the hand of the secretary, who hopes to be privately with you, &c.

21 Jul 1528. Love Letters, XV. 4539. Henry VIII (37) to Anne Boleyn (27).
Is perplexed with such things as her brother (25) will declare to her. Wrote in his last that he trusted shortly to see her, "which is better known at London than with any that is about me; whereof I not a little marvel, but lack of discreet handling must be the cause thereof." I hope soon "our meeting shall not depend upon other men's lyght handylleness but upon your own. Written with the hand of hys that longeth to be yours.".

01 Aug 1528. Love Letters, XVI. 4597. Henry VIII (37) to Anne Boleyn (27).
Writes to tell her of the great "elengenes" he finds since her departure, "for, I ensure you, me thinketh the time lenger since your departing now last than I was wont to do a whole fortnight." Could not have thought so short an absence would have so grieved him, but is comforted now he is coming towards her; "insomuch that my book maketh substantially for my matter; in token whereof I have spent above four hours this day, which caused me to write the shorter letter to you at this time by cause of some pain in my head. Wishing myself specially an evening in my sweetheart's arms, whose pretty dubbys I trust shortly to cusse.".

20 Aug 1528. Love Letters, VII. 4648. Henry VIII (37) to Anne Boleyn (27).
Has got her a lodging by my lord Cardinal's means, such as could not have been found hereabouts "for all causes," as the bearer will explain. Nothing more can be done in our other affairs, nor can all dangers be better provided against, so that I trust it will be hereafter to both our comforts; but I defer particulars, which would be too long to write, and not fit to trust to a messenger till your repair hither. I trust it will not be long "to-fore" I have caused my lord your father (51) to make his provisions with speed.

16 Sep 1528. Love Letters, VI. 4742. Henry VIII (37) to Anne Boleyn (27).
"The reasonable request of your last letter, with the pleasure also that I take to know them true, causeth me to send you now these news. The Legate which we most desire arrived at Paris on Sunday or Monday last past, so that I trust by the next Monday to hear of his arrival at Calais, and then I trust within a while after to enjoy that which I have so longed for to God's pleasure and our both comfort. No more to you at this present, mine own darling, for lack of time, but that I would you were in mine arms or I in yours, for I think it long since I kissed you. Written after the killing of an hart, at 11 of the clock, minding with God's grace tomorrow mytely tymely to kill another, by the hand of him which I trust shortly shall be yours.—HENRY R.".

31 Oct 1528. Love Letters, XVII. 4894. Henry VIII (37) to Anne Boleyn (27).
"To inform you what joy it is to me to understand of your conformableness to reason, and of the suppressing of your inutile vain thoughts and fantasies with the bridle of reason, I ensure you all the good in this world could not counterpoise for my satisfaction the knowledge and certainty hereof. Wherefore, good sweetheart, continue in the same, not only in this but in all your doings hereafter; for thereby shall come, both to you and me, the greatest quietness that may be in this world. The cause why this bearer tarryeth so long is the business that I have had to dress up yer (geer?) for you, which I trust or long to see you occupy, and then I trust to occupy yours, which shall be recompense enough to me for all my pains and labors. The unfeigned sickness of this well-willing legate doth somewhat retard his access to your presence; but I trust verily, when God shall send him health, he will with diligence recompense his demowre, for I know well whereby he hath said (lamenting the saying and bruit that he should be Imperial) that it should be well known in this matter that he is not Imperial. And thus for lack of time," &c.

04 Apr 1529. R. O. Burnet, v. 444. 5422. Anne Boleyn (28) to Gardiner (46).
Thanks him for his letter, showing his willing and faithful mind. Trusts he will not repent it, and that the end of this journey will be more pleasant to her than his first, "for that was but a rejoysyng hope, whiche causyng [the like] of it dose put me to the more payn, and they that ar parta[kers] with me, as you do knowe; and therefore I do trust that this herd begynn[ing] shall make the better endyng." Sends cramp-rings for him, Master Gregory, and Master Peter, to whom she desires to be recommended. Greenwich, 4 April. Signed.

Marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth York

After 28 Jun 1529. Vit. B. XII. 70. B. M. 5774. KATHARINE OF ARRAGON.
A set of depositions as to Katharine's marriage with prince Arthur.
1. Of George earl of Shrewsbury (61), seneschal of the King's household, at the Coldherbar, on Monday, 28 June 1529. Is 59 years of age. Was present at the marriage of Henry VII. at Westminster, and at the creation of Arthur prince of Wales and Henry Duke of York. They were always considered as brothers, and he never heard it contradicted. Was present at the marriage of prince Arthur with Katharine, now Queen, at St. Paul's, in Nov. 17 Hen. VII. 1521 (sic). Believes that Arthur was then 14 or more. Saw the queen Elizabeth and him a month after his birth, at Winchester, in 2 Hen. VII. Believes that Catharine was more than 14. Thinks that Arthur must have been nearer 15 than 14. At night, with the lord of Oxford and others, conducted prince Arthur to the lady Catharine's (43) bedchamber, and left him there. Supposes that the Prince consummated the marriage,as he did so, being only 15 years when he was married. They were always considered lawfully married during the life of prince Arthur. Saw the funeral of prince Arthur at Worcester, and the marriage of the King and Queen at Greenwich. Cannot answer the 6th and 7th articles, but leaves them to the laws. Never heard what is contained in the 8th article. As to the 9th, knows that the King and Queen cohabited and treated each other as husband and wife, but cannot say whether lawfully or not. Can say nothing from his own knowledge as to the 10th, 11th, and 12th articles. Has made this deposition without being instructed or corrupted in any way, only for the sake of truth.
Vit. B. XII. 80. B. M.
2. Of Thomas marquis of Dorset (52). Is 52 years of age. The 1st and 2nd articles contain the truth. Was present at the baptism of Arthur and Henry, the former at Winchester, and the latter at Greenwich. Was present at the marriage of prince Arthur with Catharine, now Queen, at St Paul's, on a Sunday in Nov. 1501, 17 Hen. VII. Believes Arthur was about 15, for he has seen in the book in which are written the births of the King's children that he was born 20 Sept. 1486. Was present when prince Arthur went to bed after his marriage, where the lady Catharine (43) lay under the coverlet, "as the manner is of queens in that behalf." Thinks that he used the princess as his wife, for he was of a good and sanguine complexion, and they were commonly reputed as man and wife during prince Arthur's life. As to the 5th article, he can depose nothing to the first part, as he was then prisoner at Calais; but the remainder, touching cohabitation and reputation, is true. Can say nothing to the 6th, 7th, and 8th. The 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th contain the truth, as he believes.
Vit. B. XII. 85. B. M.
3. Of Sir Antony Willoughby. Has lived 15 years in Hampshire, for 12 years previously in Wiltshire. Was five years in the service of prince Arthur, for five years before that in the service of the bishop of Durham, and before that time in his father's household. Believes the 1st and 2nd articles to be true. To the 3rd and 4th, was present at the marriage of prince Arthur and lady Catharine. By favor of his father, lord Broke, steward of the King's household, was present when prince Arthur went to bed on his marriage night in the palace of the bishop of London. In the morning the prince, in the presence of Mores St. John, Mr. Cromer, Mr. William Woddall, Mr. Griffith Rice, and others, said to him, "Willoughby, bring me a cup of ale, for I have been this night in the midst of Spain;" and afterward said openly, "Masters, it is good pastime to have a wife." He, therefore, supposes that the marriage was consummated; and he heard that they lay together the Shrovetide following at Ludlow.
Knows that they lived together as man and wife during the remainder of the Prince's life.
Believes the 5th article to be true. Can depose nothing to the 6th, 7th and 8th. Believes the 9th, 10th and 11th to be true. The 12th contains law; to which he is not bound to reply. To the second additional interrogatory he replies, that it contains the truth, for he has been present twenty times at the solemnization of marriage, and the said form of words is always used.

Marriage of Arthur Tudor and Catherine of Aragon

After 28 Jun 1529. Vit. B. XII. 70. B. M. 5774. KATHARINE OF ARRAGON.
Vit. B. XII. 130. B. M.
6. Deposition of Nicholas bishop of Ely (68).
Is 68 years of age.
Princes Arthur and Henry were legitimate sons of Henry VII. and his queen Elizabeth. Was present at the marriage of prince Arthur, but can say nothing as to the words used, on account of the tumult and multitude of people there. Can say nothing as to the consummation, but he doubts of it, because the Queen has often told him, on the testimony of her conscience, "quod [non] fuit carnaliter a dicto Arthuro cognita," [Translation. That she had not known Arthur conjugally] but they were both of sufficient age. As to the 5th article, believes the marriage was contracted both de facto and de jure, by reason of the dispensation; but he cannot depose to the time mentioned in the article. To the 6th article, has always believed that it is true as to jus divinum, and believes that it is also true as to jus ecclesiasticum. The 7th article would be true if there had not been a legitimate dispensation. Can depose nothing to the 8th article. Has heard the archbishop of Canterbury say that he had a dispute with the late bishop of Winchester on the subject. To the 9th, the present King and Queen were lawfully married, as he believes. Believes the 10th to be true, as the Pope affirms it in a rescript. Believes the 11th to be true. To the 12th, does not consider that the legates are competent judges, as an appeal has been made.

