The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D'Ewes 1st Baronet 1602-1650 Volume 1 Chapter X 1621

The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D'Ewes 1st Baronet 1602-1650 Volume 1 Chapter X 1621 is in The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D'Ewes 1st Baronet 1602-1650 Volume 1 1621.

The beloved Marquis of Buckingham (age 28), not yet satisfied with the censure of Sir Henry Yelverton (age 54), Knt., late the Attorney-General, passed against him in the Star-Chamber, upon the 10th day of November last foregoing, in 1620, which I have there more fully touched upon, was the means, this Easter Term, to have him called in question for new matters in the Upper House of Parliament. Here he laid open, upon Monday, the 30th day of April, so many of the Marquis's inordinate actions, comparing him to the Spencers, that misled King Edward the Second, of England; as his Lordship had been much better to have let him alone in the Tower, where he still remained prisoner since his former censure, than to have brought him upon the stage again, where his revenge might have cost him dear, had not the King himself, in person, and Prince Charles also appeared in the Upper House against Sir Henry Yelverton (age 54); so as the Lords, out of their great wisdoms, fearing at this time to irritate the King by their further questioning the Marquis, his favourite, remitted all further prosecution of those accusations; but sent back Sir Henry Telverton (age 54) to the Tower1, where he remwned awhile close prisoner.

Note 1. "On Wednesday was Sir Henry Yelverton censured by Parligment, fined ten thousand marks to the King, and five thousand marks to the Marquis of Buckingham, to make hia submission at the bar, and be imprisoned during pleasure. The Lord Marquis remitted the fine unto him, and offered to join with the Lords to his Majesty For mitigation of the rest." - Letter dated May 18th, Harl. MS

Tuesday, the 1st day of May, the Count of Gondomar (age 93) fearing some mischief from the apprentices of London, there were divers companies of soldiers appointed to guard, and watch in several quarters of the City, which still did more and more argue the potency this Spanish Ambassador had in the English Court.

31 Dec 1690. Sir Francis Bacon, Viscount St. Alban, had been often questioned during this parliament in the Upper House, for his gross and notorious bribery, and though he had for divers weeks abstained from coming to the Parliament House, yet had the broad seal still remained with him till this first day of May, in the afternoon; and he, by that means, as yet remained Lord Chancellor of England.

31 Dec 1690. The four lords that came for it were Henry Viscount Mandeville, Lord Treasurer, Lodowick Stewart, Duke of Lennox, Lord Steward of the King's house-hold, William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain of the same household, and Thomas Earl of Arundel, Earl Marshal of England (whom I should have placed before Pembroke); they, coming to York House [Map] to him, where he lay, told him they were sorry to visit him upon such an occasion, and wished it had been better. "No, my lords," replied he, "the occasion is good;" and then delivering them the great seal, he added, "It was the King's favour that gave me this, and it is my fault that hath taken it away: Rex dedit, culpa abstulit" - or words to that effect. So leaving him, the said four lords carried the gage they had received to Whitehall, to the King, who was overheard by some near him to say upon their delivery of it to him, "Now, by my soul, I am pained at the heart where to bestow this; for as to my lawyers, I think they be all knaves." Which it seemeth his Majesty spake at that time to prepare a way to bestow it on a clergyman, as the Marquis of Buckingham had intended; for otherwise there were at this present divers able wise lawyers, very honest and religious men, fit for the place, in whom there might easily have been found as much integrity, and less fawning and flattery than in the clergy; and, accordingly, Doctor Williams, now Dean of Westminster, and before that time made Bishop of Lincoln, was sworn Lord Keeper, and had the great seal delivered to him. On October the 9th, next ensuing, being the first day of Michaelmas Term, one Lloyd, or Floud, a Papist, being of the Inner Temple, having spoken these buse and opprobrious words following of the distressed Prince Elector Palatine and his royal lady, to wit, - "What is now become of your goodman Palsgrave, and your goodwife Palsgrave?1 - they had, I think, as much right to the kingdom of Bohemia as I have to the principality of Wales," was censured by the House of Commons, to pay a fine to the King, to be imprisoned during the King's pleasure, to ride disgracefully two several days in the open street upon a horse, with his face to the tail of it, and each day to stand in the pillory. The execution was long deferred, his fine and imprisonment remitted, and himself and his fellow Romanists began to boast that nothing should be inflicted. But at last, tho two Houses of Parliament appearing stoutly in the cause, he underwent the first day's punishment on May the 30th, being Wednesday, and the second on Friday the 1st day of June, on which Midsummer Term began. These days' actions I have added a little before the due time, that I might at once finish the relation of this business; in which the faithful zealous affection of the whole state and kingdom, in their body representative, consisting of the two Houses of Parliament, was fully expressed to that royal Princess, our King's only daughter, amidst the many scorns and oppressions of her irreconcilable and bloody enemies.

