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Calendar of State Papers of Milan is in Calendars.
1455 First Battle of St Albans
1462 Vere Plot to Murder Edward IV
14th April 1471 Battle of Barnet
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers of Milan 1455
1455. March 5. Potenze Estere. Francia. Milan Archives. 21. Raymondus de Marliano to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The ambassadors of the King of England and the papal legate are making great instances to the King of France to have long truces, for at least twenty years, and it is hoped that such truces will be arranged.
Dijon, the 5th March, 1455.
[Italian.]
July 4. Potenze, Estere. Roma: Milan Archives. 22. The Bishop of Novara, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
From England we have the news which you will see by the enclosed copy. Although it is not good for those who are dead, yet it cannot fail to favour our proceedings, because it will make the French a little more cautious, as during these differences between the English, they had become great and daily became greater.
Rome, the 4th July, 1455.
[Italian.]
Enclosure.
23. Copy of part of a letter written from Bruges to the Archbishop of Ravenna.
We left London on the 27th May and at that time there was nothing new; my lord of Somerset ruled as usual. Subsequently I learned here yesterday, by letters which came straight from Sandwich to Dunkirk, that fresh disturbances broke out in England a few days after my departure. A great part of the nobles have been in conflict [First Battle of St Albans], and the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland and my lord of Clifford are slain, with many other lords and knights on both sides. The Duke of Somerset's son, who presented the collars of the king, was mortally wounded; my lord of Buckingham and his son are hurt. The Duke of York has done this, with his followers. On the 24th de entered London and made a solemn procession to St. Pauls. They say he has demanded pardon from the king for himself and his men, and will have it. He will take up the government again, and some think that the affairs of that kingdom will now take a turn for the better. If that be the case, we can put up with this inconvenience.
No one comes from Calais as the passages are guarded. We should hear further particulars from merchants, messengers and those who come. I send your lordship these particulars, as you will be glad to hear them even though the news seems unpleasant.
Bruges, the last day of May, 1455.
Postscript on the 3rd of June.—I have further news of the battle in England brought by one who came here from Calais. They say that on the 21st of May the king left Westminster with many lords, including the Duke of Somerset, to hold a council at Leicester (a le cestre), eight miles (sic) from London. They went armed because they suspected that the Duke of York would also go there with men at arms. That day they travelled twenty miles to the abbey of St. Albans. On the 22nd the king set out to continue his journey, but when they were outside the town they were immediately attacked by York's men, and many perished on both sides. The Duke of Somerset was taken and forthwith beheaded. With his death the battle ceased at once and, without loss of time, the Duke of York went to kneel before the king and ask pardon for himself and his followers, as they had not done this in order to inflict any hurt upon his Majesty, but in order to have Somerset. Accordingly the king pardoned them, and on the 23rd the king and York and all returned to London. On the 24th they made the solemn procession, and now peace reigns. The king has forbidden any one to speak about it upon pain of death (il Re ha mandato Bando a pena di vita, non se ne parli). The Duke of York has the government, and the people are very pleased at this (il duca de Jorlz ha il governo et li popoli se ne tengono molto contenti).
[Italian.]
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Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers of Milan 1458
1458. Oct. 24. Potenze Estere. Inghilterra. Milan Archives. 26. Raffaelo De Negra to Bianca Maria Visconti, Duchess of Milan.
I am writing to report what an Englishman told me about the magnificence of the Queen of England (age 28) and how she was brought to England. I will tell you something of the King of England. First of all the Englishman told me that the King of England took her without any dowry, and he even restored some lands which he held to her father. When the queen landed in England the king dressed himself as a squire, the Duke of Suffolk doing the same, and took her a letter which he said the King of England had written. When the queen read the letter the king took stock (amirò) of her, saying that a woman may be seen over well when she reads a letter, and the queen never found out that it was the king because she was so engrossed in reading the letter, and she never looked at the king in his squire's dress, who remained on his knees all the time. After the king had gone the Duke of Suffolk said: Most serene queen, what do you think of the squire who brought the letter? The queen replied: I did not notice him, as I was occupied in reading the letter he brought. The duke remarked: Most serene queen, the person dressed as a squire was the most serene King of England, and the queen was vexed at not having known it, because she had kept him on his knees. The queen afterwards went from thence. The king really wrote to her and they made great triumphs.