After 28 Jun 1529. Vit. B. XII. 70. B. M. 5774. KATHARINE OF ARRAGON.
Cott. App. XXVII. 135. B. M.
9. Deposition of Robert viscount Fitzwater (46). Is 46 years of age, or thereabouts. To the 1st and 2nd articles, agrees with Thomas marquis of Dorset. Was in the service of Henry VII. from the death of prince Arthur to the death of the King. Princes Arthur and Henry were always considered as the natural and lawful sons of Henry and Elizabeth. Was assigned by the King to the service of Arthur as his eldest son, and served him till his death.
To the 3rd and 4th articles, was present at the marriage of prince Arthur and lady Katharine. Believes Arthur was then 15 years of age, as he heard from credible witnesses, and that Katharine was older. Was with the earls of Oxford (58) and Shrewsbury, and others, at the bishop of London's palace, waiting on prince Arthur going from his own chamber to that of the Princess, and left him in the bed, where, he believeth surely, the Princess lay. They dwelled together at Ludlow till the Prince's death. As to public report, agrees with the earl of Shrewsbury. To the 5th article, cannot depose, except as to reputation, cohabitation, and offspring, in which he agrees with the marquis of Dorset. To the 6th, 7th and 8th, cannot depose. The 9th contains the truth. Believes the 10th, 11th and 12th to be true. Has not been influenced by force, fear, or the like.

After 28 Jun 1529.
Cott. App. XXVII. 139. B. M. 5774. KATHARINE OF ARRAGON.
10. Deposition of Thomas lord Darcy (62).
Is 60 years of age or thereabouts.
To the 1st and 2nd articles, Henry VII. and Elizabeth lived together for many years as husband and wife, to his knowledge, as he was in their service. Arthur and Henry were always considered as their lawful sons, to which he never heard the contrary. To the 3rd and 4th, cannot depose, as he was absent on the King's service in the North of England, but he believes that Arthur and Catharine were lawfully married, from public report. To the 5th, cannot depose concerning the marriage; but as to cohabitation, &c., believes it to be true. To the 6th, 7th and 8th, cannot depose. Believes that the 9th, 10th, 11th and 12th contain the truth. Is not influenced by force, &c.

Marriage of Arthur Tudor and Catherine of Aragon

After 28 Jun 1529.
Cott. App. XXVII. 141. B. M. 5774. KATHARINE OF ARRAGON.
11. Deposition of William lord Mountjoy (51).
Is 52 years of age or thereabout.
To the 1st and 2nd articles, agrees with lord Darcy. To the 3rd and 4th, was present at the marriage of Arthur and Katharine, at St. Paul's. Believes Arthur was more than 14 years of age. Knows nothing of Katharine's age, nor of the consummation, except from report. To the 5th, agrees with Thos. marquis of Dorset as to cohabitation, offspring, and reputation, but cannot depose about the marriage. To the 6th and 7th, cannot depose. To the 8th, never heard of any great murmur or scandal in consequence of this marriage, among either the clergy or laity. The 9th contains the truth. To the 10th, 11th and 12th, cannot depose. Is not influenced by fear, &c.

