Letters and Papers 1535. [08 Oct 1535]. 566. You are aware of the quarrel which took place between [her future step-daughter] her and her governess (age 59) when we went to visit her little [her future step-daughter] sister (age 2), and that we have been told how she was put almost by force into her chamber, in order that she should not speak to us, and how it was impossible to appease her and confine her to her chamber till the gentleman conducting us assured her that the King, her father, had commanded him to tell her not to show herself while we were there. You know also the conversations which the same gentleman had with you concerning her, and the charge which the Queen had given him: also that a person has endeavoured to cause her to send her will in writing. If the King (Francis) approved of the marriage it would be to unite two kingdoms, and the King would have the great honor of annexing "les deux Bretagnes" to the French crown. The King has good reason to take the matter up, for the marriage was made by consent of both parents, and half England desires it. If the Pope were advertised of the treaties which the king of England proposes to make with the King, he would suspect that he should lose the money of France, in the same way as he has lost the money of England, if war should take place; and therefore he would induce the Emperor to urge the King (Francis) to accomplish this marriage. I believe the Emperor would help it forward from the love which he bears to his niece. If the Emperor urge Francis the latter can then consult about informing the king of England of the Emperor's intention, and persuading him to consent to it in order to avoid war, seeing that the said Lord (Henry) does not deny that she is his daughter, and knows that the marriage is concluded. If the king of England do not approve because his wife persuades him to the contrary, he will fear to set Francis and the Emperor against himself solely through his affection for his wife, which is less than it has been, and diminishes day by day, because he has new amours (age 26)¹.

Item, to advertise the King of the maladies which are in "la rasse;" and that the Swedes in the King's pay, whom the Lubeckers had drawn into the Danish quarrel, have taken fourteen English ships, among which the Minion of the English king, the mistress of England², has been broken to pieces.

Fr.

*** A translation of this letter is printed by Mr. Froude in his Appendix to "the Pilgrim" (p. 100) as a letter from Dinteville to M. de Tarbes, and dated in Oct. 1534.

Note 1. Margin: "Nota, qu'il ne sera pas paradventure fort malaisé à gaigner le Roy." ie. Note, that it will not be very difficult to win the King. The "new amours" may be a reference to Jane Seymour (age 26).

Note 2. "Entre lesquelles a este mise en pieces la Mignone du Roy d'Angletrerre, qui estoi la maistresse d'Angleterre." ie. Between which was torn into pieces the Mignone of the King of England, the mistress of England. This is a reference to ship rather than a person!

Letters 1536. 21 Apr 1536. 699. Perceiving by this conversation that the King's affection was not sincere, I did not enter further into business, but only asked him if the king of France were to break or attempt to break any other article touching the duke of Gueldres or other matters, whether he would not aid your Majesty according to the treaties. He replied that, so far as he found himself bound, he would acquit himself better than several others had done towards him; and as to the rest, in which he was not bound, he would give satisfaction as occasion was given to him. Returning to the subject of the war against the duke of Savoy, he wished me to understand, notwithstanding that I had told him what you had written to me, that the said war was not against the will of your Majesty, and also that the duke of Savoy had lately offered to come to the court of France, "sur quoy ne resta a luy donner assez raisons a lopposite." After this he called the Chancellor and Cromwell, and made me repeat before them what I had said to him, which I did succinctly, without interruption from him or the others. After which they talked together, while I conversed and made some acquaintance with the [her brother] brother (age 36) of the young lady [Jane Seymour (age 27)] to whom the King is now attached, always keeping an eye upon the gestures of the King and those with him. There seemed to be some dispute and considerable anger, as I thought, between the King and Cromwell; and after a considerable time Cromwell grumbling (recomplant (?) et grondissant) left the conference in the window where the King was, excusing himself that he was so very thirsty (altere) that he was quite exhausted, as he really was with pure vexation (de pur enuyt), and sat down upon a coffer out of sight of the King, where he sent for something to drink. Shortly afterwards the King came out of the conclave, I know not whether to come near me, or to see where Cromwell was. He told me that the matters proposed were so important that without having my propositions in writing he could not communicate them to his Council or make me any reply. I told him that I was not forbidden to do so, but I could not venture, for several reasons, and I thought it a new thing, seeing that hitherto he had not asked anything of me by way of writing, and had never found me variable or vacillating, either now or before, and that I had learned from his ambassadors whom he sent to Bologna to your Majesty to make such refusal, although they had not such good reason for it as I; also I had taken example of Cromwell, who had never given me anything in writing; and if he wished such writing to be assured that there was no dissimulation on your Majesty's part, I would offer my ears, which I would give far more unwillingly than all the writings in the world, if there should be any deceit on the side of your Majesty;—with which conversation, as Cromwell told me afterwards, the King was far better assured than before, taking this offer in good part. Nevertheless, he insisted wonderfully on having the said writing, and said several times very obstinately that he would give no reply. Nevertheless, he did reply, confusedly and in anger, to the following effect:—(1.) The affair of the Pope did not concern your Majesty, if you did not wish to meddle with it to vindicate your authority over the whole world, and if he wished to treat with His Holiness he has means and friends without needing your intercession. (2.) Concerning the Princess she was his daughter, and he would treat her according as she obeyed him or not, and no one else had a right to interfere. (3.) As to the subvention against the Turk, it was necessary first to re-establish old friendship before putting people to expense. (4.) As to the fourth, which was most urgent, and which I have chiefly pressed, he said he would not violate any promise he has made, or refuse the friendship of any one who desired it, provided it was such as was becoming, but that he was no longer a child, and that they must not give him the stick, and then caress him, appealing to him and begging him. In saying this, to show how he was experienced in business, he began playing with his fingers on his knees, and doing as if he were calling a child to pacify it, [and said] that before asking an injured person for favor and aid it was necessary to acknowledge old favors. And on my saying that we had been so long treating of this re-establishment, and I had pressed for an overture of what he wished to be done, but to no purpose, he answered that it was not for him to make an overture, but for those who sought him. I replied that if he who was hurt did not show his wound it was impossible to heal it. He then said he wished your Majesty would write to him, [desiring] that if there had been in the past any ingratitude or error on your part towards him, he would forget it, [and] requesting him to show that the root of old amity is not disturbed. I told him this was not reasonable, and he moderated the proposal, suggesting that you should request him not to speak any more of the past. I said no other letter was needed, because I asked it of him in the name of your Majesty; but he persisted that he must have letters, and it was no use reminding him of what he has several times said to me before, that delay is the ruin of all good works.