The Englishman told me that the queen is a most handsome woman, though somewhat dark and not so beautiful as your Serenity. He told me that his mistress is wise and charitable, and your Serenity has the reputation of being equally wise and more charitable. He said that his queen had an income of 80,000 gold crowns. She has a most handsome boy, six years old1. The following noblemen serve her: the Dukes of Somerset (… stre), York, Gloucester (Gozestre), Beaufort (bauforte), Clarence (Clarenza), (sen. re), Exeter (setre), Buckingham (borchaincay), Norfolk (noforcho) and Suffolk (soforcho). Their wives are at Court also, and when the wife of the Duke of Petro a Baylito, the king's son (age 5) and all the duchesses speak to the queen, they always go on their knees before her. She asked me when your Serenity was in the great hall at Milan what ladies were about you. I answered marchionesses and countesses; among others Madonna Antonia de Perora e Parmina. She asked who the ladies were. I told her that Madonna Antonia da Perora was Countess of Moltuni and Parmina and Marchioness of la Pieve da Cayré, and all the others were great ladies. I remarked that your Serenity has a splendid Court. I have mentioned these affairs of England because your Serenity delights in noble things.
Milan, the 24th October, 1458.
[Italian.]
Note 1. Edward, Prince of Wales was born on the 13th October, 1453, and therefore was only five at this time.
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers of Milan 1462
1462. March 25. Potenze. Estere. Francia. Milan Archives. 125. Antonio della Torre, Envoy of King Edward and the Earl of Warwick to Francesco di Coppino, Bishop of Terni, Apostolic Legate.
Because I believe that my letters which I wrote from London several days ago, advising your lordship of many things, have been presented to you, I shall be more brief and will not repeat what I have already written. Most Reverend Lord, the king and all these lords kept me until the 24th of February, always saying, you shall leave this day or that, but I could not obtain leave to come to your lordship as I promised, which has grieved me much. On that day the king set out to go towards Northumberland, with the intention to have peace or war with the Scots. My lord of Warwick, on the 22nd of the same month, went to Sandwich (Santucio) and made them arm many ships, and he made them go out of the port. That done he returned to London, and on the 5th inst. he set out thence and went after the king. Some say that the Scots want to come and make war, but I can hardly credit this because the Scottish ambassadors left here with a different conclusion, as I advised your reverence.
[25th March 1462]. Eleven days before the king's departure they discovered a great conspiracy, at the head of which was the Earl of Oxford (deceased), and he, his eldest son (deceased) and many other knights and esquires lost their heads. Before the king left the treason was discovered in this manner, quidquid fortassis dicatur [Whatever perhaps may be said]. The said earl with his accomplices, sent letters to King Henry and the queen in Scotland, by a servant of his, who, after having been to York, returned to King Edward and presented the letters, which were read as well as copied and then sealed up again and sent by this same messenger to King Henry with a promise that he would return with the reply. He did so and it was done very secretly. After the reply had been read the Earl of Worcester (age 34), who has been made Constable of England1, was sent to take the said earl and others.
el dicto conte con soi complitii mandavano lettere al re Hari et alla regina in Scotia per uno servitore de'soi, el quale, poi fu a Aiorch, ritorno alla Maesta de Re Eduuardo et presentolli le lettere le quale forono lecte et etiam copiate et poi reserrate et subito per el decto messo mandate al re hari con promessa che ritornarebe colla resposta et cosi fece et fu facta molto secretamente et viso responso el Conte de Wygornia, el quale e facto conestabile de Engleterra a fo mandato ad prendere el sopradicto conte et altri.
Note 1. John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, appointed Constable of England for life by letters patent dated the 7th February, 1462. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1461–7, page 74.