Note 1. This exclamation is given somewhat differently by Meade in the Harl. MSS. He says, "On Tuesday, Floyd, a counsellor, steward and receiver in Shropshire to the old Lord Chancellor Ellesmere and the Earl of Suffolk, a papist, and prisoner in the Fleet, was censured to ride thrice with papers, and stand in the pillory, and first at Westminster, for saying, Goodman Palsgrave. and Goody Palsgrave may or must go pack their children at their backs and beg. On Wednesday should have been the first time, but his Majesty stayed it. Yesterday the King and House met; his Majesty thanked them for the care they had of his son-in-law, daughter, and grandchildren's honour; if it were in them to censure this prisoner, the censure should be executed, otherwise there should be a punishment equivalent to that they had set down; which gave good content."

31 Dec 1690. "On Saturday last the lords of the Upper House added imto Floyd's censure formerly passed in the Lower House. On Monday he received part of his punishment: for he rode from Fleet Bridge to the Standard in Cheapside [Map] with his face towards the horse's tail, and papers in his hat having this inscription, - For using ignominiuos and despiteful behaviour, reproachful and malicious words, against the Prince and Princess Palatine, the King's only daughter, and chiidren. Then he stood two hours in the pillory; then had the K branded on his forehead, and was conveyed to the Fleet." - Letter dated June 1st, Harl. MSS.

31 Dec 1690. This punishment would have been still more severe, had it not been for the intercession of the Prince. This, at least, was the general report: yet Meade cautiously adds, "Whether true, I yet know not." In another letter it is stated that Floyd's ears were cut before he was placed in the pillory; but this seems to be an error.

03 May 1621. Upon Thursday, May the 3rd, Sir Francis Bacon (age 60), Lord Verulam and Viscount St. Alhan, who had been exuted of the Lord Chancellor's place the Tuesday foregoing, by the taking of the great seal of England from him, was, for his notorious and base bribery in that place, censured by the Upper House of Parliament, to pay 40,000/. fine1 to the King, to be imprisoned, during his Majesty's pleasure, in the Tower of London [Map], never again to be capable of any place of judicature under his Majesty, or to sit amongst the Peers in the Upper House.

Note 1. Meade, in a note dated May 4th, 1621, says: - "On Monday divers lords were with the Lord Chancellor. The next morning the seal was taken from him, who, at delivering of it up, said, Deus dedit, culpa mea perdidit. Yesterday he was censured to pay to the King for his fine and ransom forty thousand pounds, imprisonment in the Tower during the King's pleasure, and never to sit again in Parliament, not in any court of justice, or be in commission, or ever come within the verge, or within twelve miles of the Court; and escaped degradation narrowly." - MS. Barl. 389. Meade adds, "Sir John Bennet and othen are like to follow. Fiat justitia!"

03 May 1621. Never had any man in those great places of gain he had gone through, having been Attorney Greneral before he was Lord Chancellor, so ill-husbanded the time, or provided for himself. His vast prodigality had eaten up all his gains; for it was agreed by all men, that he owed at this present at least £20,000 more than he was worth. Had he followed the just and virtuous steps of Sir Nicholas Bacon, Knt., his father, that continued Lord Keeper of the Great Seal some eighteen years under Queen Elizabeth, of ever blessed memory, his life might have been as glorious as by his many vices it proved infamous. For though he were an eminent scholar imd a reasonable good lawyer, both which he much adorned with his eloquent expression of himself and his graced delivery, yet his vices were so stupendous and great, as they utterly obscured and out-poised his virtues. He was immoderately ambitious and excessively proud, to maintain which he was necessitated to injustice and bribery, taking sometimes most basely of both sides. To this latter wickedness the favour he had with the beloved Marquis of Buckingham (age 28) emboldened him, as I learned in discourse from a gentleman of his bedchamber, who told me he was sure his lord should never fall as long as the said Marquis continued in favour. His most abominable and darling sin, I should rather bury in silence than mention it, were it not a most admirable instance how men are inflamed by wickedness, and held captive by the devil1. He lived, many years after his fall, in his lodgings in Gray's Inn, in Holborn, in great want and penury.

Note 1. D'Ewes here specifically charges Bacon with on abominable offence, in language too gross for publication. He states that it was supposed by some, that he would have been tried at the bar of justice for it; and says, that his guilt was so notorious while he was at York House [Map], in the Strand, and at his lodgings in Gray's Inn, Holborn, that the following verses were cast into his rooms:

Note 2. Within this sty a hog3 doth lie. That must be hang'd for villany." It is but right to add, that D'Ewes is the only authority for this imputation.

Note 3. Alluding, of course, to his surname of Bacon.

