Biography of Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670

On 04 Apr 1588 [his grandfather] Frederick II King Denmark 1534-1588 (53) died. His son [his father] Christian IV King Denmark 1577-1648 (10) succeeded IV King Denmark.

On 18 Mar 1609 Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 was born to [his father] Christian IV King Denmark 1577-1648 (31).

On 12 Apr 1641 George Hanover Duke Brunswick Lüneburg 1582-1641 (59) died. His son [his future brother-in-law] Christian Ludwig Hanover Duke Brunswick Lüneburg 1622-1665 (19) succeeded Duke Brunswick Lüneburg.

In 1643 Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (33) and [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (14) were married.

On 15 Apr 1646 [his son] Christian V King Denmark and Norway 1646-1699 was born to Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (37) and [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (18).

On 01 Sep 1647 [his daughter] Anna Sophie Oldenburg 1647-1717 was born to Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (38) and [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (19).

On 28 Feb 1648 [his father] Christian IV King Denmark 1577-1648 (70) died. His son Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (38) succeeded III King Denmark. [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (19) by marriage Queen Consort Denmark.

On 11 Apr 1649 [his daughter] Frederica Amalia Oldenburg 1649-1704 was born to Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (40) and [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (21).

On 21 Jun 1650 [his daughter] Wilhelmina Ernestina Oldenburg 1650-1706 was born to Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (41) and [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (22).

On 11 Oct 1651 [his son] Frederick Oldenburg 1651-1652 was born to Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (42) and [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (23).

On 02 Apr 1653 [his son] Prince George of Denmark 1st Duke Cumberland 1653-1708 was born to Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (44) and [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (25) at Copenhagen Castle.

Before 28 Oct 1708 John Closterman Painter 1660-1711. Portrait of Prince George of Denmark 1st Duke Cumberland 1653-1708.Around 1705. Michael Dahl Painter 1659-1743. Portrait of Prince George of Denmark 1st Duke Cumberland 1653-1708. Walmer Castle.

On 11 Sep 1656 [his daughter] Ulrika Eleonora Oldenburg 1656-1693 was born to Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (47) and [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (28).

On 16 Nov 1657 [his daughter] Dorothea Oldenburg 1657-1658 was born to Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (48) and [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (29).

On 30 Sep 1658 [his brother-in-law] Ernest Augustus Hanover Elector Brunswick Lüneburg 1629-1698 (28) and Sophia Palatinate Simmern 1630-1714 (27) were married. She a granddaughter of James I King England and Ireland VI King Scotland 1566-1625.

In 1651 Gerrit van Honthorst Painter 1592-1656. Portrait of Sophia Palatinate Simmern 1630-1714.

