Froissart Book 5: 1356-1360

375. News came to the king of France⁹, who was residing in the city of Chartres, that the Prince of Wales was devastating his land very cruelly, burning and laying waste everything in his path. This greatly angered the king, and he said he would find a remedy. So he left Chartres and rode toward Blois, and commanded his marshals to hurry and advance all manner of men-at-arms and to have them cross the river Loire, for he wished to go and fight the English. The king came to Blois and stayed there two days. His orders were carried out. Then the men-at-arms, dukes, counts, barons, knights and their companies, began to descend and follow the king, who kept moving forward. He left Blois¹⁰ and that day went to lodge at Amboise, and the next day to Loches¹¹, and there he remained to learn and consider the movements of the English, of whom he received daily news. For the English were being tracked and followed by certain experienced knights of France and Burgundy, who came and went bringing back reliable reports. The king thus learned that the English were in Touraine and taking the road back toward Poitou.

375. Les nouvelles vinrent au roy de France, qui se tenoit en le cité de Chartres, que li princes de Galles malmenoit trop horriblement son pays et ardoit et essilloit tout devant lui: de quoi li dis rois fu moult durement courouciés, et dist qu'il y pourveroit de remède. Si se parti de Chartres et chevauça vers Blois et commanda à ses mareschaus que il fesissent haster et avancier toutes manières de gens d'armes, et passer le rivière de Loire, car il voloit aler combatre les Englès. Li dis rois s'en vint à Blois et là s'arresta, et y fu deux jours. Ses commandemens fu fais. Dont commencièrent gens d'armes, duch, conte, baron, chevalier et leurs routes [à] avaler et à poursievir le roy, qui toutdis aloit avant. Car il se parti de Blois et vint ce jour gesir à Amboise, et l'endemain à Loces, et là se tint pour aprendre et entendre dou couvenant des Englès, dont tous les jours il ooit nouvelles; car li Englès estoient costiiet et poursievi d'aucuns [appers] chevaliers de France et de Bourgongne, qui l'en raportoient, alant et venant, le certainneté. Si entendi li dis rois qu'il estoient en Tourainne et prendoient leur chemin et leur retour devers Poito.

Note 9. King John of France was at Meung-sur-Loire on Thursday, September 8, 1356 as evidenced by the document Datum Magduni super Ligerim octava die mensis septembris anno Domini 1356. Per regem, presente domino marescallo d'Odeneham. P. Blanchet. JJ84, no 598. While the French king was still on the northern (right) bank of the Loire, his adversary, the Prince of Wales, was on the southern (left) bank, trying unsuccessfully to cross the river at Chaumont-sur-Loire — just downstream from Blois. According to the chronicle of the monk of Malmesbury, the prince stayed there from Wednesday, September 7, to Saturday, September 10. King John, having been at Meung on September 9, likely reached Blois by the 10th in order to cross the Loire. On the 11th, the Prince of Wales made a rapid retreat, crossing both the Cher and the Indre rivers, and spent the night at Montbazon (on the south bank of the Indre). There, on September 12, he received a visit from the Cardinal of Périgord, who had come to mediate between the opposing forces. At the same time, the prince learned that the French king was advancing rapidly and that the dauphin (heir to the throne) was stationed in Tours.

Le roi Jean était à Meung-sur-Loire (Loiret, arr. Orléans, un peu au sud-ouest de cette ville) le jeudi 8 septembre: Datum Magduni super Ligerim octava die mensis septembris anno Domini 1356. Per regem, presente domino marescallo d'Odeneham. P. Blanchet. JJ84, no 598. Tandis que le roi de France était encore sur la rive droite de la Loire, son adversaire le prince de Galles se tenait sur la rive gauche de ce fleuve, qu'il essayait en vain de franchir, à Chaumont-sur-Loire (Loir-et-Cher, arr. Blois, c. Montrichard, un peu en aval de Blois) où, d'après la chronique déjà citée du moine de Malmesbury, il séjourna du mercredi 7 au samedi 10 septembre. Le roi de France qui, comme nous l'avons établi plus haut, était à Meung le 9, arriva sans doute à Blois le 10 pour y passer la Loire, car le 11 le prince de Galles franchit précipitamment le Cher ainsi que l'Indre et vint coucher à Montbazon (Indre-et-Loire, arr. Tours, sur la rive gauche de l'Indre); il y reçut le 12 la visite du cardinal de Périgord, qui venait s'interposer comme médiateur entre les belligérants; il apprit en même temps que le roi de France s'avançait à marches forcées et que le dauphin était à Tours.