15 Jul 1529. Cott. App. XXVII. 147. B. M. 5774. KATHARINE OF ARRAGON.
14. Deposition of Thos. visc. Rocheford (52), 15 July, at the Friars Minors.
Is 52 years of age. To the 1st and 2nd articles, knows that Henry VII. and Elizabeth considered and named Arthur and Henry as their lawful sons, and they were everywhere so considered. To the 3rd and 4th, was present at St. Paul's in Nov. 17 Hen. VII. at the wedding of Arthur and Katharine; Henry VII. was present in the consistory place, and a great number of Englishmen and Spaniards in the church. Believes the marriage was lawful. Arthur was above 15 years of age; which he knew from the books in which the births of the children of the kings of England are entered, and from the report of nobles present at his baptism. Heard from Spaniards that Katharine was more than 16, and she has often told him the same herself. After the marriage they dwelled together as man and wife, to his knowledge, at the King's court and at Ludleye. Believes the marriage was consummated, from their age. Heard from many who were familiar with the Prince, that the day after his marriage he said he had been in the midst of Spain. Believes the 5th, 6th and 7th articles to be true. To the 8th cannot depose. To the 9th, the King and Queen cohabited till about two years ago, when he heard that the King was advised by his confessor to abstain from intercourse with the Queen, so as not to offend his conscience. Believes the 10th, 11th and 12th articles to be true. Has not been subjected to undue influence.
States in answer to a question, that it is customary for brides, especially noble ladies, to be veiled during the blessing of the bed.

15 Jul 1529. Cott. App. XXVII. 152. B. M. 5774. KATHARINE OF ARRAGON.
15. Deposition of Sir Ric. Sacheverell (62), of Leicestershire. Has lived in that county 40 years, and before that in Derbyshire, where he was born. Is 60 years of age and more. To the 1st and 2nd articles, knows that Henry VII. and Elizabeth lived together as King and Queen, and that Arthur and Henry were always considered as their lawful sons. Believes the 3rd, 4th and 5th to be true. Cannot depose to the 6th and 7th. To the 8th, he heard many people say that it was not meet that one brother should marry his brother's wife, referring to the marriage between Henry VIII. and Katharine. Knows the 9th to be true, and believes that the 10th, 11th and 12th are so. Has not been subjected to any undue influence.

16 Jul 1529. 5778. THE DIVORCE.
i. Deposition of Mary (31) wife of Henry Bourchier earl of Essex, taken at Stanstede, on Thursday, 15 July 1529, in the presence of Robert Johnson, notary public (of Norwich diocese). Her age is 44 years and over. She says that prince Arthur and Katharine (43) lived as man and wife together; that the two occupied the same bed after the wedding, at London House, and were generally reputed as man and wife.
ii. Deposition of Agnes (52) widow of Thomas late duke of Norfolk, taken on Friday, 16 July 1529, in the church of St. Mary, of the Cluniac priory of Thetford, by Sampson Mychell, canon, in the presence of John [Fletcher] and [William] Molyneux, M.A., her chaplain. Her age is 52 years and over. She knew Henry VII. and his queen Elizabeth from the time she was 15, and remembers Katharine coming from Spain, and the marriage of Arthur and Katharine in St. Paul's. "He was then about the stature that the young [earl of] Derby is now at, but not fully so high as the same Earl is." Also, that the said prince Arthur and [princess Ka]theryne (43), now being Queen, were brought to bed the next night after the said marriage; for this deponent did see them lie ... me in one bed the same night, in a chamber within the said palace being prepared for them, and that this deponent left them so [lying to]gether there the said night.

1529 Oct Wolsey surrenders the Great Seal

25 Oct 1529. Rym. XIV. 349. 6025. Card. Wolsey (56).
Memorandum of the surrender of the Great Seal by Cardinal Wolsey, on 17 Oct., to the dukes of Norfolk (56) and Suffolk (45), in his gallery at his house at Westminster, at 6 o'clock p.m., in the presence of Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam (39), John Tayler, and Stephen Gardiner (46). The same was delivered by Tayler to the King (38) at Windsor, on the 20 Oct., by whom it was taken out and attached to certain documents, in the presence of Tayler and Gardiner, Hen. Norris, Thos. Heneage (49), Ralph Pexsall, clerk of the Crown, John Croke, John Judd, and Thos. Hall, of the Hanaper.
On the 25th Oct. the seal was delivered by the King at East Greenwich to Sir Thos. More (51), in the presence of Hen. Norres and Chr. Hales, Attorney General, in the King's privy chamber; and on the next day, Tuesday, 26 Oct., More took his oath as Chancellor in the Great Hall at Westminster, in presence of the dukes of Norfolk (56) and Suffolk (45), Th. marquis of Dorset (52), Hen. marquis of Exeter, John earl of Oxford (58), Hen. earl of Northumberland (27), Geo. earl of Shrewsbury (61), Ralph earl of Westmoreland (31), John bishop of Lincoln, Cuthbert bishop of London (55), John bishop of Bath and Wells, Sir Rob. Radclyf, viscount Fitzwater (46), Sir Tho. Boleyn, viscount Rocheforde (52), Sir Wm.Sandys, Lord (52) and others.
Close Roll, 21 Hen. VIII. m. 19d.