In 1665 [his brother-in-law] Christian Ludwig Hanover Duke Brunswick Lüneburg 1622-1665 (43) died. His brother [his brother-in-law] George Wilhelm Hanover Duke Brunswick Lüneburg 1624-1705 (40) succeeded Duke Brunswick Lüneburg.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 18 September 1665. 18 Sep 1665. By break of day we come to within sight of the fleete, which was a very fine thing to behold, being above 100 ships, great and small; with the flag-ships of each squadron, distinguished by their several flags on their main, fore, or mizen masts. Among others, the Soveraigne, Charles, and Prince; in the last of which my Lord Sandwich (40) was. When we called by her side his Lordshipp was not stirring, so we come to anchor a little below his ship, thinking to have rowed on board him, but the wind and tide was so strong against us that we could not get up to him, no, though rowed by a boat of the Prince's that come to us to tow us up; at last however he brought us within a little way, and then they flung out a rope to us from the Prince and so come on board, but with great trouble and tune and patience, it being very cold; we find my Lord newly up in his night-gown very well. He received us kindly; telling us the state of the fleet, lacking provisions, having no beer at all, nor have had most of them these three weeks or month, and but few days' dry provisions. And indeed he tells us that he believes no fleete was ever set to sea in so ill condition of provision, as this was when it went out last. He did inform us in the business of Bergen1, so as to let us see how the judgment of the world is not to be depended on in things they know not; it being a place just wide enough, and not so much hardly, for ships to go through to it, the yardarmes sticking in the very rocks. He do not, upon his best enquiry, find reason to except against any part of the management of the business by Teddiman; he having staid treating no longer than during the night, whiles he was fitting himself to fight, bringing his ship a-breast, and not a quarter of an hour longer (as is said); nor could more ships have been brought to play, as is thought. Nor could men be landed, there being 10,000 men effectively always in armes of the Danes; nor, says he, could we expect more from the Dane than he did, it being impossible to set fire on the ships but it must burn the towne. But that wherein the Dane did amisse is, that he did assist them, the Dutch, all the while, while he was treating with us, while he should have been neutrall to us both. But, however, he did demand but the treaty of us; which is, that we should not come with more than five ships. A flag of truce is said, and confessed by my Lord, that he believes it was hung out; but while they did hang it out, they did shoot at us; so that it was not either seen perhaps, or fit to cease upon sight of it, while they continued actually in action against us. But the main thing my Lord wonders at, and condemns the Dane for, is, that the blockhead (56), who is so much in debt to the Hollander, having now a treasure more by much than all his Crowne was worth, and that which would for ever have beggared the Hollanders, should not take this time to break with the Hollander, and, thereby paid his debt which must have been forgiven him, and got the greatest treasure into his hands that ever was together in the world.
By and by my Lord took me aside to discourse of his private matters, who was very free with me touching the ill condition of the fleete that it hath been in, and the good fortune that he hath had, and nothing else that these prizes are to be imputed to. He also talked with me about Mr. Coventry's (37) dealing with him in sending Sir W. Pen (44) away before him, which was not fair nor kind; but that he hath mastered and cajoled Sir W. Pen (44), that he hath been able to do, nothing in the fleete, but been obedient to him; but withal tells me he is a man that is but of very mean parts, and a fellow not to be lived with, so false and base he is; which I know well enough to be very true, and did, as I had formerly done, give my Lord my knowledge of him.
By and by was called a Council of Warr on board, when come Sir W. Pen (44) there, and Sir Christopher Mings (39), Sir Edward Spragg (45), Sir Jos. Jordan, Sir Thomas Teddiman, and Sir Roger Cuttance, and so the necessity of the fleete for victuals, clothes, and money was discoursed, but by the discourse there of all but my Lord, that is to say, the counterfeit grave nonsense of Sir W. Pen (44) and the poor mean discourse of the rest, methinks I saw how the government and management of the greatest business of the three nations is committed to very ordinary heads, saving my Lord, and in effect is only upon him, who is able to do what he pleases with them, they not having the meanest degree of reason to be able to oppose anything that he says, and so I fear it is ordered but like all the rest of the King's publique affayres.
The council being up they most of them went away, only Sir W. Pen (44) who staid to dine there and did so, but the wind being high the ship (though the motion of it was hardly discernible to the eye) did make me sick, so as I could not eat any thing almost.
After dinner Cocke (48) did pray me to helpe him to £500 of W. How, who is deputy Treasurer, wherein my Lord Bruncker (45) and I am to be concerned and I did aske it my Lord, and he did consent to have us furnished with £500, and I did get it paid to Sir Roger Cuttance and Mr. Pierce in part for above £1000 worth of goods, Mace, Nutmegs, Cynamon, and Cloves, and he tells us we may hope to get £1500 by it, which God send! Great spoil, I hear, there hath been of the two East India ships, and that yet they will come in to the King (35) very rich: so that I hope this journey will be worth £100 to me2.
After having paid this money, we took leave of my Lord and so to our Yacht again, having seen many of my friends there. Among others I hear that W. Howe will grow very rich by this last business and grows very proud and insolent by it; but it is what I ever expected. I hear by every body how much my poor Lord of Sandwich was concerned for me during my silence a while, lest I had been dead of the plague in this sickly time. No sooner come into the yacht, though overjoyed with the good work we have done to-day, but I was overcome with sea sickness so that I begun to spue soundly, and so continued a good while, till at last I went into the cabbin and shutting my eyes my trouble did cease that I fell asleep, which continued till we come into Chatham river where the water was smooth, and then I rose and was very well, and the tide coming to be against us we did land before we come to Chatham and walked a mile, having very good discourse by the way, it being dark and it beginning to rain just as we got thither. At Commissioner Pett's (55) we did eat and drink very well and very merry we were, and about 10 at night, it being moonshine and very cold, we set out, his coach carrying us, and so all night travelled to Greenwich, we sometimes sleeping a little and then talking and laughing by the way, and with much pleasure, but that it was very horrible cold, that I was afeard of an ague.
A pretty passage was that the coach stood of a sudden and the coachman come down and the horses stirring, he cried, Hold! which waked me, and the coach[man] standing at the boote to [do] something or other and crying, Hold! I did wake of a sudden and not knowing who he was, nor thinking of the coachman between sleeping and waking I did take up the heart to take him by the shoulder, thinking verily he had been a thief. But when I waked I found my cowardly heart to discover a fear within me and that I should never have done it if I had been awake.
Note 1. Lord Sandwich (40) was not so successful in convincing other people as to the propriety of his conduct at Bergen as he was with Pepys.
Note 2. There is a shorthand journal of proceedings relating to Pepys's purchase of some East India prize goods among the Rawlinson MSS. in the Bodleian Library.