Letters 1536. Titus, B. I. 444. B. M. 871. Cromwell's Remembrances.

"First for answer to be made to my lord Lyzle and letters to be written for the expelling of the Emperor's subjects." For answer to the Emperor's ambassador.

Bills be signed for Pylston, Leson, Starkey, my Lord of Sussex, and Robinson, for Bothombar. Folgeambys warrant to be signed. Letters to be written into Ireland, for a motion to be made in the Parliament for the King's great charges. Bills to be signed for Mr. Cofferer and Sir Thomas Wharton. A remembrance that all Mr. Nores' (age 54) patents may be searched out. To remember the Bishop of Llandaff's deliverance; the jewel; Besse Darell; Henry Knyvette's letters to Mr. Weston, and to young Weston's wife; Henry Knyvette's bills for the offices and the annuity. For the things that shall be done in the Parliament. An Act for the attainder of those that be perjured in Yorkshire. To remember the jury in Devonshire; my lady Guldeforde; Dotton and Done for Delamer; Sir [her brother] Edward Seymour (age 36); to call for the evidence of the house at Keyew for my lady Seymour (age 27); the master of the horse; John Parker for the lands of Fulham; Dr. Tregonnell; the Charterhouse in London.

The demesnes of the Holte Castle with the weyr Houke and other pasture in Bromfeld is worth, a year, £19 17s. 9d. The horsemill and the town of the Holte, 33s. 4d. The stewardship of Bromfeld and Yale, £20 The receivership there, £13 6s. 8d. The master forestership, £3 The office of serjeant of peace, £4 The office of improver, 60s. 10d. The keepership of Marsheley Park, 60s. 10d.

Tregyan, £700 Dudeley, £700 Jenney, £666 13s. 4d.—£400 John Williams, £300 The prior of Winchester, £400—£200 Dr. Leyton, £100 —£200 Arthur Darcy, £100 Sir Edward Seymour, £300—200 mks. Sir John Gage, £200—£666 13s. Sir William Gascoyne, £4000 Sir William Berkley, £120.

Sir John Russell, £100 Thomas Wyatt, £100 Karew, Souche, and Rogers, £60 The grower, £40 The Abbot of the Vale Ryall, £200 The prior of Gisborowe, £100 Nicholas Statham, £100 Lady Lucy's executors, £20 Thomas Broke, £100 Pylston, £60 Sir Francis Bygod, £50 Delivered to my Lady Mary, £20 The King's attorney, £66 13s. 4d. Pp. 4. Mostly in Cromwell's hand.

Note 1. The names in this paragraph are written by Cromwell in a column with a certain sum opposite each name in another column to the left, which in most cases is the same as the sum written after the name. Where two amounts are given in this abstract the second is the sum in the left-hand column.