25 Oct 1529. Bradford, 256. 6026. Chapuys to Charles V (29).
On the receipt of your letter on Thursday the 21st, dated Piacenza, I sent to Windsor to ask for an audience. As the administration has fallen principally into the hands of the duke of Norfolk (56), and the communication is more agreeable to him than that of the marriage, I hastened to visit him. The Cardinal (56), who was dis-evangelised on the day of St. Luke the Evangelist (18 Oct.), has been deprived of his offices. I was received by the Duke with great distinction, and expressed to him the regard in which you had always held him for his goodwill. He seemed highly pleased, and said that he and his family had always been attached to the house of Burgundy; that no one more lamented the late disagreements than himself, but that all the evil and misunderstanding ought to be attributed to those who formerly directed the King's councils, acting by their own will and authority, with which the King himself was often dissatisfied.
In reply to his remark that he should like to serve your Majesty against the Turk, I praised his virtuous feelings, and told him that was the main object of my communication; but for the better security of peace, which the King had done so much to establish, one unhappy difference between himself and the Queen remained to be settled. I told him that, however strongly he might feel from family considerations, he could not but feel as a true knight, nor act otherwise than if it had been his own daughter, and as conscience directed; and that your Majesty was convinced that he had not been the promoter of this step. He replied that he would sooner have lost one of his hands than that such a question should have arisen; but it was entirely a matter of law and conscience, and he had never been appealed to; that it had been submitted to ecclesiastics and doctors, who had pronounced against the validity of the marriage; that if the dispensation you held was illegal, the King would consider himself the most abused prince in Christendom; and that if you had not declared yourself in it so openly, it might have sooner been brought to a satisfactory issue. I explained to him the constraint under which you acted; and that, as to the king of England not having declared himself a party in the matter, it was clear that he had done so from the proceedings of the English ambassadors at Rome. Finding he remained thoughtful, I changed the subject. Shortly after he turned to me with a laugh, and said, "How glad the Emperor will be to hear of this fall of the Cardinal (56), and his loss of office?" I answered, I thought you would, but not from any hatred you had to the Cardinal (56); and that he could have done neither good nor ill to you, and was not of such importance as that you would care to be avenged, or trouble yourself about his disgrace; but what you rejoiced at was, that the king of England would now learn who had been his evil counsellors, and leave the management of affairs to men who from birth and circumstances were more competent. I told him that I was the first who had broken through the chain of paying court to the Cardinal (56), and addressed myself to him. He thanked me for my good intentions, and said that the government was managed not by an individual but by the Council, where he usually assisted, and would promote Your Majesty's interests.
  In order to please the Duke (56) I asked him what I should do, although I had already sent one of my secretaries to the King. He told me that the King had ordered that application should be made direct to himself, before any other person was acquainted with the communication. He followed me to the hall, using very courteous language.
On the 22nd my secretary returned from Windsor, stating that the King would be at Greenwich on Saturday, and I was to go the day after. On my reaching Greenwich I found a civil gentleman, named Poller (Bollen ?), sent by the King to conduct me to the palace. There I found the bishop of London (55), who led me to the King's antechamber, where the Court was assembled, and was received by two dukes and the archbishop of Canterbury (79). I conversed with these lords, waiting for the King to go to mass; and we talked of the conference at Bologna. The King, on going to mass, came directly to me, and taking me by the sleeve said, with the utmost graciousness, "You have news from my brother the Emperor." On answering Yes, he asked the date, and then said your Majesty was very careful to give him information. I assured him that you were anxious to make him partaker of all affairs, and thus show your brotherly affection. I then presented your letters, and, as to the particulars of my credentials, he said that the ambassadors in your court were authorised to treat about them. Speaking of your going into Italy I bespoke his good offices.
On his return from mass, he came up to me again, and resumed the subject. When we talked of the necessity of resisting the Turk, and of the Pope's arrival at Bologna on the 5th, I said I thought it advisable that he should commission his ambassadors with the Pope to treat; and I combated his remark that he could do but little against the Turk, seeing he was wealthy, and as absolute in his dominions as the Pope. He urged that this affair was chiefly yours, and if you wished to accomplish it you must make peace with the princes of Italy. I assured him you had never ceased from efforts in this direction. The conversation then turned on the duke Francesco Sforza; and I urged, in opposition to his remark, that your proceedings were as favorable to the Duke as could be. He objected to the cession of Pavia and Alexandria, alleging the cruelties which had taken place at Sienna. I told him Pavia was out of dispute, as it was already given up. "Between ourselves," said he, "I think it is a great shame that whilst the Turk is in Austria, the patrimony of the Emperor, he should not rescue it, but make war upon Christians." On my urging the danger that might be expected from Sforza and the Venetians if your troops were withdrawn, he urged that neither could do anything. Shortly after, changing his tone, he said, with some emphasis, "My brother the king of France has made your Emperor a marvellous offer." This he repeated three times. I said, if it were so, he had now done a virtuous part, and kept his professions. After various other topics it grew late. Not a word was said of the Queen. After dinner he asked me if I had anything more to say.
All here are satisfied with the treaty of Cambray. As for the observance of it, the Queen, as I have already written, has expressed her doubt of its duration. It is supposed to have cost this King 800,000 ducats. He is not therefore likely to break it. People here are not very anxious to repeat the dose, as it is not to their taste. At present they seem on good terms with the French. The ambassador has been only once at court with his brother since my arrival. He has been commanded to deliver his message to the Council, and abstain from communication with the Cardinal; at which he was greatly vexed. Various ambassadors are here. The most in favour is the Milanese, on whom the King has spent money. Those who are now in most credit are the dukes of Norfolk (56) and Suffolk (45). There is not a single person about the King who is not saturated with French money; and though they profess great affection to you, their affection for money is much stronger. I have submitted the proposition to the King respecting the sea being kept free from pirates. He has ordered a good reception for Mons. Rosymbez.
The downfall of the Cardinal (56) is complete. He is dismissed from the Council, deprived of the Chancellorship, and constrained to make an inventory of his goods in his own hand, that nothing may be forgotten. It is said that he has acknowledged his faults, and presented all his effects to the King. Yesterday the King returned to Greenwich by water secretly, in order to see them, and found them much greater than he expected. He took with him "sa mye" (his darling—Ann Boleyn (28)), her mother (49), and a gentleman of his chamber (Norris ?) The Cardinal, notwithstanding his troubles, has always shown a good face, especially towards the town, but since St. Luke's Day all has been changed to sighs and tears night and day. The King, either moved by pity, or for fear if he should die the whole extent of his effects would not be found, sent him a ring for his comfort. He has withdrawn with a small attendance to a place ten miles off. They have sent for his son from Paris. People say execrable things of him, all which will be known at this Parliament. But those who have raised the storm will not let it abate, not knowing, if he returned to power, what would become of them. The ambassador of France commiserates him most. It was feared the Cardinal (56) would get his goods out of the country, and therefore a strict watch was kept at the ports, and the watch insisted on opening the coffers of cardinal Campeggio, notwithstanding his passport, and, on his refusal, broke open the locks. He said they had done him great wrong to suppose that he could be corrupted by the Cardinal, since he had been proof against the innumerable presents offered him by the King.
The Chancellor's seal has remained in the hands of the duke of Norfolk (56) till this morning, when it was transferred to Sir Thomas More (51). Every one is delighted at his promotion, because he is an upright and learned man, and a good servant of the Queen. He was chancellor of Lancaster, an office now conferred on the Sieur Villeury (Fitzwilliam). Richard Pace, a faithful servant of your Majesty, whom the Cardinal had kept in prison for two years, as well in the Tower of London as in a monastery (Syon House), is set at liberty. Unless his mind should again become unsettled, it is thought he will rise in higher favour at Court than ever.
There is a young man here, sent by the duke of Saxony, who has much business with the King and the bishop of London (55).
Of the King's affair there is nothing new to communicate, except what the bishop of London (55) has told me, that Dr. Stokesley had been sent to France to consult the doctors of Paris. The Queen begs your Majesty will send some respectable person there to do the same, for without some definitive sentence the King will remain obstinate in his opinions. She thinks that delay will be more dangerous than profitable, and therefore we have thought it desirable not to consent to the postponement demanded. To avoid creating suspicion in the mind of the King, she thinks I had better cease to visit her, but she will provide means for my speaking with her in private. London, 25 Oct. 1529.
P.S.—Two days after I had written the above, the Cardinal (56) was definitively condemned by the Council, declared a rebel, and guilty of high treason for having obtained a legatine bull, whereby he had conferred many benefices in the King's patronage. He has been deprived of his dignities, his goods confiscated, and himself sentenced to prison until the King shall decide. This sentence was not given in his presence, but to his two proctors. This he will not find easy of digestion, but worse remains behind (mais encoures ne serat il quicte pour le prix).

