Mustapha

Mustapha is in Jacobean and Restoration Plays.

Evelyn's Diary. 06 Apr 1665. In the afternoon, I saw acted "Mustapha", a tragedy written by the Earl of Orrery (age 43).

Evelyn's Diary. 18 Oct 1666. This night was acted my Lord Broghill's (age 45) tragedy, called "Mustapha", before their Majesties (age 36) [Note. and Catherine of Braganza Queen Consort England (age 27)] at Court, at which I was present; very seldom going to the public theatres for many reasons now, as they were abused to an atheistical liberty; foul and indecent women now (and never till now) permitted to appear and act, who inflaming several young noblemen and gallants, became their misses, and to some, their wives. Witness the Earl of Oxford (age 39), Sir R. Howard (age 40), Prince Rupert (age 46), the Earl of Dorset (age 44), and another greater person than any of them, who fell into their snares, to the reproach of their noble families, and ruin of both body and soul. I was invited by my Lord Chamberlain (age 64) to see this tragedy, exceedingly well written, though in my mind I did not approve of any such pastime in a time of such judgments and calamities.

Pepy's Diary. 03 Apr 1665. Thence home and to dinner, and then with Creed, my wife, and Mercer to a play at the Duke's, of my Lord Orrery's (age 43), called "Mustapha", which being not good, made Betterton's (age 29) part and Ianthe's (age 28) but ordinary too, so that we were not contented with it at all.

Pepy's Diary. 05 Jan 1667. So home, and took a small snap of victuals, and away, with my wife, to the Duke's house, and there saw "Mustapha", a most excellent play for words and design as ever I did see. I had seen it before but forgot it, so it was wholly new to me, which is the pleasure of my not committing these things to my memory.

Pepy's Diary. 10 Aug 1667. After dinner I to the office, and there wrote as long as my eyes would give me leave, and then abroad and to the New Exchange, to the bookseller's there, where I hear of several new books coming out-Mr. Spratt's History of the Royal Society, and Mrs. Phillips's' poems. Sir John Denham's (age 52) poems are going to be all printed together; and, among others, some new things; and among them he showed me a copy of verses of his upon Sir John Minnes's (age 68) going heretofore to Bullogne to eat a pig1. Cowley (deceased), he tells me, is dead; who, it seems, was a mighty civil, serious man; which I did not know before. Several good plays are likely to be abroad soon, as Mustapha and Henry the 5th. Here having staid and divertised myself a good while, I home again and to finish my letters by the post, and so home, and betimes to bed with my wife because of rising betimes to-morrow.

Note 1. The collected edition of Denham's (age 52) poems is dated 1668. The verses referred to are inscribed "To Sir John Mennis being invited from Calice to Bologne to eat a pig", and two of the lines run "Little Admiral John To Bologne is gone"..

Pepy's Diary. 04 Sep 1667. The business broke off without any end to it, and so I home, and thence with my wife and W. Hewer (age 25) to Bartholomew fayre, and there Polichinelli, where we saw Mrs. Clerke and all her crew; and so to a private house, and sent for a side of pig, and eat it at an acquaintance of W. Hewer's (age 25), where there was some learned physic and chymical books, and among others, a natural "Herball" very fine. Here we staid not, but to the Duke of York's (age 33) play house, and there saw "Mustapha", which, the more I see, the more I like; and is a most admirable poem, and bravely acted; only both Betterton (age 32) and Harris (age 33) could not contain from laughing in the midst of a most serious part from the ridiculous mistake of one of the men upon the stage; which I did not like.

Pepy's Diary. 19 Oct 1667. By and by the play begun, and in it nothing particular but a very fine dance for variety of figures, but a little too long. But, as to the contrivance, and all that was witty (which, indeed, was much, and very witty), was almost the same that had been in his two former plays of "Henry the 5th" and "Mustapha", and the same points and turns of wit in both, and in this very same play often repeated, but in excellent language, and were so excellent that the whole house was mightily pleased with it all along till towards the end he comes to discover the chief of the plot of the play by the reading of along letter, which was so long and some things (the people being set already to think too long) so unnecessary that they frequently begun to laugh, and to hiss twenty times, that, had it not been for the King's being there, they had certainly hissed it off the stage. But I must confess that, as my Lord Barkeley (age 65) says behind me, the having of that long letter was a thing so absurd, that he could not imagine how a man of his parts could possibly fall into it; or, if he did, if he had but let any friend read it, the friend would have told him of it; and, I must confess, it is one of the most remarkable instances that ever I did or expect to meet with in my life of a wise man's not being wise at all times, and in all things, for nothing could be more ridiculous than this, though the letter of itself at another time would be thought an excellent letter, and indeed an excellent Romance, but at the end of the play, when every body was weary of sitting, and were already possessed with the effect of the whole letter; to trouble them with a letter a quarter of an hour long, was a most absurd thing. After the play done, and nothing pleasing them from the time of the letter to the end of the play, people being put into a bad humour of disliking (which is another thing worth the noting), I home by coach, and could not forbear laughing almost all the way home, and all the evening to my going to bed, at the ridiculousness of the letter, and the more because my wife was angry with me, and the world, for laughing, because the King (age 37) was there, though she cannot defend the length of the letter. So after having done business at the office, I home to supper and to bed.