Note 10. It must be said, to King John's credit, that as early as the first months of 1356, steps had already been taken to put the city of Tours in a state of defence. In March of that year, John ordered his bailiff in Tours to appoint, after consultation with the city council, six elected officials tasked with overseeing the fortification works. These officials were granted the authority to levy taxes, duties, and collections on all inhabitants of the city and the surrounding castellany, regardless of status. They were also empowered to fine any who refused to comply, up to a maximum of 60 sous. (JJ118, no. 176)

Il faut dire, à l'honneur du roi Jean, que des mesures avaient été prises, dès les premiers mois de 1356, pour mettre Tours en état de défense. En mars de cette année, Jean mandait à son bailli de Tours de nommer, après en avoir délibéré avec le conseil de la ville, 6 élus chargés de pourvoir aux travaux des fortifications, en leur donnant pouvoir de lever des tailles, impositions et collectes sur tous les habitants de la ville et de la châtellenie, de quelque condition qu'ils soient, et de frapper les réfractaires d'une amende qui ne dépassera pas 60 sous. JJ118, no 176.

Note 11. King John of France was at Loches on the Indre River on Tuesday, September 13, where he issued two ordinances concerning currency (see Ordonnances, vol. III, pp. 84–85). On the same day, according to the chronicle of the monk of Malmesbury, the Prince of Wales, threatened with being outflanked on his left wing and encircled, passed through Sainte-Maure (Sainte-Maure-de-Touraine, Indre-et-Loire, west of Loches) and spent the night at La Haye-sur-Creuse (now La Haye-Descartes, Indre-et-Loire, on the right bank of the Creuse River, slightly upstream from its confluence with the Vienne).

Jean était le mardi 13 septembre à Loches sur Indre, où il rendit deux ordonnances sur les monnaies (Ordonn., t. III, p. 84 et 85). Nous apprenons par la chronique du moine de Malmeslmry que le même jour le prince de Galles, menacé d'être débordé par son aile gauche et enveloppé, traversa Sainte-Maure (Sainte-Maure-de-Touraine, Indre-et-Loire, arr. Chinon, à l'ouest de Loches) et vint coucher à la Haye-sur-Creuse (auj. la Haye-Descartes, Indre-et-Loire, arr. Loches, sur la rive droite de la Creuse, un peu en amont de son confluent avec la Vienne).

377. When the Prince of Wales and his council understood that King John and his divisions were before them, and had on the Friday crossed the bridge at Chauvigny, and that in no way could they leave the land without being forced to fight, then they gathered and assembled themselves that Saturday in the fields. And it was then commanded by the prince that no one, on his own authority, should run or ride ahead of the marshals’ banner without command. This order was kept, and the English rode that Saturday, from the hour of prime until vespers, until they came within two small leagues of Poitiers.

377. Quant li princes de Galles et ses consaulz eurent entendu que li rois Jehans et ses batailles estoient devant yaus et avoient le venredi passet au pont à Chauvegni, et que nullement il ne se pooient partir dou pays, sans estre combatu, si se recueillièrent et rassamblèrent ce samedi sus les camps. Et fu adonc commandé de par le prince, que nuls, sus la teste, ne courust ne chevauçast sans commandement devant le banière des mareschaus. Cilz bans fu tenus, et chevaucièrent li Englès ce samedi, de l'eure de prime jusques à vespres, et tant que il vinrent à deux petites liewes de Poitiers.

Note 1. Ms. d'Amiens: "When the Prince of Wales and his council learned that King John and his battle formations were ahead of them, and that they had crossed the bridge at Chauvigny that Friday, and that there was absolutely no way they could leave the region without being forced into battle, they regrouped and assembled on the fields that Saturday. Then a command was given by the prince that no one should charge or ride ahead of the marshals' banners unless specifically sent. They then rode that Saturday from the hour of Prime until Vespers, and came within two small leagues of Poitiers, to a very strong position between hedges, vineyards, and hills on one side. There the marshals assessed the strong location and the ground, and asked the prince what he wished to do. He replied that it was his intention to stay there and await his enemies, who were seeking him, and also to await whatever might happen, in the name of God and of Saint George."

"So the English lodged themselves in that same place, which in the region is called the Plains of Maupertuis. They fortified themselves wisely and quickly with those thick, strong thorny hedges, and placed their wagons behind them. In front of them, they dug several ditches, so that they could not be suddenly approached on horseback without great damage. Then, by order of the marshals, about two hundred well-mounted companions were sent out to scout the countryside and find out where the French were. These scouts rode very near to Poitiers, even as far as the outskirts of the city."

Ms. d'Amiens: Quant li princes de Gallez et ses conssaux eurent entendu que ly rois Jehans et ses bataillez estoient devant yaux et avoient ce venredi passet au pont à Cauvegny, et que nullement il ne pooient partir du pays sans estre combatu, si se recueillièrent et rassamblèrent che samedi sour les camps. Et fu adonc coummandé de par le prinche que nulx, sus le teste, ne courust ne ne chevauçast devant les bannierrez des marescaux, s'il n'y estoit envoiiéz. Puis chevaucièrent ce samedi, de l'eure de primme jusquez à heure de vespres, qu'il vinrent à deux petitez lieuwez de Poitiers, en moult forte place, entre haies et vingnes et montaingnes de l'un des costés. Sy ymaginèrent li marescal le fort lieu et le place, et demandèrent au prinche quel cose il volloit faire. Cil respondi que c'estoit sen entente de là arester et atendre ses ennemis qui le queroient, et ossi l'aventure, ou non de Dieu et de saint Gorge.