Letters 1536. 19 May 1536. 908. The joy shown by this people every day not only at the ruin of the Concubine (age 35) but at the hope of the Princess' restoration, is inconceivable, but as yet the King shows no great disposition towards the latter; indeed he has twice shown himself obstinate when spoken to on the subject by his Council. I hear that, even before the arrest of the Concubine, the King, speaking with Mistress Jane Semel (age 27) of their future marriage, the latter suggested that the Princess should be replaced in her former position; and the King told her she was a fool, and ought to solicit the advancement of the children they would have between them, and not any others. She replied that in asking for the restoration of the Princess she conceived she was seeking the rest and tranquillity of the King, herself, her future children, and the whole realm; for, without that, neither your Majesty nor this people would ever be content. Will endeavour by all means to make her continue in this vein. Hopes also to go and speak with the King within three days, and with those of the Council in general and particular. Will also get some of the lords spoken with who have been called hither for the Parliament to commence on the 8th proximo. Thinks the Concubine's little bastard will be excluded from the succession, and that the King will get himself requested by Parliament to marry. To cover the affection he has for the said Semel (age 27) he has lodged her seven miles hence in the house of the grand esquire, and says publicly that he has no desire in the world to get married again unless he is constrained by his subjects to do so. Several have already told me, and sent to say that, if it cost them their lives, when Parliament meets they will urge the cause of the Princess to the utmost (il pourteront jusques au boult laffaire de lad. princesse).

The very evening the Concubine (age 35) was brought to the Tower, when the [her illegitimate step-son] Duke of Richmond (age 16) went to say Good night to his father, and ask his blessing after the English custom, the King began to weep, saying that he and his sister, meaning the Princess, were greatly bound to God for having escaped the hands of that accursed whore, who had determined to poison them; from which it is clear that the King knew something about it.

Letters 1536. 06 Jun 1536. On his return from mass I accompanied the King to the chamber of the Queen (age 27), whom, for the King's satisfaction, I kissed, and congratulated her on her marriage, and said that her predecessor had borne the device La plus heureuse, but that she would bear the reality, and that I was sure your Majesty would be immeasurably pleased that the King had found so good and virtuous a wife, especially as her brother had been in your Majesty's service, and the satisfaction of this people with the marriage was incredible, especially at the restoration of the Princess to the King's favor and to her former condition; and, among other congratulations, I told the Queen (age 27) that it was not her least happiness that, without having had the labour of giving birth to her, she had such a daughter as the Princess, of whom she would receive more joy and consolation than of all those she could have herself; and I begged her to favor her interests; which she said she would do, and especially that she would labour to obtain that honorable name I wished for her of "pacific," i.e., of author and conservatrix of the peace. After speaking to the Queen (age 27), the King, who had been talking to the other ladies, approached, and wished to excuse her, saying I was the first ambassador to whom she had spoken, and she was not accustomed to it, that he quite believed she desired to obtain the name of "pacific," for, besides that her nature was gentle and inclined to peace, she would not for the world that he were engaged in war, that she might not be separated from him. After dinner I went to speak with the King in his chamber, and protesting "pour non lui altérer son cerveaul," [so as not to alter his brain] that I would not for the present object to the answers made by Cromwell, I begged him to take in good part that which I should say about the conversations Cromwell and I had had together. He desired that I would speak boldly. And I began to make part of the remonstrances I had made to Cromwell. He replied that it was true that the leagues and confederacies between your Majesty and him are far more ancient and better grounded than those with France; and, that notwithstanding it was true that the cause for which they had been made with France had ceased, he could not on that account fail in the promise he had made, for he was bound to both parties to defend the party attacked, and the French pretended that they were entitled to do what they had done against the duke of Savoy, because he had refused to restore Nice, which was only a surety, without violating the peace, and it was quite another thing to invade one of those comprehended in the peace from what it was to invade the subjects and dominions of a principal con trahent. And he begged your Majesty would look to this, lest by attacking France you might be called the aggressor, and he should be compelled by treaty to defend the party attacked, which would be disagreeable for him. On my showing him the articles in which the French had infringed the peace, he replied, as to Gueldres he was not informed, but he knew that a French gentleman who had been conveying money to Gueldres on the part of Francis had been taken at Brussels, and he did not think your Majesty would pretend a rupture on that account, seeing that you had made no mention of it in your statement at Rome. As to Wirtemberg, he tried to excuse the French, saying the Duke had gone to seek them, and the money the French had delivered was for the purchase of certain lands, and that the Duke was only subject to your Majesty much in the same way as the duke of Savoy. He attaches more importance to what the French have done "en lendroit de loccupateur de Mirandula;" but in the end he gave up almost every point, although he wished somehow to excuse an incursion lately made by the French on the frontiers of Artois, saying it was done by peasants of their own accord. After much talk the King notified to me that it would be necessary, in order to soften both parties, to tell them their wrong and show some "braverie," begging your Majesty to consider the good that would come of a new peace; and instead of commanding, he begged me to do my duty in this matter, not once but at least ten times, saying to me "Monsieur, je vous supplie, considerez, faictez, ecrivez, &c.," [Sir, I beg you, consider, do, write] which was quite extravagant courtesy. At last, seeing that it was no use pressing him to declare himself, I asked him what, in conclusion, I was to write to your Majesty. He replied that I ought to know better than he; but since I asked him he thought I should write that if you were willing that he should mediate this peace he would do it willingly, and would take care to allow no article that was not honorable to your Majesty. I said he ought to bid me write another article, viz., that in case he found the French to be violators of the peace or aggressors, or that they would not agree to a reasonable peace, he should declare himself for your Majesty. He replied cheerfully and distinctly that I might boldly assure your Majesty of it. He did not repeat what he had said before, that it was necessary also that he should use such "braverie" towards your Majesty in case you were wrong, nor that it must be considered if new conditions more unreasonable than the previous were put forward he should consider himself mocked by the parties unless it was owing to expenses since incurred, or a change in the situation. The King having explained to me as above I told him he might hold it certain that he would find all the fault was on the side of the French, as he would see clearly if he would weigh a little what I had said to him. Moreover, the French would never consent to honorable conditions. I therefore begged him to consider from this time about making a new treaty with your Majesty, and that he would declare to me what he would demand on his part in like case. He said to me he had certainly not considered about it, and for the haste of this despatch, as he had not all his council, he could not at present determine, but I might write to your Majesty that I would inform you of everything by the first despatch.