Their plan was as follows: to follow the king as his servants towards the North, as his Majesty was not going to take more than a thousand horse and their two thousand or more, and once among the enemy they were to attack the king and murder him and all his followers. In the mean time the Duke of Somerset, who was at Bruges and is still there, was to descend upon England, and King Henry was also to come with the Scots, and the Earl of Pembroke from Britanny. Some priests and others also have been taken, because so they say, they wrote some notices over the doors of the churches in which they stated that the supreme pontiff had revoked all that your lordship had done in this kingdom, that he gave plenary absolution to all those who would be with King Henry and excommunicated those who were with our king. I believe they will be punished as they deserve.
la intentione loro era questa, videlicet, de seguire come soi servitori la Maestào del re verso Borea, el quale non doveva menare se non milli cavalli et loro do milia o piu et li inter inimicos dovevano insuldare el re et admazare lui et tucti li soi et interim el Duca de Sumoset, el quale era ad Bruges el anchora e, doveva descendere in Ingliterra et lo re Arri colli Scoti venire et similiter de Brittagna el Contede Penbruch, alcuni preti et etiam altri sono stati presi, perche secondo se dice scrivevano certe cedule sopra le porte delle ecclesie, ne le quale declaravano che lo summo pontifice haveva revocato tucto quello vostra reverendissima Signoria haveva facto in questo reame chel donava plenaria absolutione ad tucti quelli sarebono collo Re Hari et excommunicava quelli fossino collo re nostro. Credo serano puniti secundum demerita.
Thomas, servant of Master John Lax, who was taken here with his letters and sent to prison, has been released. The letters of the supreme pontiff to the King's Majesty in favour of Master John Lax were very welcome to all. They were read and published by the Lord Chancellor at St. Paul's Cross. The king has pardoned Master John and reinstated him.
Note 2. The general pardon to John Lax in the Patent Rolls is dated 13 Feb., 1465.—Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1461–7, page 389[387].
They have decided to send ambassadors at Easter next to the supreme pontiff. According to what they say, these will be the following, to wit: the Bishop of Salisbury, an abbot, a collector, who has not yet come, and Sir [John] Clay, knight. Some say that the Earl of Worcester will go and the Dean of St. Severin. I think it will be so if matters keep well.
It is said that the Castellan, a knight of St. John, and that chaplain of the king named Master John Flaminger will go at the present time to Calais. I think it more likely than not. Master Ludovicus Callet is at Calais, and will return to King Louis. Master Wenlok and a dean are to come to this prince. I have heard that some are endeavouring to prejudice the king against Master Peter, who was proctor of Padua. Nicolo is safe for the first quarter of his pension, and also for this one, from what I have been able to gather from all the lords. I am sending to your reverence a letter of my lord the count directed to you, which I expected to bring with the others. It is feared that the French will not come to Calais this summer; if they do come they will be well received.
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers of Milan 1467
1467. 14 Feb. 14. Potenze Estere. Francia. Milan Archives. 146. Giovanni Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador in France, to the Duchess and Duke OF Milan.
The king has been recently on a pilgrimage to our Lady of Bourges. There he happened to be at table with Duke John, who accompanied him on the journey. After discussing falcons and hunting they spoke to the Marshal of Burgundy, ambassador of M. de Charolais to his Majesty, who said the duke had caused him to lose that friendship. The duke said he was very glad if that was the case. When his Majesty spoke highly of the marshal, the duke vilified him to the extent of his powers.
When they went on to speak of the Earl of Warwick, the first noble of England, the duke angrily rejoined that he was a traitor; he would not say or suffer any good to be said of him; he only studied to deceive, he was the enemy and the cause of the fall of King Henry and his sister the Queen of England. His Majesty would do better to help his sister to recover her kingdom than to to favour the Earl of Warwick, and many other exaggerated (gonfiate) and opprobrious words.