01 Dec 1529 R. O. St. P. VII. 219. 6073. Embassy to France.
Instructions to George Boleyn (26), gentleman of the Privy Chamber, and John Stokesley, D.D. (54), sent to the French king (35).
On their arrival at the French court they shall confer with Sir Francis Brian on the repair of Albany into Scotland, to interrupt the alliance between Scotland and the Emperor; on which subject, though Brian has been continually solicitous, the King has received from him no direct answer. They shall tell Francis that Brian is recalled to look after his own causes, and they are sent in his place; and they shall say that, considering the inconvenience like to ensue to France by the proposed alliance, the King has been anxious to learn what chance there might be of good effect by Albany's passing into Scotland, and they shall desire a consultation to be held with the Duke on the subject, guarding themselves from the supposition that the King wishes for it upon any other grounds than the benefit of France. If it be resolved on, it must be kept as secret as possible, taking care it does not come to the knowledge of the French king.
They shall also advise upon the question of a General Council, which is to be by them mutually prevented, considering the influence the Emperor has over the Pope. Upon the King's great matter they shall say, the King has sent Stokesly, who shall declare his opinion and that of other learned men, and shall say that, as De Langy at his late being here had said that divers in those parts were of similar opinion, he had special charge to consult them, and he shall do his best to obtain opinions favorable to the King. They shall also desire the French king to allow them to see the originals of the treaties and conventions made at Cambray, as copies only have reached England, sent to the French ambassadors here, containing many contradictions; and the same secresy has been observed in the court of the lady Margaret. Signed by the King at beginning and end.