Letters 1536. 06 Jun 1536. R. O. 1074. J. Husee to Lord Lisle (age 72).

I have received your letters of the 2nd and 3rd June. In answer to the first, touching Sir Richard Whethill, Mr. Prysley this night delivered him your letter, and declared your pleasure, to which he only hummed and hawed, but at last said he had made many friends; so that apparently he means to persevere in his malicious suit. Mr. Prisley, however, still hopes he will take further advisement. The negligence about your Lordship's hosen was owing to my bedfellow Fyssher, who would not suffer me to send them by any other than himself. He deserves to sit three days in the stocks for it, but it rests with your Lordship to qualify the punishment. As for the parson of St. Martin's, I stayed 40s. in my hands for the tenth, before your Lordship's letter came to hand. As to your other letter I shall deliver Mr. Hennage your Lordship's letter, and motion him of my lady's daughter. As to the nomination of an abbey, I wrote by Petley, and will make further search. When I have set these matters in frame I will follow your affairs in Hampshire. The proxy I shall deliver the second day of the Parliament, as the custom is. Snowden is a diligent waiter, but Mr. Treasurer (age 46) has not yet motioned the King in his cause. I hope he will be earnest when he begins. As for the Marsh, though the matter has been taken by Water's information not after the true meaning, Mr. Secretary says the letter I send with this is wholly the King's pleasure, and will satisfy you. Wriothesley had this letter five days, and never told me till today at Court, but delivered it to me this night at Stepney. Mr. Secretary was not a little displeased at this, but in truth Wriothesley favored the party, or he would not have kept it. If you send lord Dawbny a piece of wine it would do no harm. As to my check, your Lordship's letter to Mr. Treasurer (age 46) will ease it. I will certify Mrs. Medcalff of your pleasure touching Lyssle: You will receive a letter of the King's for Peretrey's pardon along with this other letter of the King's sent herewith. Remember Mr. Secretary's wine. I cannot yet know what answer the King made him touching your suit. The Queen's (age 27) [her brother] brother (age 36) is today created Viscount Beauchamp. London, 6 June.

Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.