Dont se logièrent li Englès en celle meisme plache, que on dist ou pays les Plains de Maupertuis. Et se fortefiièrent sagement et vistement de ces haiez espineuses, drues et fortes, et missent ce qu'il avoient de charroy derierre yaulx; et fissent devant yaux pluisseurs fossés, affin que on ne lez pewist soudainnement aprochier à cheval sans grant dammaige. Si furent adonc envoiiet de par les marescaux environ deux cens compaignons très bien montés, courir pour descouvrir le pays et savoir où li Franchois estoient. Si chevaucièrent chil coureur bien priès de Poitiers et tant c'as fourbours de le cité.

When it came to Sunday morning, the king of France, who had a great desire to fight the English, had mass sung very solemnly before him in his pavilion, and he communicated, as did his four sons. After mass, the greatest and nearest of his lineage came before him: the Duke of Orléans, his brother; the Duke of Bourbon; Sir James of Bourbon; the Count of Ponthieu; the Duke of Athens, constable of France; the Count of Eu; the Count of Tancarville; the Count of Salebruges; the Count of Dammartin; the Count of Mont Ventadour, and several other great barons of France and of the neighboring lordships, such as Sir Jean de Clermont and Sir Arnoul d’Audrehem, marshal of France; the lord of Saint-Venant; Sir Jean de Landas; Sir Eustace de Ribemont; the lord of Fiennes; Sir Geoffrey de Charny; the lord of Châtillon; the lord of Sully; the lord of Nielle; Sir Robert de Duras; and many others who had been summoned there. There they were in council and parliament for a long time, to decide how they should conduct themselves. And it was then ordained that all the men should go out into the fields, and each lord should unfurl his banner and set it forward, in the name of God and of Saint Denis, and that they should draw themselves up in order of battle, as if to fight at once.

Quant ce vint le dimence au matin, li rois de France, qui grant desir avoit de combatre les Englès, fist en son pavillon chanter messe moult solennelment devant lui, et se acumenia, et si quatre fil. Apriès messe, se traisent devers li li plus grant et li plus proçain de son linage, li dus d’Orliens ses frères, li dus de Bourbon, messires Jakemes de Bourbon, contes de Pontieu, li dus d’Athènes, connestables de France, li contes d’Eu, li contes de Tankarville, li contes de Sallebruce, li contes de Dammartin, li contes de Mont Ventadour, et pluiseur [aultre] grant baron de France et des tenures voisines, telz que messires Jehans de Clermont et messires Ernoulz d’Audrehen, mareschal de France, li sires de Saint Venant, messires Jehans de Landas, messires Eustasses de Ribeumont, li sires de Fiennes, messires Joffrois de Chargni, li sires de Chastillon, li sires de Sulli, li sires de Nielle, messires Robers de Duras et moult d’aultres qui y furent appellet. Là furent en conseil et en parlement un grant temps, à savoir comment il se maintenroient. Si fu adonc ordonné que toutes gens se traissent sus les camps, et cescuns sires desvolepast se banière et mesist avant, ou nom de Dieu et de saint Denis, et que on se mesist en ordenance de bataille, ensi que pour tantost combatre.

Then Sir Eustace de Ribemont answered, as I was informed, on behalf of them all, for they had asked and charged him to speak. And he said thus: "Sire, we have seen and considered your enemies: they appear to be, by estimate, about two thousand men-at-arms, four thousand archers, and fifteen hundred brigands." "And how are they positioned?" asked the king. "Sire," replied Sir Eustace, "they are in a very strong position, and we cannot see or imagine that they have arranged themselves in more than one single battle formation; but they have done so very handsomely and wisely. They have taken position along a narrow road, poorly defended with hedges and thickets, and they have lined these hedges, on both sides, with their archers in such a way that no one can enter or ride into the road except by passing directly between them. It is necessary to go that way if one wants to fight them. There is but a single entrance and exit to that road, where perhaps four men-at-arms could ride abreast. At the head of this hedge, among the vineyards and brambles, where no one can go or ride, are their men-at-arms, all on foot. And they have placed their men-at-arms just behind their archers, in the form of a harrow (a staggered, wedge-like formation). This is, it seems to us, very cleverly done, for whoever would or could reach them by force of arms must necessarily pass through these archers, who will not be easily overcome."