Read More ...

Diary of Samuel Pepys 01 November 1665. 01 Nov 1665. Lay very long in bed discoursing with Mr. Hill (35) of most things of a man's life, and how little merit do prevail in the world, but only favour; and that, for myself, chance without merit brought me in; and that diligence only keeps me so, and will, living as I do among so many lazy people that the diligent man becomes necessary, that they cannot do anything without him, and so told him of my late business of the victualling, and what cares I am in to keepe myself having to do with people of so different factions at Court, and yet must be fair with them all, which was very pleasant discourse for me to tell, as well as he seemed to take it, for him to hear.
At last up, and it being a very foule day for raine and a hideous wind, yet having promised I would go by water to Erith, and bearing sayle was in danger of oversetting, but ordered them take down their sayle, and so cold and wet got thither, as they had ended their dinner. How[ever], I dined well, and after dinner all on shore, my Lord Bruncker (45) with us to Mrs. Williams's lodgings, and Sir W. Batten (64), Sir Edmund Pooly (46), and others; and there, it being my Lord's birth-day, had every one a green riband tied in our hats very foolishly; and methinks mighty disgracefully for my Lord to have his folly so open to all the world with this woman.
But by and by Sir W. Batten (64) and I took coach, and home to Boreman, and so going home by the backside I saw Captain Cocke (48) 'lighting out of his coach (having been at Erith also with her but not on board) and so he would come along with me to my lodging, and there sat and supped and talked with us, but we were angry a little a while about our message to him the other day about bidding him keepe from the office or his owne office, because of his black dying. I owned it and the reason of it, and would have been glad he had been out of the house, but I could not bid him go, and so supped, and after much other talke of the sad condition and state of the King's matters we broke up, and my friend and I to bed.
This night coming with Sir W. Batten (64) into Greenwich we called upon Coll. Cleggatt, who tells us for certaine that the King of Denmark (56) hath declared to stand for the King of England (35), but since I hear it is wholly false.

Read More ...

Before 1666 [his brother-in-law] George Wilhelm Hanover Duke Brunswick Lüneburg 1624-1705 and Eleonore Esmier D'Olbreuse Duchess Brunswick Lüneburg were married. She by marriage Duchess Brunswick Lüneburg.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 05 March 1666. 05 Mar 1666. I was at it till past two o'clock on Monday morning, and then read my vowes, and to bed with great joy and content that I have brought my things to so good a settlement, and now having my mind fixed to follow my business again and sensible of Sir W. Coventry's (38) jealousies, I doubt, concerning me, partly my siding with Sir G. Carteret (56), and partly that indeed I have been silent in my business of the office a great while, and given but little account of myself and least of all to him, having not made him one visitt since he came to towne from Oxford, I am resolved to fall hard to it again, and fetch up the time and interest I have lost or am in a fair way of doing it.
Up about eight o'clock, being called up by several people, among others by Mr. Moone, with whom I went to Lombard Street to Colvill, and so back again and in my chamber he and I did end all our businesses together of accounts for money upon Bills of Exchange, and am pleased to find myself reputed a man of business and method, as he do give me out to be.
To the 'Change at noon and so home to dinner. Newes for certain of the King of Denmarke's (56) declaring for the Dutch, and resolution to assist them.
To the office, and there all the afternoon.
In the evening come Mr. James and brother Houblons to agree upon share parties for their ships, and did acquaint me that they had paid my messenger, whom I sent this afternoon for it, £200 for my friendship in the business, which pleases me mightily.
They being gone I forth late to Sir H. Viner's (35) to take a receipt of them for the £200 lodged for me there with them, and so back home, and after supper to bed.

Read More ...

Calendar of State Papers Charles II 19 Sep 1666. 19 Sep 1666. Whitehall. 45. Order in Council for the printing and publishing a declaration of war against Denmark. [Printed.] Annexing: 45. 1. "A true deduction of all transactions between His Majesty of Great Britain and the King of Denmark (57), with a declaration of war against the said King, and the motives that obliged His Majesty thereunto." [22 pages, printed.]