Letters 1536. 06 Jun 1536On Whitsun eve, in the morning, Cromwell came to see me at my lodging, although I had sent to request him to wait for me at his own, and first told me, pour joyeuse entrée, that the King and the new Queen (age 27) were wonderfully well pleased with the wise and prudent letters the [her step-daughter] Princess (age 20) had written (in which, nevertheless, there was nothing corresponding to the draft abovementioned, nor anything that could prejudice her), and that the King was resolved to make her his heir, which he supposed to be one of the principal articles of my charge on which the rest depended. Now, it is true that I had perceived some indications that there was a proposal to declare the Princess (age 20) heir without giving her the title of Princess, and she will remain excluded in case of a son or daughter being born. If this be so, and I see an opportunity to remedy it, I will speak about the subject. If not, I will not stick at it much, hoping that by the establishment of peace and augmentation of amity, with the great prudence and virtue the King will perceive in her, that she will be declared true and just princess,—although, according to the opinion of many, there is no fear of the occurrence of any issue of either sex. Coming to the principal subject, Cromwell said that he had repeated to the King his master the communications we had had together, and the King had given him patient audience, well noting and considering everything, and that he had since heard the French ambassadors, to whom he had made a brusque reply, first as to the marriage of the Dauphin with the Princess, that he knew not why they urged it, as at the meeting at Calais he had resolutely replied about it to the king of France, his brother, and as to the duke of Angoulême he was too young for the said Princess, who was of marriageable age. As to declaring himself against your Majesty, he saw no ground for it, and though they said that your Majesty had been and was his enemy, he did not see it; he had much greater occasion to complain of several who had called themselves his friends, and he could very well testify what they had done about the "privation" and other things; and as to the danger which they alleged to him, which was the sole motive they made use of, that your Majesty aspired to universal monarchy, and that you were revengeful of injuries—that the English, after feasting France, would have their St. Martin—there was not the slightest fear, for they knew the nature of your Majesty, and for other good reasons besides. As to assisting them with a contribution for the war, he also declined it for the same reason. As to the suggestion that he should take this affair in hand in order to bring to agreement your Majesty and the King their master, and that he would write to your Majesty to procure an abstinence of war while they were treating of peace, he replied that it was not reasonable that he should write such letters, for several reasons, especially as the amity between your Majesty and him was not well consolidated, but he would request me to write with diligence to your Majesty to consent, notwithstanding past matters, to an honorable peace, and used such arguments with me as he thought fit. But, considering everything, he had very little occasion to meddle with such matters, seeing that they had turned about on all sides in their negociations, even to his disadvantage, employing therein his principal enemy, the Pope, and without informing him of anything important, except at the end when the matter came to be broken off. For a compliment, they had asked him how he would be comprehended in the peace, in which matter your Majesty had acted more honorably and cordially, having told him by me that it was in his power to be the principal contrahent, and to comprehend those whom he pleased. At which words Cromwell said the King showed great delight, saying further, that the French, after so much trifling and making a thousand offers, which he repeated to the ambassadors, especially those that the cardinal of Lorraine had made to your Majesty, and seeing themselves deserted by everybody and in great danger of being completely baffled, now came to him and tried to make him stumble with them in the ditch into which they had blindly precipitated themselves, and that it was no wonder their affairs went so badly, considering the envy and dissension between the Grand Master and the Admiral, who were chief of the Council, and that they need not have made so much boast hitherto to lower their ears immediately after, and that your Majesty managed your affairs more honorably without so much fuss, and yet showed clearly that you were not in such need and poverty as the French had pretended. And here the King inveighed strongly against the cruel enterprise of the French against the duke of Savoy. Such was, as Cromwell affirmed, the King's reply to the French ambassadors, which he ended by telling them that if their master wished him to promote this peace, they must put aside passion and cupidity and submit to reason; which, in his opinion, suggested that a king of France should be satisfied with such a wealthy kingdom, without irritating the flies by which he might be provoked. And he desired that the ambassadors should write with diligence to learn the will of the King their master upon this matter, and have it set forth in articles.

Letters 1536. 08 Jun 1536. Statute Roll. 1087. Parliament.

Begun at Westminster 8 June 28 Henry VIII., Acts concerning:—

1. The attainder of Thomas Fitzgerald and his five uncles [c. 18].

2. Assurance of the manor of Southwark to the King [c. 19].

3. Jointure of Dame Grace, wife of Sir Henry Parker, son and heir to Henry lord Morley [c. 20].

4. Exchange between the King and the prior of St. Johns [c. 21].

5. Lands belonging to the earldom of Warwick [c. 22].

6. Pension to Robert Shurborn late Bishop of Chichester [c. 23].

7. Attainder of lord Thomas Howard [c. 24].

8. Assurance of lands to [her brother] Viscount Beauchamp (age 36) [c. 25].

9. Assurance of lands in Kew to Viscount Beauchamp (age 36) and lady Anne (age 39) his wife [c. 26].

10. Church of Elsingspittle to be the parish church of St. Alphes, Cripplegate [c. 27].

11. Moiety of Ricard's Castle assured to John Onley [c. 28].

12. Exchange with the Abbot of Westminster for Covent Garden [c. 29].

13. Purchase of Stanton Barry from Thomas Pope [c. 30].

14. Enlargement of St. Margaret's churchyard, Southwark [c. 31].

15. Lands at Westminster conveyed to the King by the churchwardens of St. Martin's and St. Margaret's [c. 32].

16. Durham Place conveyed to the King by exchange [c. 33].

17. Baynard's Castle assured to the [her illegitimate step-son] Duke of Richmond (age 16) [c. 34].

18. Exchange with lord Sandes [c. 35].

19. Award between Sir Adrian Fortescue and Sir Walter Stoner [c. 36].

20. Jointure of Dorothy, daughter to the Earl of Huntingdon, to be married to Richard Devereux, son of lord Ferrers [c. 37].