Adonc respondi messires Eustasses de Ribeumont, si com je fui enfourmés, pour tous; car il l'en avoient priiet et cargiet, et dist ensi: "Sire, nous avons veu et considerés vos ennemis: si poeent estre par estimation doi mil hommes d'armes, quatre mil arciers et quinze cens brigans."—"Et comment gisent il?" dist li rois." "Sire," respondi messires Eustasses, "il sont en très fort liu, et ne poons veoir ne imaginer qu'il n'aient fait que une bataille; mès trop bellement et trop sagement l'ont il ordonné. Et ont pris le lonc d'un chemin fortefiiet malement de haies et de buissons, et ont vesti celle haie, d'une part et d'autre, [de leurs archiers] telement que on ne poet entrer ne chevaucier en leur chemin, fors que parmi yaus: se couvient il aler celle voie, se on les voet combatre. En celle voie n'a que une seule entrée et issue, où espoir quatre homme d'armes, ensi que ou chemin, poroient chevaucier de fronth. Au coron de celle haie, entre vignes et espinètes, où on ne poet aler ne chevaucier, sont leurs gens d'armes, tout à piet; et ont mis leurs gens d'armes tout devant yaus leurs arciers à manière d'une herce: dont c'est trop sagement ouvré, ce nous samble, car qui vodra ou pora venir par fait d'armes jusques à yaus, il n'i entera nullement, fors que parmi ces arciers, qui ne seront mies legier à desconfire."

Note 1. Ms. d'Amiens: The four knights named above spoke thus to the king, saying that they had seen the English and estimated them to number around twelve thousand men: three thousand men-at-arms, five thousand archers, and four thousand foot soldiers (bidaux), as they had seen them all enter into formation and arrange themselves for battle. They had taken position along a hedge and placed archers on both sides of it. The entire length of this hedge had only one entryway, where only four men-at-arms could ride abreast. This entrance was very well defended by archers and foot soldiers. Behind, at the end of this path, were the men-at-arms, well positioned, with two lines of archers in front of them, arranged in the form of a harrow (a staggered wedge formation). All the English were on foot, their horses behind them. It was not possible to approach them from any side except by the path, which was fortified with the hedge. They also had the advantage of a small hill where their horses and baggage train were placed. On the other (left) side, there was a small open field, but the English had fortified it with ditches and their wagons, and no damage could be inflicted on them from that side either. Then the king stopped and asked the above-named knights from which side they advised him to attack the English. They all looked at one another and were reluctant to answer, for it seemed to them that the king was placing a heavy burden on them with this question. So they remained silent for a while. Then the king spoke again and asked Sir Eustace de Ribemont to say without delay what he thought. Sir Eustace then spoke and said that the English were in a terribly strong position: "We must choose three hundred men from among our best — brave knights, bold and renowned, each well-armed and mounted on the finest chargers — and ride swiftly, sparing neither themselves nor their horses, and with these three hundred break, open, and scatter the English archers. Then our battle formations, which are large and strong and well filled with good men-at-arms, will charge swiftly, all on foot, for there are so many vineyards that horses could not operate there." "That is the best plan I know," responded the king of France, "by the soul of my father! Sir Eustace, you speak most wisely and thoughtfully, and it shall be done exactly as you have said and explained. We shall not deviate from your strategy."

Li quattre chevalier dessus noummés dissent enssi au roy qu'il avoient veu lez Englès et pooient y estre environ douze mil hommez: troy mil hommez d'armes, cinq mil archiers et quattre mil bidaus à piet, car tout les avoient vew entrer en leur ordounnanche et mettre en conroy de bataille, et avoient pris le lonch d'une haye et mis les archiers d'un lés et de l'autre. Et n'avoit en toutte celle haye qu'une seulle entrée où quatre hommez d'armes poroient chevauchier de froncq; et estoit ceste entrée trop bien gardée d'archiers et de gens à piet. Apriès se tenoient ou fons de ce chemin les gens d'armes en bon couvenant, deux hayes d'archiers devant yaux, à mannière d'une herce; et estoient tout à piet, lez cevaux derierre yaux. Et ne pooit on aller ne venir à yaux de nul lés, fors par le chemin dont il estoient fortefiiet de le haye, et avoient l'avantaige d'une petite montaingne dessus quoy leurs chevaux et leur aroy estoient. A l'autre lés, sus senestre, avoit ung petit plain, mès il l'avoient fortefiiet de fossés et de leur charroy, et ne leur pooit on porter nul dammaige de ce costet. Adonc s'aresta li roys et demanda as dessus dis chevaliers de quel part il conssilloient à assaillir les Englès. Il regardèrent tout l'un l'autre et ne se volloient mies avanchier de respondre, car il leur sambloit que li roys les cargoit d'une grosse demande. Si se teurent une espasse, mès li roys reprist le parolle et requist à monseigneur Ustasse de Ribeumont que, sans delay, il en desist sen entente. Dont parla messires Ustasses et dist que li Englès estoient en forte place mallement: "Se couvenra des nostres prendre trois cens hommez par election, preux chevaliers, hardis et alosés durement et chacun bien armés et bien montéz sus fleur de courssiers, et chevauchier radement sans yaux ne leurs chevaux espargnier, et de ces trois cens fendre et ouvrir et desrompre les archiers d'Engleterre, et puis nos bataillez, qui sont grandez et grosses et bien estoffées de bonnes gens d'armes, sievir vistement et tout à piet, car il y a tant de vignes que cheval ne s'i poroient avoir." "C'est li plus grans avantaigez que g'i say, par l'ame de mon père! che respondi li roys de Franche. Messire Ustasse, vous en parlés moult à point et très meurement, et il sera fait si comme vous l'avez dit et deviset, ne jà n'ysterons de vostre ordounnanche."