His Majesty replied that he had more reason to speak well of the Earl of Warwick than of many others, not excepting his own relations, as the earl had always been a friend to his crown and had advised against making war on this realm. King Henry, on the other hand, had been a mortal enemy and had waged many wars against him, and therefore this friendship is worth preserving
che piu si havea a laudare de dicto Conte de Vieruic cha de molti atri etiam soi parenti perche sempre era stato amico a la corona disconfortando la guerra a questo reame. El Re Henricho autem li era stato immico capitalissimo facendoli di molta guerra; perelche merito si dovea conservare questa amicitia.
As the king persisted in his praise of the Earl of Warwick, the duke said that as he was so fond of him he ought to try and restore his sister in that kingdom, when he would make sure of it as much as he was sure at present and even more so.
The king asked what security they would give or if they would offer the queen's son as a hostage. This boy, though only thirteen years of age, already talks of nothing but of cutting off heads or making war, as if he had everything in his hands or was the god of battle or the peaceful occupant of that throne
quale essendo in la eta di tredece anni gia, non parla cha di fare tagliare teste o far guerra, como se tuto havesse in mano o fosse dio de la bataglia o pacifico posessor di quello regno.
The king also asked, supposing they promised, if the security would be observed. At this the duke in a fume (fulminando) said that if his nephew promised at his instance and did not keep his word, he would have to reckon with him and with others, and they would fly at him and tear out his eyes.
After some further discussion the duke began to complain about his Majesty without any respect, saying he had never loved their house; to which the king retorted that the House of Anjou had given him reason for this. Thus, half joking, they said very sharp things to each other during the dinner.
Bourges in Berri, the 14th February, 1467.
[Italian.]
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers of Milan 1471
26th April 1471. 30th March 1471. Potenze Estere. Francia. Milan Archives. 209. Sforza de Bettini of Florence, Milanese Ambassador in France to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
There is no news of England except through the Burgundians, whom it is hard to believe because they only report things in their favour. They do not deny however that the Prince of Wales has had a great following, and many say that even if the prince should prove successful it would be more for them than for the king (dicono che quando ben el principe ottenesse chel saria più per loro che per el Rey).
Four days ago an English fellow arrived here, having recently come from England. He relates many miracles, but they are not credited. Among other things he says that King Edward was killed in a recent battle, and the Earl of Warwick is alive. His Majesty the King and every one else considers this an idle story. If this be true, and God grant it, it cannot remain long concealed. But all he says is discredited, because the Duke of Burgundy becomes more aggressive every moment.
Ham (Ahani), the 30th March, 1471. [Italian.]
26th April 1471. 9th April 1471. Potenzo Estere. Francia. Milan Archives. 210. Sforza de Bettini of Florence, Milanese Ambassador at the French Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
King Edward having again collected from five to six thousand men from Holland and Zeeland, territory of the Duke of Burgundy, landed in England in the Northern parts, with the assistance of some petty lords of the district. There he was once more routed by the troops of the Earl of Warwick, the greater part of those who were with him being slain, and the rest put to flight. That king took refuge in a certain church, in a fortress in what they call a franchise there, in which, from what the said earl writes, he is besieged, and the earl hopes to take him prisoner. It is a difficult matter to go out by the door and then want to enter by the windows. They think he will leave his skin there (el Re Adouardo havendo novamente radunato da cinque in sei mille persone de Olanda et Zelanda paese del Duca de Borgogna e disceso in Inghilterra nel paese de Anort con lo adiuto de alcuni signorotti de dicto paese; dove e stato di nuovo spilliciato dalle genti del Conte di Veruich et morti la magior parte di quelli erano con si ct el resto fugiti. Esso Re se e riducto et salvato in una certa chiesia in forteza in Franchisa, come dicono di qua, ne la quale, per quanto scrive prefato conte lo e assediato ei spera haverlo prisoniero. E dificile cosa uscire per l'uscio et volere entrare per le finestre: stimasi che egli li lassera la pelle!)
The Queen of England embarked these last days, but a contrary wind drove her back again. She is only waiting for a wind to start.