Pepy's Diary. 11 Feb 1668. At noon home to dinner, where little pleasure, my head being split almost with the variety of troubles upon me at this time, and cares, and after dinner by coach to Westminster Hall [Map], and sent my wife and Deb. to see "Mustapha" acted. Here I brought a book to the Committee, and do find them; and particularly Sir Thomas Clarges (age 50), mighty hot in the business of tickets, which makes me mad to see them bite at the stone, and not at the hand that flings it, and here my Lord Brouncker (age 48) unnecessarily orders it that he is called in to give opportunity to present his report of the state of the business of paying by ticket, which I do not think will do him any right, though he was made believe that it did operate mightily, and that Sir Fresh. Hollis (age 25) did make a mighty harangue and to much purpose in his defence, but I believe no such effects of it, for going in afterward I did hear them speak with prejudice of it, and that his pleading of the Admiral's warrant for it now was only an evasion, if not an aspersion upon the Admirall, and therefore they would not admit of this his report, but go on with their report as they had resolved before. The orders they sent for this day was the first order that I have yet met with about this business, and was of my own single hand warranting, but I do think it will do me no harm, and therefore do not much trouble myself with it, more than to see how much trouble I am brought to who have best deported myself in all the King's business.

Pepy's Diary. 15 Jun 1668. So took coach again, seeing one place with great high stones pitched round, which, I believe, was once some particular building, in some measure like that of Stonage. But, about a mile off, it was prodigious to see how full the Downes are of great stones; and all along the vallies, stones of considerable bigness [probably The Sanctuary [Map] - see Maud Cunnington], most of them growing certainly out of the ground so thick as to cover the ground, which makes me think the less of the wonder of Stonage, for hence they might undoubtedly supply themselves with stones, as well as those at Abebury. In my way did give to the poor and menders of the highway 3s. Before night, come to Marlborough [Map], and lay at the Hart; a good house, and a pretty fair town for a street or two; and what is most singular is, their houses on one side having their pent-houses supported with pillars, which makes it a good walk. My wife pleased with all, this evening reading of "Mustapha" to me till supper, and then to supper, and had musique whose innocence pleased me, and I did give them 3s.

Pepy's Diary. 16 Jun 1668. Tuesday. So paying the reckoning, 14s. 4d., and servants, 2s., poor 1s., set out; and overtook one coach and kept a while company with it, till one of our horses losing a shoe, we stopped and drank and spent 1s. So on, and passing through a good part of this county of Wiltshire, saw a good house of Alexander Popham's (age 63), and another of my Lord Craven's (age 60), I think in Barkeshire. Come to Newbery [Map], and there dined, which cost me, and musick, which a song of the old courtier of Queen Elizabeth's, and how he was changed upon the coming in of the King (age 38), did please me mightily, and I did cause W. Hewer (age 26) to write it out, 3s. 6d. Then comes the reckoning, forced to change gold, 8s. 7d.; servants and poor, 1s. 6d. So out, and lost our way, which made me vexed, but come into it again; and in the evening betimes come to Reading [Map], and there heard my wife read more of "Mustapha", and then to supper, and then I to walk about the town, which is a very great one, I think bigger than Salsbury: a river runs through it, in seven branches, and unite in one, in one part of the town, and runs into the Thames half-a-mile off one odd sign of the Broad Face. W. Hewer (age 26) troubled with the headake we had none of his company last night, nor all this day nor night to talk. Then to my inn, and so to bed.