382. You have already heard above how the Cardinal of Périgord took great pains that Sunday, all day long, to ride back and forth between the two lords, the King of France and the Prince of Wales, in order to reconcile them; but he could not bring it to a conclusion, and it was already late in the evening when he departed and returned to the city of Poitiers. That Sunday, the French remained all day in the fields, and in the evening they returned to their lodgings and refreshed themselves with what they had. They had plenty of everything, food and supplies in abundance, while the English suffered from a great lack. That was what troubled them most, for they did not know where or how to forage, so closely were all the paths shut against them; nor could they leave without running the risk of encountering the French. In truth, they feared not so much the battle itself as being kept in such a condition as though besieged and starved. That Sunday, they attended diligently to their preparations, and spent the day as best they could; and they dug trenches and reinforced their archers with hedges around them, to be better fortified.

382. Vous avés bien oy compter chi dessus comment li cardinaus de Piregorch se mist en painne ce dimence, tout le jour, de chevaucier de l'un à l'autre, pour acorder ces deux signeurs, le roy de France et le prince de Galles; mès il n'en peut à cief venir, et fu tous bas vespres quant il se parti et rentra en le cité de Poitiers. Che dimence se tinrent li François tout le jour sus les camps, et au soir il se retraisent en leurs logeis et se aisièrent de ce qu'il eurent. Il avoient bien de quoi, vivres et pourveances assés et largement; et li Englès en avoient grant defaute. C'estoit la cause qui plus les esbahissoit; car il ne savoient où ne quel part aler fourer, si fort leur estoient li pas clos; ne il ne se pooient partir de là sans le dangier des François. Au voir dire, il ne ressongnoient point tant le bataille que il faisoient ce que on ne les tenist en tel estat, ensi que pour assegiés et affamés. Le dimence, tout le jour, entendirent il parfaitement à leur besongne, et le passèrent au plus biel qu'il peurent; et fisent fosser et haiier leurs arciers autour d'yaus, pour estre plus fort.

383. The arrangement of the Prince of Wales's battle formations was much as the four French knights mentioned above had reported with certainty to the said king, except that since then they had appointed some able young bachelors to remain mounted between the battle lines, opposite the battle formation of the French marshals. They had also, on their right flank, on a hill that was neither too high nor too steep to climb, positioned three hundred mounted men and as many mounted archers, to move along the cover of that hill and circle around it to strike the Duke of Normandy's formation, which was positioned on foot below that hill. All this was a new arrangement. The prince himself and his main force were stationed on foot in the bottom of some vineyards, their horses kept close to them in case they should need to mount quickly; and they were fortified and enclosed on their weakest side by their wagons and all their equipment, so that they could not be approached from that direction.

383. Li ordenance dou prince de Galles de ses batailles estoit auques tèle comme li quatre chevalier de France dessus nommet raportèrent en certainneté au dit roy, fors tant que depuis il avoient ordonnés aucuns appers bacelers pour demorer à cheval entre les batailles et contre le bataille des mareschaus de France. Et avoient encores, sus leur destre lés, sus une montagne qui n'estoit point trop haute ne trop roste à monter, ordonné trois cens hommes à chevaus et otant d'arciers, tout à cheval, pour costiier à le couverte ceste montagne, et venir autour sus èle ferir en le bataille le duc de Normendie qui estoit en se bataille à piet par desous celle montagne. Tout ce estoit que il avoient fait de nouviel. Et se tenoit li princes et se grosse bataille ou fons de ces vignes, tout à piet, leurs chevaus assés priès d'yaus pour tantost monter, se il leur besongnast; et estoient fortefiiet et enclos, au plus foible lés, de leur charoy et de tout leur harnas: si ne les pooit on approcier de ce costé.

[383] Now I wish to name for you some of the most renowned knights of England and Gascony who were there at the time with the Prince of Wales. First, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Suffolk, marshal of the host, the Earl of Salisbury, and the Earl of Oxford; Sir John Chandos, Sir Reginald (Reynold) Cobham, Sir Richard Stafford, Sir Edward, Lord Despenser, Sir James Audley and his brother Sir Peter, the Lord Berkeley, the Lord Basset, Sir William FitzWarin, the Lord Delaware, the Lord Mohun, the Lord Willoughby, Sir Bartholomew Burghersh, the Lord Felton, Sir Richard Pennebrugge, Sir Stephen Cosington, the Lord Braceton, and many others. From among the Gascons: the Lord of Albret, the Lord of Puy-Mire, Sir Helie and Sir Aymenion de Puy-Mire, the Lord of Longuemar, Sir Jean de Grailly, Captal de Buch, Sir Jean de Chaumont, the Lord of L’Esperre, the Lord of Montchivent, the Lord of Courton, the Lord of Roquefort, the Lord of Condom, the Lord of Montferrand, the Lord of Landiras, Sir Soudich de l’Estrade, and many others I cannot name. From Hainault: Sir Eustace d’Aubrecicourt and Sir Jean de Ghistelles; and two other good foreign knights: Sir Daniel Pasele and Sir Denis de Morbecque. I tell you truly that the Prince of Wales had with him the very flower of chivalry, although they were not in great number, for all told they were no more than eight thousand men. The French, however, numbered at least fifty thousand fighting men, including more than three thousand knights.