I must now come to speak a little largely of a particular business that concerns my first love; which, because it broke off abruptly and abortively, before the end of the ensuing summer, I will a little anticipate the after passages of it, and finish it here at once. This match was propounded first unto me upon Saturday, the 20th day of October, in the year 1620; to which being of itself very worthy of entertainment, 1 was the rather induced to hearken by reason of my small stipend and inconvinient lodging at the Six Clerks' Office in Chancery Lane, whereby my precious time was misspent for want of a private chamber and study wherein to reside. From that day, for above half a year after, I had many discourses with one Mr. Boldero a gentleman that first proposed it, how to effect it, and misspent many an hour in the care and thought of it, till the 8th day of the instant May, being Tuesday, when Mr. Waldegrave (age 54), of Lawford Hall, in the county of Essex, father of the gentlewoman named Jemima (age 18), being his younger daughter and co-heir apparent, come to London purposely to treat with my father about it; with whom after thrice meeting and some difierences composed, he made a full agreement, so as there seemed nothing to be wanting to make up a full and due consummation but our mutual likings, who were to have matched; so now, had I not feared my father's inconstancy, I should have assured myself of a seasonable accomplishing my present expectation.

03 May 1621. All things being provided for my journey thither, and Easter Term being ended, the same day the Parliament was again adjourned till after Whitsuntide, being Saturday the 19th day of this instant May, I went with my father and the rest of his family to Newplace, in Upminster, in the county of Essex, where my Aunt Lathum dwelt, being little out of the way to Lawford Hall aforesaid; whither I set forward alone upon Thmsday morning, lying at Maiden that night, May 24. The next day, being Friday, May 25, I arrived at Colchester between twelve and one, and that afternoon saw Miss Jemima (age 19) with the Lady Bingham (age 61) her mother, (whom, having been the widow of Sir Richard Bingham, Knt., Mr. Waldegrave had married to his second wife,) and had some discourse with the old lady, and some short view of the gentlewoman, whom I did not take to be so handsome at this first view as I thought her afterwards. I went not home at this time with the old lady, but lay at a town called Langham, near to Lawford, at one Mr. Littlebury's house; from whence, the next day, I went with him to Mr. Waldegrave's in the afternoon, and had full access in private discourse afforded me with the young gentlewoman. That night I returned again with Mr. Littlebury (who had used a great deal of faithful care to make up this match) to his house; where having staid till Monday, May 28th, in the forenoon we went again to Mr. Waldegrave's, and dined there. After which ended, I had several discourses with the young gentlewoman, and received from her so many remonstrances of acceptation and affection, as her own father acknowledged she never had done before, and we all thought the business in fair forwardness for the consummation thereof. But I, fearing my father's inconstancy, by reason he was to settle above £1100 per annum upon me, and to receive no portion, had all my expectations even at this present mixed with doubts, which were the more increased upon my return to him next day to Newplace, (for, his coach-horses going cheerfully, I went the whole thirty-eight miles from Lawford thither in a day,) where, having related to him my unexpected success, I found him in some atrtut, as if he knew not well now how to break it off, or go back.

03 May 1621. At my next return therefore thither, he wrote a strange letter to the young gentlewoman, and gave it me in charge to bring him an answer from her. It was penned in a good phrase, but mixed with some unseasonable imperious passages, so as pressing what eflFects it would produce, I kept it two or three. days ere I delivered it after I was come to Mr. Waldegrave's; but fearing my father's displeasure if I still kept it, and so an abortive issue of this overture, I at last rather chose to put it to the hazard. Truly, both the father and the young gentlewoman, whose affection I had gained very far, were content for my sake to have passed it over, but the Lady Bingham (age 61) her mother told me plainly, my father took so early authority upon him as her daughter should never come imder his power; and 80 after all that cost bestowed by my father, being near upon £80, and all the travel and pains which had been bestowed by myself and others to effect this business, (although it hung in suspense till the 19th day of September next ensuing,) yet all was finally dashed.

03 May 1621. The gentlewoman (age 19), after the decease of her father, was at last married to John Crew (age 23), Esq., son and heir of Sir Thomas Crew (age 57), Knt., for whom, to say truly she was a much fitter match than for myself, who, being younger than herself, (although I knew it not at first,) it would doubtless in process of time have bred much nauseating and inconvenience. Yet I cannot deny that in respect of her fair extraction, comeliness, and good education; of my own wants, loss of time, and discontent; of my fear of my father's match with a young widow with whom he was now in treaty, and to get an estate settled upon me, I did omit no care, pains, or endeavour to have accomplished this match, which God of his infinite goodness did frustrate, not only for my temporal, but for my spiritual good. For he afterwards provided for me not only a much younger gentlewoman (age 9), but more nobly extracted, and the heir of her family. My cousin Crew herself, (for my wife was her near kinswoman,) whom I went to visit awhile after I had been married, told me I had gotten a far greater fortune than she would have been; and the old Lady Bingham (age 61) her mother, being then a widow, upon my coming to Lawford Hall, to her in her sickness to comfort her, told me, I dealt with her as Joseph had done with his brethren; for she only had been the cause of the breaking off my intended match with her daughter (age 19), and yet I would vouchsafe to visit her. "Why, Madam," answered I, "should enmity between Christians be perpetual - especially seeing what you intended against me is turned by God's Providence, to greater good?"