20a. Assurance of Paris Garden, &c. to the Queen [c. 38].

21. Earldom of March [c. 39].

22. Lands assured to Edward North [c. 40].

23. Manor of Birmingham assured to the King [c. 41].

24. Exchange with the Abbot of Abingdon [c. 42].

25. Lands assured to Thomas Jermyn [c. 43].

26. Manor of Haselyngfeld assured to the Charter House [c. 44].

27. The Queen's (age 27) jointure [c. 45].

28. Lands assured to Thomas Hatclyff, clerk of the Green Cloth [c. 46].

29. Lands assured to John Gostwyke [c. 47].

30. Concerning a marriage to be had between Lord Bulbeke (age 20), son and heir apparent to the Earl of Oxford (age 65), and Dorothy, eldest daughter of the Earl of Westmoreland (age 38) [c. 48].

31. Exchange of Covent Garden with the abbot and convent of Westmoreland [c. 49].

32. Exchange between the King, the archbishop of Canterbury, and Cromwell (Wimbledon, Mortlake, &c.) [c. 50].

33. Jointure of Catharine Duchess of Suffolk (age 17) [c. 51].

34. Lands of Lord Rochford (deceased), Norris (deceased), and others [c. 52].

35. Benefit of clergy restricted [c. 1].

36. Against servants embezzling [c. 2].

37. Power to allot townships in Wales [c. 3].

38. Repeal of statute for dowlas and lokerams [c. 4].

39. For prentices [c. 5].

40. For continuing the Statute of Beggars and other Acts [c. 6].

41. The Succession [c. 7].

42. For continuing statutes against exportation of copper, &c. [c. 8].

43. For continuing statutes against perjury and others [c. 9].

44. For extinguishing the authority of the Bishop of Rome [c. 10].

45. For restitution of first-fruits during vacancies to next incumbent [c. 11].

46. Declaring the limits of the King's palace of Westminster [c. 12].

47. Against non-residence of spiritual persons [c. 13].

48. Prices of wines [c. 14].

49. Punishment of pirates [c. 15].

50. Dispensations from Rome [c. 16].

51. The King's successors when 24 years of age to have power to annul Acts of Parliament made during their minority [c. 51].

Letters 1536. 17 Jun 1536. Vienna Archives. 1161. Charles V. to [Chapuys].

Since our last written from this place we received letters by one of the servants of Viscount Hannaert, in which he writes that Francis has declared to him that he would no longer have an ambassador there from us, and intended immediately to recall his own resident with us. In this, as in other things, he shows the perverse inclination he always had for war, which he has re-commenced, and that it was against us. Today we will give his own ambassador congé as soon as he asks for it. Our ambassador has also informed us that he had lately had some communication with the English ambassador in France, who intimated that if we invaded France the king of England would be bound by treaty to assist in its defence. As this may have been said by information which he had from the King his master, and in any case the French will probably put it forward, you will endeavour to find out on this point from Cromwell and others the inclination of the king of England, and when you find it advisable point out that the King cannot aid the king of France, but is expressly bound to declare himself on our side against France by the reasons which we have already written to you, especially in our letters from Gaeta of 18 March, to which we can only add what has since taken place,—Francis having re-commenced open war, not only against the duke of Savoy, a vassal of the empire and our ally comprehended in the treaties of Madrid and Cambray, but directly against ourselves, as he has plainly declared and written almost everywhere in Christendom, and has expressly told Hannaert and others that he meant to have Milan either by consent or by force. He still holds all that he has taken from the duke of Savoy, and as abovesaid has dismissed my ambassador Hannaert, declaring expressly thereby that he is at war with us, although we have never till now made any attempt against his kingdom, and we cannot think that the king of England, with his great wisdom and virtue, does not see clearly that we have been provoked and compelled to this war, and that we have the right of those who defend themselves to pursue an enemy as far as they can, and that the king of England is fully bound to assist us against him. We desire you to put these points forward, either that the King may declare himself on our side if you think good, or if not, at least that he remain neutral, although in this latter case he will do us manifest wrong. As we know not whether what we have written to you since the death of Anne Boleyn will have rendered the King better disposed to the re-establishment of our friendship, we cannot write more except to leave this to your discretion; and if the King has married Mrs. Semel [Queen Jane Seymour (age 27)], as you wrote last to Granvelle, which is confirmed from France, you will not forbear to see if the said renewal of amity can be arrived at, and you will conduct yourself towards the said Semel as you think most conducive to this object and to the weal of our cousin the Princess. Asti, 17 June 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.