[383] Or vous voel je renommer aucuns des plus renommés chevaliers d’Engleterre et de Gascongne, qui estoient là adonc dalés [le prince de Galles: premierement le conte de Warvich, le conte de Sufforch, mareschaus de l’ost, le conte de Sallebrin et le conte d’Askesufforch, monsigneur Jehan Chandos, monsigneur Renault de Gobehen, monsigneur Richart de Stanfort, monsigneur Edowart signeur Despensier, monsigneur Jame d’Audelée et monsigneur Pière se frère, le signeur de Bercler, le signeur de Basset, messire Guillaume Fil Warin, le signeur de le Ware, le signeur de Maune, le signeur de Willebi, monsigneur Bietremieu de Brues, le signeur de Felleton, monseigneur Richard de Pennebruges, messire Estievene de 5Cousenton, le signeur de Braseton, et pluiseurs aultres; Gascons: le signeur de Labreth, le signeur de Pumiers, messire Helye et messire Aymenion de Pumiers, le signeur de Longuerem, monsigneur Jehan de Graili, captal de Beus, monsigneur Jehan de Chaumont, le signeur de l’Espare, le signeur de Montchident, le signeur de Courton, le signeur de Rosem, le signeur de Condon, le signeur de Montferrat, le signeur de Landuras, monsigneur le soudich de l’Estrade, et ossi des aultres que je ne puis mies tous nommer; Haynuiers: messires Eustasces d’Aubrecicourt et messires Jehans de Ghistelles; et deux aultres [bons[0]] chevaliers estragniers: messires Daniel Pasele et messires Denis de Morbeke. Si vous di pour verité que li princes de Galles avoit là avoecques lui droite fleur de chevalerie, comment que il ne fuissent pas grant fuison, car il n’estoient, tout compté, non plus de huit mil hommes; et li François estoient bien cinquante mil combatans, dont il y avoit plus de trois mil chevaliers.

[384] The prince, recognizing the knight's valor and the great eagerness he had to challenge his enemies, gladly granted him permission and said to him: ‘Sir James, may God grant you this day the grace and strength to be the best among all others!' And with that, he gave him his hand. Then the said knight took leave of the prince and placed himself at the very front of all the battle formations, accompanied only by four very valiant squires whom he had requested and retained for the purpose of guarding and guiding him personally. The knight went straight ahead to fight and charge into the battle of the marshals of France, and he came to blows with Lord Arnoul d'Audrehem and his company. There he performed wonders of arms, as you will hear more about in the account of the battle. On the other side, likewise, was Sir Eustace d'Aubrecicourt, who on that day was a young bachelor knight with great desire to win renown and favour through feats of arms. He put forth great effort to be among the first attackers, and indeed he was, or very nearly so, at the same moment when Sir James Audley moved first to engage the enemy. But the honor of being first fell to Sir Eustace, as I shall now relate to you.

[384] Li princes, qui considera le bonté dou chevalier et le grant volonté que il avoit de requerre ses ennemis, li acorda liement et li dist: «Messire Jame, Diex vous doinst hui grasce et pooir de estre li mieudres des aultres!» adonc li bailla il sa main. Et se parti li dis chevaliers dou prince, et se mist ou premier fronch de toutes leurs batailles, acompagniés tant seulement de quatre moult vaillans escuiers que il avoit priiés et retenus pour son corps garder et conduire. Et s'en vint tout devant li dis chevaliers combatre et envaïr le bataille des mareschaus de France, et assambla à monsigneur Ernoul d'Audrehen et à se route; et là y fist merveilles d'armes, si com vous orés recorder en l'estat de le bataille. D'autre part, ossi messires Eustasses d'Aubrecicourt, qui à ce jour estoit uns jones bacelers et en grant desir d'acquerre pris et grasce en armes, mist et rendi grant painne que il fust des premiers assallans: si le fu ou auques priès, à l'eure que messires James d'Audelée s'avança premiers de requerre leurs ennemis; mès il en chei à monsigneur Eustasse, ensi que je vous dirai.