03 May 1621. The breach also of my match was the chief occasion that my father (age 54) proceeded no further with the young widow, (with whom he was at this time in treaty,) as I strongly gathered from many circumstances, and that he afterwards married with an ancient lady (age 11). By this means he not only settled a greater estate upon myself than was now offered, but provided also, in a very large measure, for my three younger sisters, and my only brother, whose advancement would have been exceedingly hindered by this match with a young woman and a second issue, though I had gotten at this time a fair estate by my marriage settled upon me. Lastly, by this breach, I reaped much knowledge by my serious study of the common law of England for divers years after; falling also, in the issue, upon the search of records and other exotic monuments of antiquity, being the most ravishing and satisfying part of human knowledge.

30 May 1621. Upon the 30th day of May, being Wednesday, and the day after my before-mentioned return from Lawford Hall, I departed with my father and the rest of his family to London, about eleven o'clock, and came thither pretty early in the afternoon; where I instantly understood that divers French Protestants, foreseeing the storm of war that was likely to fell upon them, had in time left their own country, and fled hither to enjoy liberty of their consciences and safety of their persons. The Archbishop of Spalatro also about this time began to discover his rotten opinions; and having preached publicly that the Church of Rome was but a schismatical church, and not a heretical, he was inhibited from the further exercise of that part of his ministerial function; and his ambition and hypocrisy every day more and more discovered, till his final departure out of England.

02 Jun 1621. Upon Saturday, the 2nd day of June, the King came to the Upper House of Parliament to let them know that he purposed to adjourn the House till Allhallowtide, but that it should then meet again and continue in the word and faith of a Prince; which promise notwithstanding great sorrow and discontentment, was easily perceived in every true Protestant's countenance, all fearing the worst and doubting the issue. Accordingly, upon Monday, June 4th, next ensuing, about twelve of the clock in the forenoon, the Parliament was adjourned; at which time the two Houses, with a great deal of comfort and resolution, gave up their protestation1 for the assistance of his Majesty, with their persons and purses, towards the aiding of the King and Queen of Bohemia, bis children, or the distressed Protestants in Frimce, desiring him withal to go speedily about it; which yet also the divine hand, for the pnnishmeat of our sius, so ordering, that it was never undertaken: God's dear children in France and Germany being daily persecuted, profligated, and wasted, whilst Great Britain sat still and looked on.

Note 1. "What is become of the Parliament I doubt not, but by this Sir Thomas has informed you, as also of the declaration or protestation made by the House of Commons the 4th of June, being the last of their sitting, on behalf of the King's children, and the general afflicted state of the true professors of the same religion professed by the Church of England in foreign parts; that being touched with a fellow feeling of their distresses as members of the same body, they did, with one unanimous consent, in the name of themselves and of the whole body of the kingdom that they represent, declare unto his most excellent Majesty, and unto the whole world, their hearty grief and sorrow for the same; and did not only join with them in their humble and devout prayers unto Almighty God to protect his true Church, and to avert the dangers now threatened, but also with one heart and voice to solemnly protest that, if his Majesty's pious endeavours by treaty to procure their peace and safety shall not take that good effect which is desired, that then, upon signification of his Majesty's pleasure in Parliament, they shall be ready to the uttermost of their powers to assist him, so as by the divine help of Almighty God, who is never wanting to them who, in His fear, shall undertake the defence of His name, he may be able to do that by his sword which by peaceable courses shall not be effected." - Harl. MSS.

22 Jun 1621. About Friday the 22nd of this month was Doctor Williams (age 39), Dean of Westminster, sworn of the Privy Council, after he bad been first made Bishop of Lincoln; and the Earl of Southampton (age 47) was committed prisoner to him at his Deanery of Westminster1. For what cause none of his own servants yet knew, from which imprisonment he was again awhile after freed by the mediation of some noble persons with the beloved Marquis of Buckingham (age 28), whom the issue showed he had only offended, crossing him often during the continuance of Parliament, and answering him shortly since it had been adjourned.

