This prince, although in his day he was thought to have indulged his passions and desires too intemperately, was still, in religion, a most devout Catholic, a most unsparing enemy to all heretics, and a most loving encourager of wise and learned men, and of the clergy. He was also a most devout reverer of the Sacraments of the Church, and most sincerely repentant for all his sins. This is testified by those who were present on the occasion of his decease; to whom, and especially to those whom he left as executors of his last wiU, he declared, in a distinct and Catholic form, that it was his desire that, out of the chattels which he left behind him in such great abundance, satisfaction should be made, either fuUy, or on a composition made voluntarily, and without extwtion on their part, to all those persons to whom he was, by contract, extortion, fraud, or any other mode, indebted. Such was the most beseeming end of this worldly prince, a better than which could not be hoped for or conceived, after the manifestation by him of so large a «hare of the frailties inherent to the lot of mankind. Hence, too, very strong hopes were afforded to all his faithfdl servants, that he would not fail to receive the reward of et€gmal salvation. For after, like Zaccheus, he had expressed his wish that one half of his goods should he given unto the poor, and that if he had defrauded any one of aught, the same should be returned to him fourfold ***** there can he no dout that, through this intention on his part, salvation was wrought for his soul, hecause he was a son of Ahraham, predestined to the light which God had formerly promised unto Ahraham and his seed. Eor we read that it was not the works of Zaccheus which Christ regarded, but his intentions. Probably, however, this intention on the part of Zaccheus, though he was not then on a bed of sickness, was afterwards carried out; while the king, fully deserving the reward of these his good intentions, was carried off immediately [perhaps] in order that evil thoughts, supplanting them, might not change his designs.

I shall here be silent upon the circumstance which might have been mentioned above, in a more befitting place, that men of every rank, condition, and degree of experience, throughout the kingdom, wondered that a man of such corpulence, and so fond of boon companionship, vanities, debauchery, extravagance, and sensual enjoyments, should have had a memory so retentive, in all respects, that the names and estates used to recur to him, just as though he had been in the habit of seeing them daily, of nearly all the persons dispersed throughout the counties of this kingdom; and this even, if, in the districts in which they lived, they held the rank only of a private gentleman. Long before his illness he had made his will, at very considerable length, having abundant means to satisfy it; and had, after mature deliberation, appointed therein many persons to act as his executors, and carry out his wishes. On his death-bed he added some codicils thereto; but what a sad and unhappy result befell all these wise dispositions of his, the ensuing tragedy will more folly disclose.

After 09 Apr 1483. For while the coimcillors of the king, now deceased, were present with the queen at Westminster, and were naming a certain day, on which the eldest son of king Edward, (who at this time was in Wales), should repair to London for the ceremonial of his coronation, there were various contentions among some of them, what number of men should be deemed a sufficient escort for a prince of such tender years, to accompany tim upon his journey. Some were for limiting a greater, some a smaller number, while others again, leaving it to the inclination of him who was above all laws¹ would have it to consist of whatever number his faithful subjects should think fit to summon. Still, the ground of these differences was the same in each case; it being the most ardent desire of all who were present, that this prince should succeed his father in all his glory. The more prudent members of the council, however, were of opinion that the guardianship of so youthful a person, until he should reach the years of maturity, ought to be utterly forbidden to his uncles and brothers by the mother's side. This, however, they were of opinion, could not be so easily brought about, if it should be allowed those of the queen's relatives who held the chief places about the prince, to bring him up for the solemnization of the coronation, without an escort of a moderate number of horse. The advice.... of the Lord Hastings (age 52), the Captain of Calais, at last prevailed; who declared that he himself would fiy thither with all speed, rather than await the arrival of the new king, if he did not come attended by a moderate escort. For he was afraid lest, if the supreme power should fall into the hands of the queen's relations, they would exact a most signal vengeance for the injuries which had been formerly inflicted on them by that same lord; in consequence of which, there had long existed extreme ill-will between the said lord Hastiogs and them. The queen most beneficently tried to extinguish every spark of murmuring and disturbance, and wrote to her son, requesting him, on his road to London not to exceed an escort of two thousand men. The same number was also approved of by the before-named lord; for, as it would appear, he felt ftdly assured that the dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham, in whom he placed the greatest confidence, would not bring a smaller number with them.

Note 1. This passage in a corrupt state.

04 May 1483... all were most anxiously awaiting the day of the new king's coronation, which was to be the first Lord's day in the month of May, which fell this year on the fourth day of the said month. In the meantime, the duke of Gloucester wrote the most soothing letters in order to console the queen, with promises that he would shortly arrive, and assurances of all duty, fealty, and due ohedience to his king and lord Edward the Fifth, the eldest son of the deceased king, his brother, and of the queen. Accordingly, on his arrival at York with a becoming retinue, each person being arrayed in mourning, he performed a solenm funeral service for the king, the same being accompanied with plenteous tears. Constraining all the nobility of those parts to take the oath of fealty to the late king's son, he himself was the first of all to take the oath.