Letters 1536. 24 Jun 1536. R. O. 1193. John Husee to Lady Lisle (age 42).

Has this day received her letter by Corbet, and with it £4, which he has delivered to Basset, "who is now, lauded be God, merry and in good health at Lincoln's Inn." This will pay all his debts and what he has borrowed for his commons. "And it is not to be doubted but he will be husband good enough, for he is both discreet, sober, and wise, and not too liberal in spending." Can keep nothing secret from her ladyship. Finds that Basset has not been half so well treated as he was at Mr. Danastre's, "but hath been grontyd and grudgid at, and laid in a worse lodging than he was wont to be." Finds he has no mind to return thither "by reason of a dunne cowe that is in the house, by whom he hath had five or six calves, so that she thought all too much that was set before him, and would have Mr. Danastre spare for to bring up her calves. God send them good weaning! But I had little thought Mr. Danastre had been a man of so vile and dissimuling a nature," else he should not have been so fat fed. Hopes to get "him" (Basset) an honest lodging within seven miles of London against the vacation, but Mr. Skerne and his wife have shown themselves at all times to be one manner of people. Will learn of my lady Sarum the Queen's (age 27) pleasure about your coming over to the coronation. Will do all he can about Hide for my lord and my lady's profit. As to your ladyship's daughter, you will receive herewith my lord Montague's letter showing both my lady's and his meaning. My lord said the Queen had appointed all her maidens already, and that on the next vacancy he would get my lady to do her best for your daughter's preferment. This was all his answer. Mentioned the matter to Lady Rutland (age 41), Mrs. Margery, and Mrs. Arundell, but is sure no one moved it except lady Sarum and Mr. Hennage. Did not press [her brother] Lord Beauchamp (age 36), who would scarce give him a hearing. Will show Mr. Hennage that Mrs. Catharine is of sufficient age. Will work by Mrs. Margery's counsel and Mrs. Goldyng's if he find her friendly. Is sorry Skutt has disappointed her about her gown. He promised repeatedly it should be made like the Queen's gowns. Is sure the "velot" (velvet) will be found satisfactory. God have mercy on Mr. Norres's (deceased) soul! for my lord may say he lost a friend. Hopes, however, his new friends will be good at length. Begs that William Sendy, Lady Lisle (age 42)'s man, may have the profits of making the passports. Has delivered the hogshead for lord Daubeney to Thomas Seller, who has cellared it till he know my lord's pleasure. Has written to lord Daubeney about it, and about the quails sent by my lady, which were given to his friends as he was so far off. Seller said he would undertake to redeem Bekonholt Wood for £40, or that if you would write to Mr. Hatche that my lord Dawbny should do his pleasure with Waram Wood, Bekonholt might be allowed to stand without money. Geofford is in town. Will speak with him in the morning. London, 24 June.

If her ladyship would send the Queen her bird and her dog, thinks they would be well received. Hol., pp. 4. Add.

Letters 1536. 26 Jun 1536. Vatican Archives. 1212. Bishop of Faenza (age 36) to [M. Ambrogio?].

Is informed by the English ambassadors that the Parliament was to end this month, in which it was expected that the [her step-daughter] true daughter (age 20) would be declared Princess, because the King was much softened, besides that she had powerful friends in Norfolk, Cromwell and others, and that she herself is universally loved; and it was hoped that after this would follow the King's return to the Church, though they have some fear of his avarice. The French are doing their best to bring him back, and their ambassador there gives me to understand he has good hope for it. This last wife [Queen Jane Seymour (age 27)] is said to be much loved by the subjects, both because she is very gentle and good, and because she has five times thrown herself publicly at the King's feet, requesting him to send for his daughter and declare her Princess (age 20), a thing which has greatly moved the people. The ambassador Valo (Wallop) informs me that Reginald Pole at Padua, having been several times requested by his King to return, and having always replied that he would not come till the King had returned to the obedience of the Church, the King at last, eight months ago, desired him to write what he thought on such matters, especially de potestate Pontificis, and he has now sent him a book so much in favor of the Holy See, "che beato quel Re se lo gustara." The King now shows great tokens of kindness to his daughter. On the return of her governess to Court (who, they say, is Pole's mother), it being supposed that the Princess (age 20) was in her company, a crowd with 4,000 or 5,000 horses ran to meet her. The King, not knowing the cause, asked, "Why so many people?" and being told it was to see the Princess (age 20), answered that she was not there, but would soon come and they might see her.