Note 1. "The Earl of Southampton is committed to Dr. Dean of Westminster, his keeper being Sir Richard Weston (age 44). The Earl desired three things of the Lords, 1. That in regard his lady (age 49) was much subject unto sudden grief and passion, his letter might be the first messenger of his detainment, 2. That because his son (age 16) was ready to go to travel, he might first speak with him and give some directions. 3. That he might be permitted, in his Majesty's presence, to answer all that should be objected against him. The two former were granted conditionally, that Sir Richard Weston might see the one and hear the other; which were accordingly performed. The third was not in them to grant, but in his Majesty, and therefore put it off." - HarL MSS,

24 Jun 1621. Upon Monday the 24th day of June had the agents, or commissioners, sent from Rochelle to the King to desire aid, their audience at Whitehall; but received small comfort from him, and less assistance; so as ere this summer was ended, the French King prevailed by his armies beyond admiration against them, taking by assault or composition their best places of strength and safety, as Samurs, Tours, St. Jaen D'Angely, and many other towns; and before the end of August besieged Montaubon, in Laoguedoc, with an army of 30,000 men, which place, with Rochelle, were, upon the matter, the only sanctuaries those distressed children of God had now left them: which also at the last came into the power and possession of their enemies, though Montaubon were delivered from this summer's siege. For the Protestants of Germany, being now everywhere almost oppressed, could not assist the French Churches as they had formerly done; which, being now divided in themselves and deserted by England, (from whence in Queen Elizabeth's days they received often assistances both of men and money,) were the more easily vanquished by their enemies, who too often made them the objects of their lust and cruelty.

06 Jul 1621. Upon Friday the 6th day of July, about eleven of the clock in the forenoon, I departed, with my father and the residue of his family, towards Chelmsford in Essex; where lodging this night, and at Lavenham, Suffolk the next day ensuing, we came to Stow Hall, my father's chief mansion in Suffolk, about eight of the clock in the morning, July the 8th, before divine service began, and so were partakers of two sermons this day in our parochial church. The rest of this month was chiefly spent in recreations, visitations, discourses, and such like: about the latter end whereof George Abbot (age 58), Doctor of Divinity and Archbishop of Canterbury, shooting at a deer in Alton Park1, near London, being the Lord Zouche's, struck one of the keepers into the arm, through the thwart glancing of the arrow, with which diyers of his sinews being cut, he soon alter died.

Note 1. Bramzil Park, according to Rushworth, i. p. 61. The Bishop of Lincoln, in giving judgment on thia matter, said: - "To add affliction to the afflicted will be against his Majesty's nature; yet to leave a man of blood primate and patriarch of all his churches, is a thing that aounda very harsh in the old councils and canons, and the Papiats will not spare to censure it."

06 Jul 1621. All men generally condemned the Archbishop for enterprising such an unnecessary and idle action in his old age; and yet was he much pitied, being an orthodox and a learned divine, no way infected with those anabaptistieal blasphemies lately broached by James Arminius in the Low Countries. It was afterwards much debated, whether his shedding of man's blood had not made him irregular, and so incapable of continuing Archbishop; and the matter was referred to the decision of Doctor Andrews (age 66), Bishop of Winchester, and other select commissioners, by whom the said Archbishop was in fine cleared, and adjudged still regular, and capable of the prelacy; in which Doctor Andrews aforesaid, although there had been small correspondence between him and Doctor Abbot formerly, yet, out of his emulation to prevent Doctor Williams (age 39), Bishop of Lincoln, from attaining the see of Canterbury, to which he was designed if the other had proved irregular, did use his uttermost skill and power to clear him.

Aug 1621. I did not misspend this month of August altogether as I had done the forepast July, but often retired to my study and made some progress in it; but was employed for the most part, continuing still in the country, in visitations, journeys, recreations, discourses, and such like.

Sep 1621. This month of September and the two foregoing months I may well reckon amongst the worst parts of my life, in respect of my loss of time, and my not laying to heart the public miseries of Christendom as I ought to have done, the enemies of God and his Truth preTailing wonderfully all this summer both in Germany and France; nay, when our King sent over the Lord Hayes (age 41), Viscount Doncaster, his extraordinary ambassador to the French King, to intercede for peace to be made between him and his Protestant subjects, he was most scornfully and slightingly entertained.

03 Oct 1621. Having therefore spent some little time during this month in mine own private study and arriving at London upon Wednesday the 3rd day of October, with my father and the rest of his family, I understood that Sir Henry Montague (age 58), Viscount Mandeville was, for some abuses in the place of Lord Treasurer, put out of the same, having not yet continued ten months in it, and was made Lord President of the Council.