Life of Sir Philip Sydney by Fulke Greville Introduction. Here, in fact, we have the matter in a nutshell. In all that he writes, except the love poems of the series named Caelica, Greville writes as a political philosopher and moralist. Even in Caelica the thinker dominates the lover, and often banishes the artist: the rest of the poems, including the plays, are, even avowedly (cp. Life of Sidney, chs. 14 and 18), political philosophy in verse. The bulk of them are called 'Treatises' - 'a Treatise of Religion'; 'a Treatie of Humane Learning'; 'an Inquisition upon Fame and Honour'; 'a Treatise of Monarchy', which is divided into 'sections' with such titles as 'Of weak-minded Tyrants', 'Cautions against these weak extremities', 'Of Lawes', 'Of Commerce.' These treatises 'were first intended', Greville writes (Sidney ch. 14), 'to be for every act [in the Tragedies] a chorus': but 'with humble sayles after I had once ventured upon this spreading Ocean of Images, my apprehensive youth [i.e. youth which naturally grasps at whatever it sees], for lack of a well touched compasse, did easily wander beyond proportion'. The tragedies themselves were political, especially the one which Greville destroyed, Antonie and Cleopatra', many members in that creature (by the opinion of those few eyes which saw it) having some childish wantonnesse in them, apt enough to be construed or strained to a personating of vices in the present Governors and government.' The object in all three of them was 'to trace out the high waies of ambitious Governours, and to shew in the practice, that the more audacity, advantage, and good successe such Soveraignties have, the more they hasten to their owne desolation and ruine ' (ch. 18). Similarly very much the greater part of the Life of Sidney consists of reflections upon the political problems of Elizabeth's reign, upon Sidney's views on this subject, upon Elizabeth's methods of government. Greville, like Sidney and Drake and most of the 'stirring Spirits ' (ch. 8) of that time, was strongly anti-Spanish and anti-Papal. His denunciations of Spanish ambition and Papal subservience are so persistent that only the abundance and the quaintness of his language save them from becoming monotonous. There can be little doubt that part of the scorn and displeasure, with which in his later years he alludes, in terms however general, to the degeneracy of the times, was due to his memory of the days of his early manhood, when the struggle with Spain worked together with the commercial enterprise, fostered by the discovery of the New World and the intellectual awakening of the Renaissance, to give a zest to political life, which was more and more lacking in the reign of James I, and even in the last years of Elizabeth herself Not that Greville was ever, in all probability, a very light-hearted optimist or an adventurous man of action. One pictures him as usually throwing his influence on the side of prudence in his relations with his two more brilliant friends and kinsmen, Sidney1 and, afterwards, the rash and unfortunate Essex. His own career, too, was that of a man who was more apt to fill useful and more or less lucrative employments and to steer clear of the extremes of partisanship than to put his fortune to the touch in any daring scheme of ambition. He had his strong sympathies, and they were not with the Cecils2; but he had no open breach with them, and he filled various posts while they still lived, though he evidently blossomed out again in his old age after the Earl of Salisbury's death in 1611. The following pages will show that he was genuinely devoted to Queen Elizabeth; and it is clear that she regarded him with favour as a courtier who could be trusted. He started his political career wuth offices in the principality of Wales, of which his friend's father. Sir Henry Sidney, was Lord President. He received various grants of land and emoluments, was knighted in 1597, and made Treasurer of Marine Causes in 1599-1600. Bacon records that 'Sir Fulke Grevill had much and private access to Queen Elizabeth, which he used honourably, and did many men good: yet he would say merrily of himself 'That he was like Robin Goodfellow': for when the maids spilt the milk-pans or kept any racket, they would lay it upon Robin: so what tales the ladies about the Queen told her, or other bad offices that they did, they would put it upon him"'. Whatever they said about him, he was, as another writer tells us, 'a constant courtier of the ladies'; and the fact that he never married no doubt contributed to his having ' the longest lease and the smoothest time, without rub, of any of her [Elizabeth's] favourites3 '.' In the second year of James I he was granted Warwick Castle, then a ruin, which he made into the splendid pile which it still remains. Internal evidence and the probabilities of the lease point to the time between the death of 'Henry IV of France4 in 1610 and that of the Earl of Salisbury in 16125, as that in which the so-called Life of Sidney was composed. Soon after the later of: these two dates Greville was made Under-Treasurer,

Note 1. Cp. p. 74, where Greville relates how he inspired ' that ingenuous spirit of Sir Philip's' with suspicion of Drake's whole-heartedness in their projected enterprise.

Note 2. Cp. pp. 217 foll., and the story of the fall of Essex, pp. 156 foll.

Note 3. Sir Robert Naunton, Fragmenta Regalia (1642), p. 30: quoted, with the passage from Bacon (Spedding, vii, p. 158), by Grosart, Lord Brooke's Works, vol. i, p. Ixx.

Note 4. Cp. p. 31.

Note 5. From the manner in which Salisbury is spoken of on pp. 217-9, combined with the absence of any allusion to his death, I think it probable that he was still alive when the treatise was written. The fact that Greville's tragedy Mustapha was, perhaps piratically, published in 1609, may have some significance in connexion with the date of the Dedication of his poems to the memory of Sidney.