[384] Very soon after the capture of Sir Eustace, the battle began in earnest from all sides, and by then the engagement with the marshals' division had already drawn near and commenced. Those who were to break through the line of archers advanced on horseback and entered the narrow path where thick, dense hedges lined both sides. As soon as these men-at-arms were trapped within, the archers began to shoot in earnest, setting to their work from both sides of the hedge, unsettling the horses and piercing them with long, barbed arrows. The horses, struck and feeling the bite of those long, barbed shafts, reared and refused to go forward. Some turned sideways, others off-course, while many stumbled or fell, throwing their riders beneath them, who could neither defend themselves nor rise again. And thus, the marshals' division could not reach the prince's battle line. There were indeed some knights and squires, well-mounted, who managed by sheer force of their horses to break through and pass the hedge, hoping to reach the prince's division and his banners. But they could not.

[384] Assés tost apriès le prise de monsigneur Eustasse, se commença li bataille de toutes pars, et jà estoit approcie et commencie li bataille des marescaus. [Et chevauchèrent avant chil qui devoient rompre le bataille des archiers, et entrèrent tout à cheval dedens le chemin où li grosse haie et espesse estoit de deux costés. Sitos que ces gens d'armes furent là embatu, arcier commencièrent à traire à esploit, et à mettre main à oevre à deux lés de le haie, et à berser chevaus et à enfiller tout ens de ces longes saiettes barbues. Cil cheval qui trait estoient et qui les fers de ces longes saiettes sentoient, ressongnoient et ne voloient avant aler. Et se tournoient, li uns de travers, li aultres de costé, ou il cheoient et trebuchoient desous leurs mestres qui ne se pooient aidier ne relever; ne onques li ditte bataille des mareschaus ne peut approcier le bataille dou prince. Il y eut bien aucuns chevaliers et escuiers bien montés, qui par force de chevaus passèrent oultre et rompirent le haie, et cuidièrent approcier le bataille dou prince et ses banières; mès il ne peurent.

[388] And all those who remained at Poitiers, whether they died or were taken prisoner, served their lord so loyally, that even now their heirs are to be honored, and the brave men who fought there are to be commended. One cannot say or even suppose that King John of France was ever afraid of anything he saw or heard; rather, he remained throughout a good knight and brave fighter, and never showed any sign of fleeing or retreating, when he said to his men: “On foot, on foot!” And he ordered all who were on horseback to dismount. He himself also stepped down, taking his place at the front of his men, a battle axe in his hands, and he had his banners moved forward in the name of God and Saint Denis, with Sir Geoffroi de Charny carrying the royal banner. And so, in good order, the king’s great battle line came to clash with the English. There followed a great and fierce and brutal fight, with many blows exchanged from axes and swords and other weapons of war.

[388] Et se acquittèrent si loyaument envers leur signeur tout cil qui demorèrent à Poitiers, mort ou pris, que encore en sont li hoir à honnourer, et li vaillant homme qui là se combatirent, à recommender; ne on ne poet pas dire ne presumer que li rois Jehans de France s’effreast onques pour cose que il oïst ne veist; mès demora et fu toutdis bons chevaliers et bien combatans, et ne moustra pas samblant de fuir ne de reculer, quant il dist à ses hommes: "A piet, à piet!"" et fist descendre tous chiaus qui à cheval estoient. Et il meismes se mist à piet devant tous les siens, une hace de guerre en ses mains, et fist passer avant ses banières ou nom de Dieu et de saint Denis, dont messires Joffrois de Chargni portoit la souverainne; et ensi par bon couvenant la grosse bataille dou roy s’en vint assambler as Englès. Là eut grant hustin, fier et cruel, et donnet tamaint horion de haces et de espées et de aultres bastons de gerre.

[391] At that time, the Lord of Berkeley was on the battlefield, a young and valiant knight who, on that day, had raised his banner. He saw the squire Jean d'Hélennes, and promptly broke from the ranks to follow him, mounted as well on a noble steed. Seeking to perform a great feat of arms, he separated himself from his own force and pursued Jean d'Hélennes alone, just as the squire had hoped. They rode far away from all the battles, without approaching one another, Jean d'Hélennes ahead, and the Lord of Berkeley behind, striving hard to catch up. The French squire's intent was indeed to turn back and fight, but only after he had lured the knight a little farther on. They rode, driven by the breath of their horses, for more than a full league, and put an equal if not greater distance between themselves and all the fighting. The Lord of Berkeley cried out repeatedly to Jean d'Hélennes: "Turn back, turn back, man-at-arms! There is no honor nor prowess in fleeing like this!"

[391] A ce donc estoit sus les camps li sires [de] Bercler, uns jones et appers chevaliers, et qui ce jour avoit levet banière: si vei le couvenant de Jehan d'Ellènes; si issi très apertement des conrois après li, montés ossi sus fleur de coursier. Et pour faire plus grant vaillance d'armes, il s'embla de se route et volt le dit Jehan poursievir tout seul, ensi qu'il fist. Et chevaucièrent hors de toutes batailles moult loing, sans yaus approcier, Jehans d'Ellènes devant et li sires de Bercler après, qui mettoit grant painne à li raconsievir. Li intention de l'escuier franchois estoit bien tèle que il retourroit voirement, mès que il euist amenet le chevalier encores un petit plus avant; et chevaucièrent, ensi que par alainnes de coursiers, plus de une grosse liewe, et eslongièrent bien otant et plus toutes les batailles. Li sires de Bercler escrioit à le fois à Jehan d'Ellènes: «Retournés, retournés, homs d'armes: ce n'est pas honneur ne proèce d'ensi fuir.»