On 09 Oct 1666 [his son-in-law] John George Wettin III Elector Saxony 1647-1691 (19) and [his daughter] Anna Sophie Oldenburg 1647-1717 (19) were married. They were third cousins once removed.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 19 October 1666. 19 Oct 1666. Up, and by coach to my Lord Ashly's (45), and thence (he being gone out), to the Exchequer chamber, and there find him and my Lord Bellasses (52) about my Lord Bellasses accounts, which was the business I went upon.
This was soon ended, and then I with Creed back home to my house, and there he and I did even accounts for salary, and by that time dinner was ready, and merry at dinner, and then abroad to Povy's (52), who continues as much confounded in all his business as ever he was; and would have had me paid money, as like a fool as himself, which I troubled him in refusing; but I did persist in it.
After a little more discourse, I left them, and to White Hall, where I met with Sir Robert Viner (35), who told me a little of what, in going home, I had seen; also a little of the disorder and mutiny among the seamen at the Treasurer's office, which did trouble me then and all day since, considering how many more seamen will come to towne every day, and no money for them. A Parliament sitting, and the Exchange close by, and an enemy to hear of, and laugh at it1. Viner (35) too, and Backewell, were sent for this afternoon; and was before the King (36) and his Cabinet about money; they declaring they would advance no more, it being discoursed of in the House of Parliament for the King (36) to issue out his privy-seals to them to command them to trust him, which gives them reason to decline trusting. But more money they are persuaded to lend, but so little that (with horrour I speake it), coming after the Council was up, with Sir G. Carteret (56), Sir W. Coventry (38), Lord Bruncker (46), and myself, I did lay the state of our condition before the Duke of York (33), that the fleete could not go out without several things it wanted, and we could not have without money, particularly rum and bread, which we have promised the man Swan to helpe him to £200 of his debt, and a few other small sums of £200 a piece to some others, and that I do foresee the Duke of York (33) would call us to an account why the fleete is not abroad, and we cannot answer otherwise than our want of money; and that indeed we do not do the King (36) any service now, but do rather abuse and betray his service by being there, and seeming to do something, while we do not. Sir G. Carteret (56) asked me (just in these words, for in this and all the rest I set down the very words for memory sake, if there should be occasion) whether £50 or £60 would do us any good; and when I told him the very rum man must have £200, he held up his eyes as if we had asked a million. Sir W. Coventry (38) told the Duke of York (33) plainly he did rather desire to have his commission called in than serve in so ill a place, where he cannot do the King (36) service, and I did concur in saying the same. This was all very plain, and the Duke of York (33) did confess that he did not see how we could do anything without a present supply of £20,000, and that he would speak to the King (36) next Council day, and I promised to wait on him to put him in mind of it. This I set down for my future justification, if need be, and so we broke up, and all parted, Sir W. Coventry (38) being not very well, but I believe made much worse by this night's sad discourse. So I home by coach, considering what the consequence of all this must be in a little time. Nothing but distraction and confusion; which makes me wish with all my heart that I were well and quietly settled with what little I have got at Brampton, where I might live peaceably, and study, and pray for the good of the King (36) and my country.
Home, and to Sir W. Batten's (65), where I saw my Lady, who is now come down stairs after a great sickness. Sir W. Batten (65) was at the pay to-day, and tells me how rude the men were, but did go away quietly, being promised pay on Wednesday next. God send us money for it! So to the office, and then to supper and to bed. Among other things proposed in the House to-day, to give the King (36) in lieu of chimneys, there was the bringing up of sealed paper, such as Sir J. Minnes (67) shewed me to-night, at Sir W. Batten's (65), is used in Spayne, and brings the King (36) a great revenue; but it shows what shifts we are put to too much.
Note 1. The King of Denmark (57) was induced to conclude a treaty with the United Provinces, a secret article of which bound him to declare war against England. The order in council for the printing and publishing a declaration of war against Denmark is dated "Whitehall, Sept. 19, 1666"; annexed is "A True Declaration of all transactions between his Majesty of Great Britain and the King of Denmark, with a declaration of war against the said king, and the motives that obliged his Majesty thereunto" (Calendar of State Papers, 1666-67, p. 140).

Read More ...