There is no other news worth sending. Your Excellency shall be advised of whatever else may happen. I commend myself to you, humbly begging you to furnish me with provision for five months as I asked, so as to provide me with money which is as necessary in peace as in war, it being necessary to keep up an appearance for the honour of your Excellency.
Beauvais, the 9th April, 1471. [Italian.]
26th April 1471. Potenze Estere. Inghilterra. Milan Archives. 213. Copy of some passages from letters of Zannoto Spinula to Master Battista Spinula, his father.
We hope for peace, because some twenty days ago, by the mediation of the Count of Saint Paul, a truce was made between his Majesty the king and the prince here, for three months. The prince here raised the siege of Amiens, and dismissed many of his esquires. The king is in Amiens with his brother and all the lords. Within the period of the truce I hope a peace will be arranged, for otherwise, if war follows, it will destroy those parts. Such considerations will prove a strong inducement to the King of the French to make peace.
I will give you a brief account of the events which have happened in England. King Edward, when he was at Limort, came to London with his power, always saying that he wished to be Duke of York and to have King Henry as king; but that he wished to slay the traitors. So he entered London on Holy Thursday, and he had about 7,000 men with him. The Earl of Warwick with the other lords was not far away from London with about 10,000 men. As he made no account of King Edward, he came towards London to learn about him in order to have a pitched battle (non faciendo conception de rege Edouardo venit versus Londanem ad eum inquirendum pro habendo prelium situm).
When King Edward heard this he came out to meet him, on Holy Saturday, and after a night had intervened, they joined battle, which lasted until the morning of Easter day. King Edward came off victorious, my lord of Warwick (deceased) and his brother, my lord of Montague (deceased), being slain in the battle.
The king afterwards returned to London with their bodies, which he caused to be placed in St. Paul's Church, so that all the people might see them. We have not heard this by letters, however, but by word of mouth from three who say that they saw them, and so we believe it.
The queen was at Southampton (antona) with many ships. You shall hear afterwards what ensues.
Bruges, the 26th April. [Latin.]
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7th May 1471. Potenze, Estere. Inghilterra. Milan Archives. 215. Zannotus Spinula to Messer Battista Spinula, his father.
Your worship will have heard of the fighting which has taken place in England and how the Earl of Warwick (deceased) and his brother (deceased) have been slain by King Edward. A Spaniard, who left London on the 24th of April, relates that King Edward has set out with his power to look for the queen and the prince, who had landed and had gone to the parts of Wales. We have heard nothing since, although we are greedy for news. There are many who consider the queen's prospects favourable, chiefly because of the death of Warwick, because it is reckoned she ought to have many lords in her favour, who intended to resist her because they were enemies of Warwick; Northumberland among others (sunt multi qui credunt statum regine essere in bono gradu et maxime pro morte de domino de Varovch quia existimatur habere debeat multos dominos in favore, qui impedir se volebant pro essere inimici Varovch et inter alios nortamborlan).
May God, of his pity, bring peace to that blessed island, and we hope that this time it will ensue there. Here also there is a truce between the king and this most illustrious prince, to last for three months. In the mean time it is hoped that peace will ensue. I am doubtful about this, because I do not see how it can, unless this prince marries his daughter to the king's brother. We shall know soon. May God, of His mercy, provide us with a perpetual peace.
Bruges, the 7th May, 1471. [Latin; copy.]
2nd June 1471. Potenze Estere. Francia. Milan Archives. 218. Sforza di Bettini Of Florence, Milanese Ambassador in France to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Yesterday his Majesty here heard with extreme sorrow, by clear and manifest news from England, so it appears, that king Edward has recently fought a battle with the Prince of Wales, towards Wales, whither he had gone to meet him. He has not only routed the prince but taken and slain him, together with all the leading men with him.
He has also taken the queen and sent her to London to keep King Henry company, he also being a prisoner there; and so at length King Edward remains the peaceful lord and dominator of that Kingdom of England without having any further obstacle whatever.