396. When Sir James Audley had been brought back in a litter to his lodging, and after he had sincerely thanked the prince for the gift he had received, he had not rested long when he sent for Lord Peter Audley his brother, Sir Bartholomew de Burghersh, Sir Stephen Cossington, the Lord of Willoughby, and Lord Ralph de Ferrers. These were his kinsmen and of his bloodline. As soon as they arrived and were in his presence, he began to speak as best he could for he was greatly weakened by the wounds he had sustained. Then he summoned forward the four squires who had served as his personal guard during the day, and he spoke to the knights who were present: "Lords, it has pleased my lord the prince to grant me a gift of five hundred marks in yearly income, and as a hereditary estate. For this gift, I have rendered him only a small service, and only what I could offer with my own body. But here are four squires who have always served me faithfully and especially on this day. Whatever honor I have gained is due to their boldness and their deeds. Therefore, in the presence of you who are of my kin, I wish now to reward them for the great and loyal service they have done for me. It is my intention to give and resign into their hands the entire gift, the five hundred marks that the prince has granted and confirmed to me. I disinherit myself of it completely and freely, and I endow them with it purely and irrevocably, as fully as it was given to me."

396. Quant messires James d'Audelée fu arrière raportés en le littière en son logeis, et il eut remerciiet grandement le prince dou don que donnet li avoit, il n'eut gaires reposé en sa loge, quant il manda monsigneur Pière d'Audelée son frère, messire Betremieu de Brues, messire Estievene de Gonsenton, le signeur de Willebi et monsigneur Raoul de Ferrières: cil estoient de son sanch et de son linage. Si tretost que il furent venu et en le presense de lui, il s'avança de parler au mieus qu'il peut, car il estoit moult foibles, pour les navreures que il avoit. Et fist venir avant les quatre escuiers que il avoit eu pour son corps, le journée, et dist ensi as chevaliers qui là estoient: «Signeur, il a pleu à monsigneur le prince que il m'a donné cinq cens mars de revenue par an et en hyretage; pour lequel don je li ay encores fait petit service, et puis faire de mon corps tant seulement. Il est verités que veci quatre escuiers qui m'ont toutdis loyaument servi. Et par especial, à le journée d'ui, ce que j'ay d'onneur, c'est par leur emprise et leur hardement. Pour quoi, en le presense de vous qui estes de mon linage, je leur voel maintenant remunerer les grans et agreables services qu'il m'ont fais. C'est me intention que je leur donne et resi[g]ne en leurs mains le don et les cinq cens mars que messires li princes m'a donnés et acordés, en tel fourme et manière que donnés le mes a; et m'en desherite et les en aherite purement et franchement, sans nul rappel.»

[397] After hearing the account of James's martial deeds, the crowned king said that, among all who had fought bravely, he greatly marveled at the terrible and prolonged valor of that knight. He said little else during that supper, except to reply with noble words to the prince, who had, out of native compassion, comforted his most honorable prize. He said: "Though the pain we feel is inevitable, still, as is proper, we have resolved to restrain it within due measure. For although we are now subject by the law of arms to our noble kinsman, we were not, like criminals or cowardly fugitives, taken while hiding in fear. Rather, in the manner of magnanimous warriors, prepared to live or die for a just cause, we were by the judgment of Mars removed from our own field where the wealthy were captured and spared for ransom, the foolish and unworthy fled, and the most valiant were stripped of life most gloriously."

[397] Et toutdis servoit li princes audevant de la table dou roy et par toutes les aultres tables ossi, si humlement que il pooit; ne onques ne se volt seoir à le table dou roy, pour priière que li rois en fesist, ains disoit toutdis que il n'estoit mies encores si souffissans que il apertenist à lui de seoir à le table de si grant prince et de si vaillant homme que li corps de li estoit et que moustré avoit à le journée. Et toutdis s'engenilloit par devant le roy, et disoit bien: «Chiers sires, ne voelliés mies faire simple cière, pour tant se Diex n'i a hui volu consentir vostre voloir; car certainnement monsigneur mon père vous fera toute l'onneur et amisté qu'il pora, et se acordera à vous si raisonnablement que vous demorrés bon amit ensamble à tousjours. Et m'est avis que vous avés grant [] raison de vous esleecier, comment que la besongne ne soit tournée à vostre gret; car vous avés conquis au jour d'ui le haut nom de proèce, et avés passet tous les mieulz faisans de vostre costet. Je ne le di mies, ce saciés, chiers sires, pour vous lober; car tout cil de nostre partie, qui ont veu les uns et les aultres, se sont, par plainne sieute, à ce acordet, et vous en donnent le pris et le chapelet, se vous le volés porter.»