Diary of Samuel Pepys 20 October 1666. 20 Oct 1666. Thence, with Sir G. Carteret (56), home to dinner, with him, my Lady and Mr. Ashburnham (62), the Cofferer. Here they talk that the Queene (56) hath a great mind to alter her fashion, and to have the feet seen, which she loves mightily; and they do believe that it [will] come into it in a little time. Here I met with the King's declaration about his proceedings with the King of Denmarke (57), and particularly the business of Bergen; but it is so well writ, that, if it be true, the King of Denmarke (57) is one of the most absolute wickednesse in the world for a person of his quality.

On 15 Jun 1667 [his son] Christian V King Denmark and Norway 1646-1699 (21) and [his daughter-in-law] Charlotte Amalie Hesse Kassel Queen Consort Denmark and Norway 1650-1714 (17) were married.

Diary of Samuel Pepys 08 September 1667. 08 Sep 1667. Lord's Day. Up, and walked to St. James's; but there I find Sir W. Coventry (39) gone from his chamber, and Mr. Wren (38) not yet come thither. But I up to the Duke of York (33), and there, after being ready, my Lord Bruncker (47) and I had an audience, and thence with my Lord Bruncker (47) to White Hall, and he told me, in discourse, how that, though it is true that Sir W. Coventry (39) did long since propose to the Duke of York (33) the leaving his service, as being unable to fulfill it, as he should do, now he hath so much public business, and that the Duke of York (33) did bid him to say nothing of it, but that he would take time to please himself in another to come in his place; yet the Duke's doing it at this time, declaring that he hath found out another, and this one of the Chancellor's (58) servants, he cannot but think was done with some displeasure, and that it could not well be otherwise, that the Duke of York (33) should keep one in that place, that had so eminently opposed him in the defence of his father-in-law, nor could the Duchesse ever endure the sight of him, to be sure. But he thinks that the Duke of York (33) and he are parted upon clear terms of friendship.
He tells me he do believe that my Baroness Castlemayne (26) is compounding with the King (37) for a pension, and to leave the Court; but that her demands are mighty high: but he believes the King (37) is resolved, and so do every body else I speak with, to do all possible to please the Parliament; and he do declare that he will deliver every body up to them to give an account of their actions: and that last Friday, it seems, there was an Act of Council passed, to put out all Papists in office, and to keep out any from coming in.
I went to the King's Chapel to the closet, and there I hear Cresset sing a tenor part along with the Church musick very handsomely, but so loud that people did laugh at him, as a thing done for ostentation. Here I met Sir G. Downing (42), who would speak with me, and first to inquire what I paid for my kid's leather gloves I had on my hand, and shewed me others on his, as handsome, as good in all points, cost him but 12d. a pair, and mine me 2s. He told me he had been seven years finding out a man that could dress English sheepskin as it should be—and, indeed, it is now as good, in all respects, as kid, and he says will save £100,000 a-year, that goes out to France for kid's skins. Thus he labours very worthily to advance our own trade, but do it with mighty vanity and talking. But then he told me of our base condition, in the treaty with Holland and France, about our prisoners, that whereas before we did clear one another's prisoners, man for man, and we upon the publication of the peace did release all our's, 300 at Leith, and others in other places for nothing, the Dutch do keep theirs, and will not discharge them with[out] paying their debts according to the Treaty. That his instruments in Holland, writing to our Embassadors about this to Bredagh, they answer them that they do not know of any thing that they have done therein, but left it just as it was before. To which, when they answer, that by the treaty their Lordships had [not] bound our countrymen to pay their debts in prison, they answer they cannot help it, and we must get them off as cheap as we can. On this score, they demand £1100 for Sir G. Ascue (51), and £5000 for the one province of Zealand, for the prisoners that we have therein. He says that this is a piece of shame that never any nation committed, and that our very Lords here of the Council, when he related this matter to them, did not remember that they had agreed to this article; and swears that all their articles are alike, as the giving away Polleroon, and Surinam, and Nova Scotia, which hath a river 300 miles up the country, with copper mines more than Swedeland, and Newcastle coals, the only place in America that hath coals that we know of; and that Cromwell did value those places, and would for ever have made much of them; but we have given them away for nothing, besides a debt to the King of Denmarke (58). But, which is most of all, they have discharged those very particular demands of merchants of the Guinny company and others, which he, when he was there, had adjusted with the Dutch, and come to an agreement in writing, and they undertaken to satisfy, and that this was done in black and