Your Excellency may imagine the great joy and satisfaction of the Duke of Burgundy at these affairs. He has shown it by public demonstrations, constant processions, ringing of bells and bonfires so that one would imagine the whole country to be on fire. It is expected to make him so haughty (fiero) that he will no more consent to a year's truce.
Ham, the 2nd June, 1471. [Italian.]
Books, Calendars, Calendar of State Papers of Milan 1513
22nd September 1513. Potenze Estere. Inghilterra. Milan Archives. 660. Brian Tuke, Clerk of the Signet, to Richard Pace, Secretary of the Cardinal of England.1
A few days ago saw letters both from him and the cardinal, implying doubts of the king's success. Attribute this in part to the mere lies which he may have heard from the French and their partisans, and partly to the English Cabinet, which omitted to write to the cardinal, though he is of opinion that if he owed so much to any mortal, as our Most Christian king did to God, he should consider that his shoulders were heavily burdened, as all their undertakings had succeeded more prosperously than he could have imagined.
Note 1. Ibid, no. 316.
22nd September 1513. First of all, on quitting England they found the weather very mild. Secondly, the army, although composed of heterogeneous nations, was so well agreed, and unanimous and so utterly free from dissensions as to defy exaggeration. Thirdly, no epidemic of any sort assailed so numerous an army. Fourthly, such was the plenty of provisions, that 20,000 men were living in the camp in time of war, far more cheaply than they lived at home in time of peace. Fifthly, they had many friends who were of the greatest help to them, the chief of these being the emperor, who, with many princes and other great lords, remained there constantly. Sixthly, in every direction they gained victories hitherto unparalleled, being always against many and always coming off victorious, a proof of the divine assistance.
22nd September 1513. In order to give him a fuller account of their proceedings than was contained in the letters of the king, who wished rather to diminish than exaggerate, informs him that the king gave Terouenne to the Emperor, whose commanders burned the whole city after the departure of the English troops, with the exception of the cathedral. The population, warned by the king, carried off all their effects to the neighbouring towns. Such was the end of Terouenne, of late so impregnable a stronghold.
22nd September 1513. This done, the king went to Lille on a visit to the Lady Margaret, to which very great spectacle all the noble lords and ladies and the merchants of Flanders, Holland and Brabant crowded, and received his Majesty in very great triumph. On the following Tuesday the king returned to the army, then on its march to besiege Tournai intending to begin on the 15th, where they found the suburbs burned, but the neighbouring towns and villages so well supplied with wheat and barley and other daily necessaries, that each of the king's soldiers would have enough for himself and his horse for the next eighteen weeks. The city was then blockaded on every side, and the army built winter dwellings for themselves, of which a great part have chimneys. Tournai is large and beautiful, the largest city in all Flanders, and the most populous of any on that side of Paris. Have stormed one gate, inside of which the king's troops have established themselves. The castle has been battered down by the artillery. Within the city there are no soldiers, but a great amount of peasantry and butchers, without any commander-in-chief. The besieged think themselves strong enough to resist the whole world, because they have a very great amount of cannon; but they suffer from a scarcity of provisions, and he believes, lack powder. The besiegers walk close to the walls daily, and the king himself does so occasionally, for three hours and a half at a time. The English ordnance was planted in the trenches, and the enemy having twice sought a parley, it was granted for two days. During this time the besiegers did not abstain from visiting the trenches, and the enemy pointed a gun to intimidate them. Thereupon the king ordered all the ordnance to play upon the city, and this was done so incessantly that the walls were well nigh levelled with the ground. The besieged then again demanded a parley, though the cannon continued to play, as the king will not lose a moment of time. At any rate, the place is gained. It manufactures excellent carpets and table covers, and will prove very useful for the king, as Burgundian and Rhenish wines can conveniently be brought thence to England. On this account the dwellings now built as already described and which occupy an area more than thrice the size of Tournai itself, will be left standing.
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22nd September 1513. The French army is at so great a distance from the English that no breeze can bring them any news of it.