29 Dec 1529. R. O. 6115. Cardinal Wolsey (56).
Grant by Wolsey to George Boleyn (26), knt., viscount Rochford, son and heir apparent of Thomas earl of Wiltshire and Ormond (52), of an annuity of 200l. out of the lands of the bishopric of Winchester, with power to distrain for nonpayment.
ii. Similar grant of an annuity of 200 marks out of the abbey lands of St. Albans.

24 Jan 1530. P. S. 6163. For Sir Thomas Boleyn, Earl of Wiltshire (53).
To be keeper of the Privy Seal, with 20s. a day, out of the following customs,—in the port of Pole, 80l., the petty customs in the port of London 200l., in the port of Bristol, 56l. 13s. 4d., and in the port of Brygewater, 18l. 6s. 8d.; vice Cuthbert bishop of London (56). York Place, 20 Jan. 21 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 24 Jan.
Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 4.
2. Wardship of Robt., kinsman and heir of Edward Knyvett; with custody of the possessions of the said Edward during the minority of Robt. York Place, 20 Jan. 21 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 24 Jan.
Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 23.

07 Jun 1530. Add. MS. 28,580, f. 125. B. M. 6437. Mai to Charles V (30).
The Pope has told me more plainly what I wrote to your Majesty that he knew very well, namely, that owing to the death of a lady to whom the duke of Norfolk (57) had married, or intended to marry, his son, they have treated to marry the same son to the princess of Wales; for which reason Boleyn has lost much hope of the marriage of Mrs. Anne (29) with the King; and the King has spent much money in buying goods and lands for the support of the lady. This is thought to be evidence that he begins to give up hope of his suit, because, if he meant to make her queen, she would have no need of these things. Rome, 7 June 1530.

14 Jun 1530. Add. MS. 28,580, f. 145. B. M. 6452. Mai to Charles V (30).
Arguments used to the Pope against delay. They say it is the duke of Norfolk's (57) daughter-in-law who is dead, and that Boleyn desires to marry his (the Duke's) son to Mistress Anne (29),—which may be believed as being good for all parties; first, for her, as she cannot marry the King, that she should marry the greatest lord in the realm; and secondly, to the King, as he cannot marry her. This is the third version of the story; I hope the true one at last. Yesterday the auditor of the Chamber and Benet asked brother Felice de Prato to write for the King, and he refused, neither would he show them what he had written on our behalf. Rome, 14 June 1530.
Note. Unclear as to who the Duke of Norfolk's daughter-in-law is since his son Henry Howard 1516-1547 (14) appears to have only married Frances Vere 1517-1577 (13) who survived until 1577.