The duke of Gloucester, however, who was the ringleader in this outbreak, did not omit or refuse to pay every mark of respect to the king, his nephew, in the way of uncovering the head, bending the knee, or other posture of the body required in a subject. He asserted that hid only care was for the protection of his own person, as he knew for certain that there were men in attendance upon the king who had conspired against both his own honor and his very existence. Thus saying, he caused proclamation to be made, that all the king's attendants should instantly withdraw from the town, and not approach any place to which the king might chance to come, imder penalty of death. These events took place at Stony Stratford on Wednesday, on the last day of April, in the year above-mentioned, being the same in which his father died.

In a few days after this, the before-named dukes escorted the new king to London, there to be received with regal pomp; and, having placed him in the bishop's palace at Saint Paul's, compelled all the lords spiritual and temporal, and the mayor and aldermen of the city of London to the the oath of fealty to the king. This, as being a most encouraging presage of future prosperity, was done by all with the greatest pleasure and delight. A council being now held for several days, a discussion took place in Parliament about removing the king to some place where fewer restrictions should be imposed upon him. Some mentioned the Hospital of Saint John, and some Westminster, but the duke of Buckingham suggested the Tower of London; which was at last agreed to by all, even those who had been originally opposed thereto. Upon this, the duke of Gloucester received the same high office of Protector of the kingdom, which had been formerly given to Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, during the minority of king Henry. He was accordingly invested with thin authority, with the consent and goodwill of all the lords, with power to order and forbid in every matter, just like another king, and according as the necessity of the case should demand. The feast of the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist heing appointed as the day upon which the coronation of the king would take place witiiout fail, all hoth hoped for and expected a season of prosperity for the kingdom. Still however, a circumstance which caused the greatest doubts was the detention of the king's relatives and servants in prison; besides the fact that the Protector did not, with a sufficient degree of considerateness, take meaaures for the preservation of the dignity and safety of the queen.

In the meanwhile, the lord Hastings, who seemed to wish in every way to serve the two dukes and to be desirous of earning their favour, was extremely elated at these changes to which the affairs of this world are so subject, and was in the habit of saying that hitherto nothing whatever had been done except the transferring of the government of the kingdom from two of the queen's blood to two more powerful persons of the king's; and this, too, effected without any slaughter, or indeed causing as much blood to be shed as would be produced by a cut finger. In the course, however, of a very few days after the utterance of these words, this extreme joy of his was supplanted by sorrow. For, the day previously, the Protector had, with singular adroitness, divided the council, so that one part met in the morning at Westminster, and the other at the Tower of London, where the king was.

In the meantime, and while these things were going on, the two sons of king Edward before-named remained in the Tower of London, in the custody of certain persons appointed for that purpose. In order to deliver them from this captivity, the people of the southern and western parts of the kingdom began to murmur greatly, and to form meetings and confederacies. It soon became known that many things were going on in secret, and some in the face of all the world, for the purpose of promoting this object, especially on the part of those who, through fear, had availed themselves of the privileges of sanctuary and franchise³². There was also a report that it had been recommended by those men who had taken refuge in the sanctuaries, that some of the king's daughters should leave Westminster, and go in disguise to the parts beyond sea; in order that, if any fatal mishap should befall the said male children of the late king in the Tower, the kingdom might still, in consequence of the safety of the daughters, some day fall again into the hands of the rightful heirs. On this being discovered, the noble church of the monks at Westminster, and all the neighbouring parts, assumed the appearance of a castle and fortress, while men of the greatest austerity were appointed by king Richard to act as the keepers there-of. The captain and head of these was one John Nesfeld, Esquire, who set a watch upon all the inlets and outlets of the monastery, so that not one of the persons there shut up could go forth, and no one could enter, without his permission.

Note 32. Exemptions from the ordinary jurisdiction.

The whole design of this plot, however, by means of spies, became perfectly well known to king Richard, who, as he exerted himself in the promotion of all his views in no drowsy manner, but with the greatest activity and vigilance, contrived that, throughout Wales, as well as in all parts of the marches thereof, armed men should be set in readiness around the said duke, as soon as ever he had set a foot from his home, to pounce upon all his property; who, accordingly, encouraged by the prospect of the duke's wealth, which the king had, for that purpose, bestowed upon them, were in every way to obstruct his progress. The result was, that, on the side of the castle of Brecknock, which looks towards the interior of Wales, Thomas, the son of the late Sir Roger Vaughan, with the aid of his brethren and kinsmen, most carefully watched the whole of the surrounding country; while Humphrey Stafford partly destroyed the bridges and passes by which England was entered, and kept the other part closed by means of a strong force set there to guard the same.

On the following day, the king proceeded with all his army towards the western parts of the kingdom, where all his enemies had made a stand, with the exception of those who had come from Kent, and were at Guilford, awaiting the issue of events. Proceeding onwards, he arrived at the city of Exeter; upon which, being struck with extreme terror at his approach, Peter Courteney, bishop of Exeter, as well as Thomas, marquis of Dorset, and various other nobles of the adjacent country, who had taken part in the rebellion, repaired to the sea-side; and those among them who could find ships in readiness, embarked, and at length arrived at the wished-for shores of Britany. Others, for a time trusting to the fidelity of friends, and concealing themselves in secret spots, afterwards betook themselves to the protection of holy places.