06 Oct 1621. Soon after my coming to London, it pleased the Divine Providence, for my greater humiliation, (my before-mentioned intended match being likewise broken off,) to lay upon me new wants and afflictions; for, coming to my father (age 54) upon Saturday the 6th day of October, to receive and demand that small stipend he allowed me, he denied me a great part of it upon some pretended defalcations. This so much amazed me, being unprovided of most necessaries, and considering also that he kept from me an estate of five or six thousand pounds of mine own, given me by Richard Simonds, my grandfather by my mother's side, that I unawares expressed my grief unto him somewhat unadvisedly, at which he grew so extremely offended with me as he was never before that time nor after it, so as I spake but once with him for about the space of five weeks ensuing, although I resided near him all that time. And now my condition in mine own apprehension was so far changed, as I feared not only my father's speedy marriage with a young widow, meanly born and bred, but my disherison also, though undeserved; who but a few months before, upon an intended match, should have had almost his whole estate in land assured upon me, so as my own estate I had from my grandfather Simonds, above-mentioned, did much comfort me, which I knew none could deprive me of.

06 Oct 1621. Amidst these new afflictions, added to my former miscarriage in the said match, which for the present I had really voted, I might have been even swallowed up of grief and sorrow, had not my trust in a higher Providence supported me with a great deal of Christian patience. I cannot deny but that I reaped much good from all these pressures, though they came somewhat thick together, and had the more cause to be thankful for their short continuance. For my father's treaty with the said young widow was wholly broken off and dissolved before the end of this month, and all the arrears of my small stipend were allowed me from him, and myself again fully redintegrated into his love and affection.

09 Oct 1621. Michaelmas Term beginning upon Tuesday, the 9th day of October, John Williams (age 39), Doctor of Divinity, Dean of Westminster and Bishop of Lincoln, took his place in the Chancery, as Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, Viscount Mandeville (age 58), Lord President, administering the oath to him. Much talk there was of this divine's sudden rising, being a Welchman by birth, and, but a few years before, a poor subsizar in St. John's College in Cambridge of little regard or learniug. After he had taken his oath, he made a long, learned, and ho&est speech in the Chancery Court; but little practised it, as the sequel too plainly verified. I heard it confidently reported, that the old Lord Chancellor, Sir Thomas Egerton, Lord Ellesmere, prophesied of him, being then his household chaplain, that he would prove another Wolsey, which was as strangely verified many years after by his fall, as now by his rising.

09 Oct 1621. I spent some part of the remainder of this October in the study of the law, resolving to settle seriously upon the work, though yet awhile hindered with many cares and distractions.

20 Nov 1621. There was much good hoped in the public by the meeting again of the two Houses of Parliament upon Tuesday, (which day of the week the King held propitious to himself,) the 20th day of this instant November, especially after it was declared in the Upper House the day following, by the new Lord Keeper and Sir Lionel Cranfield (age 46), Knt., - Lord Cranfield, (who, but a few years before, had himself been a shopkeeper in the city of London, as his father had been before him,) lately made Lord Treasurer, that the King purposed to aid his son-in-law for the recovery of the Palatinate.

22 Nov 1621. For my private studies, I made some reasonahle entrance into them this month; but residing yet in a gentleman's chamber in the Temple, (where I had continued during my stay in London, ever since the 20th day of April last past,) I was often hindered by him, or company coming to visit him; and I saw plainly also that my stay with him was many ways inconvenient to his own privacy. So growing weary of any further stay there, nor well knowing whither to betake myself, it pleased God, amidst my many troubles, to afford me one great content by the attaining of the possession of mine own chamber in the Middle Temple upon Thursday, November 22, into which I was admitted in the year 1611, upon the decease of Richard Simonds, Esq., my mother's father, whose study I had, and my father's chamber, in which himself had resided, keeping there with my said grandfather, before he bought the Six Clerks' Office. All which circumstances had much whetted on my desire to attain it; hoping thereby, in some good measure to redeem, though I could not recall, my long misspent time, for above a whole year passed since my leaving the University.

29 Nov 1621. Yet after I had enjoyed one week of quiet possession in it, upon my brother Elliot's coming to town, I was entreated by him into Surrey, upon his return to his own house there, to my sister, whom I accompanied thither upon Thursday, November 29, being much welcomed by them both. After I had staid with them to my great comfort and content a little above a fortnight, I returned again to London upon Monday, the 17th day of December, and so finally settled myself in my newly attained Temple chamber. The day following, my father removed out of London, and went as far as Kingston that afternoon towards my brother Elliot's, where he arrived the next day, intending to have kept his Christmas there with his family. The same day that he departed out of London was the Parliament adjourned1 till the 8th day of February nest ensuing, having only debated mat- ters in general, and concluded nothing for the restoration and assistance of God's distressed Church beyond the seas.

Note 1. "December 19th, the Prince delivered to the clerk the commission for an adjournment to the 8th of February, which discontented the Commons and good people of England, foreseeing a dissolution by Qondomar's means." - Rushworth, i. p. 52.