white under their hands; and yet we have forgiven all these, and not so much as sent to Sir G. Downing (42) to know what he had done, or to confer with him about any one point of the treaty, but signed to what they would have, and we here signed to whatever in grosse was brought over by Mr. Coventry (39). And [Sir G. Downing (42)] tells me, just in these words, "My Chancellor (58) had a mind to keep himself from being questioned by clapping up a peace upon any terms". When I answered that there was other privy-councillors to be advised with besides him, and that, therefore, this whole peace could not be laid to his charge, he answered that nobody durst say any thing at the council-table but himself, and that the King (37) was as much afeard of saying any thing there as the meanest privy-councillor; and says more, that at this day the King (37), in familiar talk, do call the Chancellor (58) "the insolent man", and says that he would not let him speak himself in Council: which is very high, and do shew that the Chancellor (58) is like to be in a bad state, unless he can defend himself better than people think. And yet Creed tells me that he do hear that my Lord Cornbury do say that his father do long for the coming of the Parliament, in order to his own vindication, more than any one of his enemies.
And here it comes into my head to set down what Mr. Rawlinson, whom I met in Fenchurch Street on Friday last, looking over his ruines there, told me, that he was told by one of my Chancellor's (58) gentlemen lately (————byname), that a grant coming to him to be sealed, wherein the King (37) hath given her [Baroness Castlemaine (26)], or somebody by her means, a place which he did not like well of, he did stop the grant; saying, that he thought this woman would sell everything shortly: which she hearing of, she sent to let him know that she had disposed of this place, and did not doubt, in a little time, to dispose of his. This Rawlinson do tell me my Chancellor's (58) own gentleman did tell him himself.
Thence, meeting Creed, I with him to the Parke, there to walk a little, and to the Queen's Chapel and there hear their musique, which I liked in itself pretty well as to the composition, but their voices are very harsh and rough that I thought it was some instruments they had that made them sound so.
So to White Hall, and saw the King (37) and Queen (28) at dinner; and observed (which I never did before), the formality, but it is but a formality, of putting a bit of bread wiped upon each dish into the mouth of every man that brings a dish; but it should be in the sauce. Here were some Russes come to see the King (37) at dinner: among others, the interpreter, a comely Englishman, in the Envoy's own clothes; which the Envoy, it seems, in vanity did send to show his fine clothes upon this man's back, which is one, it seems, of a comelier presence than himself: and yet it is said that none of their clothes are their own, but taken out of the King's own Wardrobe; and which they dare not bring back dirty or spotted, but clean, or are in danger of being beaten, as they say: insomuch that, Sir Charles Cotterell (52) says, when they are to have an audience they never venture to put on their clothes till he appears to come to fetch them; and, as soon as ever they come home, put them off again.
I to Sir G. Carteret's (57) to dinner; where Mr. Cofferer (63) Ashburnham; who told a good story of a prisoner's being condemned at Salisbury for a small matter. While he was on the bench with his father-in-law, judge Richardson, and while they were considering to transport him to save his life, the fellow flung a great stone at the judge, that missed him, but broke through the wainscoat. Upon this, he had his hand cut off, and was hanged presently! Here was a gentleman, one Sheres, one come lately from my Lord Sandwich (42), with an express; but, Lord! I was almost ashamed to see him, lest he should know that I have not yet wrote one letter to my Lord since his going. I had no discourse with him, but after dinner Sir G. Carteret (57) and I to talk about some business of his, and so I to Mrs. Martin, where was Mrs. Burroughs, and also fine Mrs. Noble, my partner in the christening of Martin's child, did come to see it, and there we sat and talked an hour, and then all broke up and I by coach home, and there find Mr. Pelling and Howe, and we to sing and good musique till late, and then to supper, and Howe lay at my house, and so after supper to bed with much content, only my mind a little troubled at my late breach of vowes, which however I will pay my forfeits, though the badness of my eyes, making me unfit to read or write long, is my excuse, and do put me upon other pleasures and employment which I should refrain from in observation of my vowes.

Read More ...

Frederick III King Denmark Dies Christian V King Denmark Succeeds

On 09 Feb 1670 Frederick III King Denmark 1609-1670 (60) died. His son [his son] Christian V King Denmark and Norway 1646-1699 (23) succeeded V King Denmark and Norway. [his daughter-in-law] Charlotte Amalie Hesse Kassel Queen Consort Denmark and Norway 1650-1714 (19) by marriage Queen Consort Denmark and Norway.

In 20 Feb 1685 [his wife] Sophie Amalie Hanover Queen Consort Denmark 1628-1685 (56) died.