[10 Nov 483]. While, amid these perplexities, king Richard was in the western parts, intent upon defeating the enemies and rebels, the venerable father, Richard Croyland, abbat of this monastery of Croyland, who had now governed the place most religiously for seven years, changed the restless life of this world for eternal repose, on the tenth day of November in the year of our Lord, 1483, being the first year of the reign of the said king Richard.

Nor ought we to leave to oblivion the virtues and merits of this father, and his remarkable long-suffering, by means of which, as we trust, he has obtained the reward of eternal happiness. His natural disposition was far more inclined to the study and writing of books, than attending to the strifes and tempests of secular occupations; so much so in fact, that some manuscripts in the monastery, which were written at his expense, as well as with his own hand, have greatly increased the library of the place.

Accordingly, our powerful neighbours, not to call them enemies, seeing the simple innocence and the innocent sim-plicity of the man, arose at the same instant on all sides against this model of piety. Some, at least the men of Depyng, assembled together to the number of three hundred men, and making an irruption into the marsh of Goggislound, which un-doubtedly belongs to the demesne of the said monastery, seized the reeds that had been collected by the men and tenants of the monastery, and threw into water or beat with stripes all the people they met. At last, they made an assault upon the vill of Croyland, and caused this most pious father such ex-treme fear that he was obliged to go forth from his chamber, and to descend to the nave of the church, there, with his clement and priestly meekness, to make answer to their im-portunate demands. As it was necessary, in order to avoid an inundation of Hoyland, and especially in the winter, if there happened to be any floods, to cut asunder the embankments of the marsh of Goggislound, (a thing which had been already done once this season, most healthful provision being made thereby for the safety of the district of Hoyland), the officials of Depyng, placing the sickle as it were in the harvest of another, as wickedly as presumptuously imposed insupportable amercements upon the said abbat. They also seized and distrained upon the grain that came from Langtoft and Baston, by the stream which runs from Depyng; besides which, a proof of their extreme cruelty, they wantonly pierced a dog that had been set to watch by the cellarer.... with their arrows.

Nor were there wanting in other quarters ungrateful factions of laymen, (although the same were neighbouring tenants of this place), who in many ways disturbed the quiet of this most excellent father. For, the tenants and parishioners of Whaplode, striving against the power and rights of this monastery, made an attack, with unheard-of violence, upon brother Lambert Fossedyke, the Seneschal of the place, while he was forbidding them to root up the trees which grew in the church-yard; and he was in no small fear for his life, had he not in time taken refuge in the church, or rather the sacristy of the church, and strongly bolted the doors inside.

These however, are but trifling specimens of disturbances in comparison with those which.... William Ramsey, abbat of Peterborough, our too near, I only wish I could say "good," neighbour, caused, with reference to the marsh of Alderlound, and other undoubted lands and rights of this monastery. In these matters, which were long in dispute, you might have seen the lamb contending with the wolf, the mouse with the mouse-catcher. However, as all this dispute was brought to an end by the intervention and arbitration of Thomas Rotherham, late bishop of Lincoln and ordinary of the place, and then archbishop of York, (as, in fact, is very fully set forth in certain letters testimonial relative thereto; from which too it abundantly appears of which party he most consulted the honor and interest), we have thought proper to end our recital of this tragic matter with the end and death of the said father, abbat Richard.

Lambert Fossedyke, a Bachelor of Law, was elected, and succeeded in his stead, on the twelfth day of January, in the first year of the reign of king Richard the Third; which year was reckoned by the church of Rome, in conformity with the mode of computation 3 above stated, as being the year 1484. He was a very religious and discreet man, and, beyond a doubt, would have done and caused to be done many benefits for the monastery, had not God summoned him from this world within so short a space of time; for he did not survive to fill the office of abbat two years.

But let us return, in the meantime, to the events which took place after the flight of the rebels before-mentioned. While the matters which have been mentioned above were going on here and there in the western parts, and the king was still in the said city of Exeter, Henry, earl of Richmond, being unaware of these disturbances, had set sail with certain ships, and arrived with his adherents from Brittany, at the mouth of Plymouth harbour, where he came to anchor, in order to ascertain the real state of affairs. On news being at last brought him of the events which had happened, the death of the duke of Buckingham, and the flight of his own supporters, he at once hoisted sail, and again put to sea.

After these events, the king gradually lessened his army, and dismissing those who had been summoned from the northern borders to take part in the expedition, came to London, having triumphed over his enemies without fighting a battle, but at an expense not less than if the two armies had fought hand to hand. Thus was commenced the waste, in a short time, of those most ample treasures which king Edward supposed he should leave behind him for a quite different purpose. The disturbances last described were prolonged from the middle of October till nearly the end of November, at which time the king, as already stated, returned to London, in the first year of his reign, and in that of the Incarnation of our Lord, 1483.