20 Dec 1621. My father's departure out of town at this time cost him dear; for Mr. Tothil, another of the Six Clerks, whose lodgings were next his, having, out of a little base niggardliness, neglected to mend the hearth of his chimney, which was crazed, some of the fire, which was raked up at his departure out of town, got through, as was most likely, to the wood-work under the chimney, and so firing that chamber, was the occasion of burning all the Six Clerks' Offices, and some houses that adjoined unto them on either side, upon Thursday, the 20th day of December.

20 Dec 1621. It began, as I guessed, a little after midnight, for I was roused in the morning out of my chamber in the Middle Temple, before the day dawned; but coming thither, the whole office I found almost consumed. The other five lost not much, two of them being in town, and the other three having little there; except the said Tothil, whose money, being in an iron chest, was so preserved, and taken out entire. But my father residing there most part of the year with his family, had there great store of plate and household staff; all the evidences of the west-country estate, both of my inheritance and leases, with the evidences and leases of his London houses, besides near upon £3,000 in gold, and other particulars of great value, which were all either utterly consumed and burnt in the same fire, or scorched and defaced. For his lodgings, joining next to Mr. Tothil's wall, took fire long before daylight; neither could any person, by reason of the thick doors and strong locks, get in to save anything at all. The commonwealth lost many records in each office, but my father's loss was near four times as much in his private as all his five brethren lost; for, writing onto me the year after, in December, 1622, upon another occasion, his own testimony was expressed in these words following, touching this present loss, as I transcribed them out of the autograph itself: - "It was God's will the last year to take from me, in mercy, (for he might have taken ali, ) about £5,000 by fire, &c., more to the building and furnishing my office, for I was burnt to the ground, £600." By which passages inserted, amongst others, by my father with his own hand in his letters he sent me, it appears that his loss occasioned by this fire amounted unto near £6,000 one way or another. Although the burning of my evidences lost me much afterwards, by reason of some troublesome and costly suits it brought upon me to assert and clear my title, yet I was most grieved at the loss of an ancient testimonial, in Latin, written on parchment, and sealed and signed by the Duke of Cleves' principal herald, which my great-grandfather, Adrian D'Ewes, brought with him out of Gelderiand when he removed thence, during the reign, I gather, of Henry the Eighth, into England. In this were the names inserted of his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, with their several wives, and their coat-armours fairly depicted, with the crests also of his mother and grandmother, whose blood his posterity did at length inherit. All of which I forbear to speak of further here, having before more particularly touched it. Out of the cinders of the same fire, which with the violence thereof had melted some thousands of twenty-shilling pieces of gold, upon the searching and sifting of them were taken out besides some £500 of scorched gold, my own mother's wedding-ring and the seal of arms, being but in silver, which was my said great-grand-father's, brought over also by him, as I have it by tradition, out of the dition of Kessel, in the duchy of Gelderland. Which is the rather to be admired at, because all the silver plate was melted and all the ready money in the same metal, when this little seal, (which being thin and hollow, had been set into a handle of ivory,) was yet preserved entire, and but little scorched, as is plainly to be perceived upon the viewing of it, being now in my custody. My father hath often told me that the said Adrian, his grandfather dying, did bequeath this very seal to remain as an hereditary monument to his posterity, and therefore, awhile after this lamentable fire had happened, he bestowed it upon me. But by reason of that paternal distance he kept with me, never vouchsafed to show me that precious testimomal in parchment which had lain by him for so many years, before it was at this present consumed and burnt, although he had afforded that courtesy on a mere stranger skilful in those notions very fortunately, because, by his help and my father's together, I got the substance of that writing and the descent contained in it to be inserted into parchment and the coats to be exactly depicted after the pattern and form of the same original; which being testified luder both their hands, I do still preserve by me, with the aforesaid seal of silver, very preciously and carefully. This I am the rather induced into because the mean condition of my great-grandfather, being a voluntary exile from his own country, togiether with that of his son, whom divers yet living did know, being accounted the original of my family by such as were ignorant that it was but the interruption, occasioned me many hours of search to vindicate the tmth, which I only aimed at as well in this particular, as in all other my studies, either divine or human.

20 Dec 1621. Touching the causes why God, in his wisdom, sent this fire, they were best known to himself, who most wisely and justly ordered this, as he doth all other his chastisements and punishments; which notwithstanding, it is lawful for men under their pressures to search out what particular sins might occasion their present calamities; nay, it is the duty of every [...] observe the causes of God's judgegment, that [...] may be the more hated and abhorred, and [...] like miseries be prevented. Two especial sins there were which the Six Clerks were at this time for the most part guilty of; one, first, was their extreme tenacity and love of the world, daily plotting how to keep short the gains of their under clerks, and to advance their own; which fault, eren after the fire, I heard not that any of them amended. The other was their atheistical profanation of God's own holy day, sitting (except one Mr. Henley, come in but a few years before, that had some religion) in their studies, most part of the Sunday in the afternoon, to take their fees and do their office business, many of their under clerks following their profane examples. And that this latter sin, which concerned not much their profit, might justly occasion this punishment, they all for the most part confessed; and therefore for the future, after their new office was built, they ever caused the doors thereof to be kept shut all the Lord's Day, neither attending themselves, nor sufferinging any of their under clerks to sit and write there as they had formeriy used. Their punishment also was the more remarkable, because the fire, though it were most outrageous and terrible, yet did little other hurt than only setting on fire and burning down some of the adjoining houses on either side.