Marseilles is strongly fortified; 25 well appointed galleys were in the port. They say the Emperor will not come into Provence. The Imperial ambassador, who was here, has intimated that if some one were sent to the Emperor for a forty days truce, matters might be accommodated; but here they will not trust the Emperor. It is clear they are sanguine of success. The English are beginning to make their meaning understood, and as to keeping the agreement say that they will not fail to do so, that King promising to go in person against the Emperor if the latter attack France. The Grand Master says it would have been worth 500,000 scudi to them if that King had not shown himself so dissatisfied with their adhesion to the Holy See. He expressed great devotion and respect for His Holiness, as also did the cardinal of Lorraine, who has lately returned from Rome.

The marriage of the king of Scots, which was considered as accomplished, is not yet so, but is very near it. The Admiral is in disgrace with the King, speaks little to him, and never comes when called to important business, but only Lorraine and the Grand Master. Every morning the Queen of Navarre proposes to go to Burgundy, but everyone opposes it. She is never likely to have again a third of her former influence.

Ital. Three modern extracts, pp. 5. Headed: Di Mons. di Faenza (age 36) de 26 di Giugno 1536 da Leon.

Add. MS. 8,715, f. 261. B. M. 2. Modern copy of the preceding letter. Pp. 8.

Letters 1536. 30 Jun 1536. Vienna Archives. 1227. Charles V. to Chapuys.

Has received his letters of the 6th by his man George. Is much pleased with his conduct to the king of England, his ministers, and the new Queen (age 27), and with his good advice to the Princess [Mary].

As to the principal point, the persistence of the King and Cromwell that he should persuade the Emperor to make peace, nothing could justify the Emperor's conduct better than his answer, to show the French king's obstinacy in refusing his offers, especially that of Milan for the duke of Angoulême, which, in the answer he has sent to Rome, he insists upon having for the duke of Orleans. He also refuses to restore what he has taken from the duke of Savoy, and has gone on from bad to worse, even to a war against the Emperor, whose ambassador he has dismissed, while he has invaded the Low Countries. Does not think the mediation of the king of England, or of any one else, is any good, nor does he see how he can now listen to the proposals. Is pleased with the ambassador's telling Henry that the only method to bring Francis to reason is for him to declare himself openly on the Emperor's side. Gives him arguments to use to the King and Cromwell for this purpose, referring to his letters from Gaeta and Asti. Sends a copy of a letter which he writes to the King, and a new power. His letters from Gaeta will serve for instructions.

If the King insists on no peace being made with France unless he gets his claim, according to previous agreement between him and the Emperor, the ambassador must first find out Henry's intention about the declaration and the assistance which he will give, and whether there is any appearance of his procuring any money for the enterprise. If he really intends to give good aid, the ambassador may promise that the Emperor will not make peace without his intervention and without regard to his honor and the weal of his kingdom. If he wants more security he may take time to consult the Emperor, or, if the King will not wait, he may treat on the lines of the old treaties, binding the Emperor as little as possible. If there is no hope of his assisting, the ambassador must procure his neutrality.

Nothing must be treated or promised which is directly or indirectly against the Pope or his authority, or to the prejudice of the Council. If he cannot induce the King to return to his obedience to the Holy See, or remit his differences with the Pope to the Emperor and to the Council, no treaty must be entered into, but the matter must be discussed in a friendly way to gain time and see how our enterprise succeeds.

The ambassador has done well in telling the king of England and his ministers what the Emperor wrote about the marriage of the said King with the infanta of Portugal, daughter of the Queen of France our sister, though there is no chance of it taking effect, as the King will have seen the Emperor's good will by it.

Is desirous of the marriage between Don Luys of Portugal and the Princess. It would be a means to reduce the King to obedience to the Church and the Emperor's friendship. In this case it would be important for the Princess to be declared heiress, at least in case of no male heirs. Has some hopes of this from the demonstration lately made by the King, the Queen's goodwill to her, and the words of Cromwell. In any case the King cannot prejudice her rights. If he will not make this declaration, the ambassador must find out what portion he will give her in ready money and in the future, and promise that the Emperor will do the best he can for the good of both parties and to content the King.

Finally, he is to do his best to get the King of England to declare himself against France and assist the Emperor with money, for it is too late to get men from him, and would do no good, and also to treat the said marriage if it can be accomplished. If not, or if the King demands exorbitant terms, he must negociate at least to prevent his aiding France.

Thinks it unnecessary to send any other personage to England; he has so much confidence in Chapuys, and it is so important in the first place to know how far the King's friendship is to be depended upon. If there were sufficient grounds to treat, would send some one either from here or Flanders. Desires to know what chances there are of the match with Portugal. Approves of his visiting the new Queen and commending to her the interests of the Princess. He may further declare the Emperor's pleasure on hearing of her marriage and of her goodwill to the Princess. Savillan in Piedmont, 30 June 1536.

Fr. From a modern copy, pp. 6.