22nd September 1513. Have sent a message full of comfort to the schismatic king, thus:
The King of Scots, of all men the most perfidious, has been killed in fair fight by the Earl of Surrey, who attacked the king's own camp in a certain forest called Bermuiwood in England, all the nobility of Scotland being slain with the king. In the conflict 10,000 Scots were slain, and as many more in the flight. The battle was fought on the 9th of this month. All the ordnance of the Scots, their tents and the rest of their baggage were taken, the course of the whole business being as follows:
On the eve of St. Bartholomew the false and perjured King of Scots invaded England, and took the castle of Norham, not without shame to certain persons, razing it to the ground. He then led his army towards Berwick, burning the villages in every direction. The Earl of Surrey, Lord Dacres, Earl Latimer (Comes Latavier), Scrope (Scopre), and other great personages of those parts had not yet mustered, but each made such haste that on the 7th of September the Earl of Surrey summoned and challenged the aforesaid perjured King of Scots to give battle on the following Friday. Such was the reliance placed by that king on his French and Scottish commanders, that he thought all England together would not dare to oppose him; but the Earl of Surrey kept his engagement and promise. Lord Howard, the admiral, having heard that the King of Scots most boastfully proclaimed that he had long sought him by land and sea, as one who from fear always fled and avoided battle, quitted the royal fleet, left a deputy in command, forthwith landed and sent a message to the perjured King of Scots that he would lead the van of the army, not on horseback, but on foot, lest he should be supposed a craven and a runaway. He moreover warned the King of Scots not to take him alive, as he had determined not to capture any Scot, however noble he might be, even were it the king himself, but to kill him; promises which were fulfilled.
Accordingly on the appointed day the army attacked the Scots, whose forces were assembled on the summit of an hill, at the distance of a mile from its base, the hill being so strengthened and defended by ordnance that the assailants were obliged to wade through a certain marshy pass, leaving the guns in the rear.
The army of the Scots formed five lines in square battalions, representing the figure of a spear head; all being equidistant from the English army, which was divided into two lines with two wings. In spite of the Scottish artillery, which inflicted little or no damage, Lord Howard marched to the foot of the hill where he halted a short time, until the other wing of the rearguard had joined the last of his lines.
Thereupon the Scots came down the hill in very good order after the German fashion, with iron spears in masses. The Earl of Huntly, the Earl of Airlie and the Earl of Crauford broke upon Lord Howard. This force all perished, including the earls.
The perjured King of Scots attacked the Earl of Surrey, at whose side Lord Darcy's son was following; near him Lord Maxwell, a Scot, with Lord Herries, his brother, were killed, and practically all the rest of the Scottish nobles, the list of whose names had not yet been received. In these two engagements no prisoners were made, no quarter given. The Earl of Hauewes and the Earl of Argyle, with a very great force attacked Sir Edward Stanley, who slew the greater part of them. Lord Edmund Howard, who led his brother's right wing, was assailed by the Chamberlain of Scotland. He was thrice felled by the Chamberlain to the disgrace of his soldiers, who were cowards, but Lord Dacres succoured him with fifty horse. The Chamberlain of Scotland alone got home alive, although like the rest he lost all his men.
After the performance of these feats the entire army of the Scots took to flight. The rout began at noon and lasted until night. The English halbardiers decided the whole affair, so that in this battle the bows and ordnance were of little use. Only one English gentleman, an obscure knight, fell; the rest of the killed did not amount to four hundred.
Of the Scots upwards of 10,000 men were captured and slain in flight, and as many were killed on the battle field.
At the time of this engagement Lord Lovel was at Nottingham with 15,000 men, on his march towards Scotland, the queen being already forty miles beyond London with 40,000.
The Scots numbered in reality 60,000 men, though there were said to be 80,000. The English were 40,000, though reported to be only 30,000; and this is the end of James, late King of Scots, of all mankind the falsest.
At the time of this engagement Lord Lovel was at Nottingham with 15,000 men, on his march towards Scotland, the queen being already forty miles beyond London with 40,000.