21 Dec 1621. After I had awhile in the morning beheld the fire with exceeding grief, I despatcbed letters to my father by a foot messenger to inform him of it, before whose coming near unto my brother Elliot's home in Surrey, where he lay, another messenger that went from London on horseback, carried him the news of it the same day it happened. He was lying upon a bed not very well when the said news of it was first told him, upon which he suddenly rose up and, casting off the clothes, said, he must be gone. But being afterwards otherwise persuaded by my brother and sister Elliot, in respect of his indisposition of body, he awhile deferred the journey, and the same night despatched two of his servants towards London, who as they came along met the footman I had sent with the letter and stopped his further progress. By their early coming to my chamber whilst it was yet dark, being awakened again out of my sleep, as I had been in the morning foregoing, I was not a little afirighted, fearing some new danger; but baring let them in, we all rested till about six of the o'clock, the 21st of December, being Friday, and then rising, hastened to the rains of the fire, where amongst the rubbish we found above three hundred pounds in gold, in twenty-shilling pieces, just in the place, as near as we could guess, over which my fether's study, where his money lay, had been situated.

22 Dec 1621. The 22nd day of December, being Saturday, I rose early again, and, by a second search, found near upon two hundred pounds more in gold, but not all of it in twenty-shilling pieces, which I delivered to my father upon his coming to town this day towards the evening; but the money found the day before remained for him in the custody of Sir Julius Caesar (age 63), Knt., Master of the Rolls, from whom he afterwards received it. I saw him so little moved at this loss, as I now more feared that be would inake no good use of it for his amelioration, than I did formerly that he could not have home it with any moderation or patience. For my own part, I had contracted so much illness for my care, cold-taking, watchings, and the ill smells of the ruins the fire had left this day and that foregoing, as I was necessitated for the future to spare myself. The residue of this month I spent much in my father's company and in visiting several friends, and discoursing with them, little intermeddling with matter of study.

09 Jan 1622. The beginning of January, bringing with it the end of the festival days, I spent in discourses, visits, and such like recreations. Upon Wednesday, the 9th day of January, came out a proclamation for the abortive dissolving of the Parliament, which gave a tincture of sadness to most men's countenances, their hope of the delivery of Clod's Church in Germany being thereby quite dashed, and the poor distressed Protestants of France left to the execution of their merciless enemies. And it fell out very strangely the next day, that the King riding or hunting at Theobald's, was cast headlong from his horse into a pond, and narrowly escaped drowning1.

Note 1. "On Wednesday his Majesty rode by coach to Theobald's to dinner, not intending, as the speech is, to return till towards Easter. After dinner, riding on horseback abroad, his hone stumbled, and catt his Majesty into the New River, where the ice brake; he fell in so that nothing but his boots were seen. Sir Richard Young (age 42) was next, who alighted, went into the water, and lifted him out. There came much water out of his mouth and body. His Majesty rode back to Theobald's, went into a warm bed, and, as we hear, is well, which God continue," - Harl. MSS. This is also quoted by Sir Henry Ellis.

09 Jan 1622. Sir Edward Coke (age 69), who had been of the House of Commons in the late Parliament and since about the end of December last foregoing, imprisoned in the Tower [Map], was now granted liberty of walking in any part of it. He was a great common lawyer, had been Attorney General, afterwards Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, and lastly Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, out of which place he had been put divers years before upon his attempting to bring the old Lord Chancellor, Sir Thomas Egerton, Lord Ellesmere, within the compass of a premunire. He did notable good service in the House of Commons during the last Parliament, and thereby won much love and credit.

09 Jan 1622. Sir Nathaniel fiich, Mr. Thomas Crew, an able lawyer of Gray's Inn, and divers others that had been members also of the House of Commons, were shortly after sent into Ireland about some business to be despatched there, it being an employment they would all of them have been very glad to miss.

09 Jan 1622. It was strangely reported also at this time, that the Spaniards had promised a restitution of the Palatinate to the Prince Elector, which gave the King, his father-in-law, great content. It is possible that he, hearing of the successful proceedings of the late Parliament, and how much the English desired war, fearing a greater danger, meant really to have performed that promise; hut hearing that it was dissolved to the great grief and discontent of the whole kingdom, they grew secure of any great action to be attempted from hence, and so altered their former resolution, for to this day they could never be drawn to any such restitution.