01 Oct 1530. P. S. 6658. Anne Seyntleger (75) and Margaret Boleyn (65), Widows.
Livery of lands in Ireland as daughters and heirs of Thomas earl of Ormond, deceased. Hampton Court, 24 Sept. 22 Hen. VIII. Del. Chelsea, 1 Oct.
Pat. 22 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 8.
R.O. 2. Original patent of the preceding.
02 Oct 1530 Vit. B. XIII. 87 b. B. M. 6659.
As the beast, whom his correspondent knows, takes no account of his duty, nor of his own nor the King's honor, having no fear of deceiving or imposing on any one, I suggest that, for revenge, you should write to me, begging for the remainder of the money, mentioning my promises and your deserts, which were the chief cause of gaining friends for the King at Padua, and of the Paduan instrument, which the King highly values. You must also praise Simonetus, saying that Ambrose would have done nothing without him; and, without abuse of the Bishop, bewail his shabbiness. I will attest everything to the King from the relations of others. You must write to me two letters; one copy I will show to the man himself, and thus compel him to perform his promises, not without interest. If he does not do so soon, will take care that the King reads the other letter. The consequences will be more than perhaps you hoped. You may be sure that I will do what I can, either by myself or through friends. Venice, 2 Oct.

Aug 1528. [Aug.] Vesp. F. III. 15 b. B. M. Fiddes' Coll. 255. 197. Anne Boleyn (27) to [Wolsey (55)].
Thanks him for the gift of "this benefice for Mr. Barlow." However, it is not Tonbridge but Sonridge that she desires. The former is in her father's gift, and is not vacant. Will do all she can for those who have taken pains in the King's matter.
P.S.—Begs that for her sake he will remember the parson of Honey Lane [Farman].

27 May 1530. 256. Anne Boleyn (29).
Warrant to lord Windsor, keeper of the Great Wardrobe, to deliver the following parcels to the use of the lady Anne Rocheford: (1) For a saddle of the French fashion, with a pillow of down, covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, the head of copper and gilt, graven with antyke works; one footstool, covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold; one saddle hose of velvet, lined with black buckram; one harness of black velvet, both fringed with silk and gold, with buttons pear fashion, and tassels of silk and gold; one great tuft of silk and gold upon the crupper, with buckles and pendants of copper and gilt; one slophouse of leather, lined with cotton; two girths of white twine; and two bits with two pair of gilt bosses.
Item, for a pillion for the said lady Anne, of white fustian stuffed with fine down, with leathers and buckles to the same; one pillion cloth of velvet, fringed with black silk, and lined with black buckram; one footstool, covered with black velvet, and fringed with black silk, garnished with gilt nails, with two buckles of copper and gilt; one harness to the same pillion, of black velvet, fringed with black silk, with buckles and pendants of copper and gilt; two white girths of twine of the double fashion; one pair of reins, covered with black velvet fringed with silk and gold; two buttons and one tassel of silk and gold, with two buckles of copper and gilt, for a saddle of the French fashion for the same lady Anne, with a pillow of fine down covered with black velvet, lined with black buckram, fringed with silk and gold; one head for the same, of copper and gilt, graven with antique works; one footstool covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, garnished with gilt nails, with two buckles of copper and gilt; one harness of black velvet, with a false crupper, fringed with silk and gold, with buttons and tassels of silk and gold, with buckles and pendants of copper and gilt; one slophowse of leather lined with cotton; four girths of twine of the double fashion, and two bits with two pair of gilt bosses; another saddle for the said lady Anne, of the French fashion, with a head of copper and gilt, graven with antique works; one pillion of fine down, covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, lined with black buckram; one footstool, covered with black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, garnished with gilt nails, with two buckles of copper and gilt; one harness of black velvet, fringed with silk and gold, with buttons and tassels of silk and gold, with buckles and pendant of copper and gilt; one slophowse of leather, lined with black cotton; four girths of twine of the double fashion, and two bits with two pair of gilt bosses.
Item, for two moylettes; two saddles of black leather, garnished with white nails, for the said lady Anne's moylettes that carry her litter, with two pair of double harness, with collars and breeches double-lined and stuffed with buff leather; two headstalls with reins of black leather, and two leading reins eight ... bosis varnished ... double braces of black leather; eight great pins of iron, varnished black; two double girths of twine [of] the double [fashion], and two ... of twine. Richmond, 27 May 22 Hen. VIII. Signed.