Biography of John Montagu 3rd Earl Salisbury 1350-1400

Archaeologia Volume 20 Section 1. 12 Aug 1299. Then King Richard wisely replied: "Northumberland, withdraw: ere it be long you shall have our answer, that you may speedily depart."Then might you see them separate. They discoursed long upon the matter of which they had heard the earl speak; till at last the king said,^t "Fair sirs, we will grant it to him, for I see no other way. You perceive, as well as myself, that all is lost. But I swear to you, that whatever assurance I may give him, he shall for this be surely put to a bitter death for the outrage and injury that he hath done unto us. And doubt it not, no parliament shall be held at Westminster upon this business; for I love you so entirely, that I would not suffer you to come to parliament to die, for the fulfilment of his pleasure; for I know full well that he would make you suffer most heavy penalty, and that you would be in very great danger of being put to bitter and certain death, seeing many murmur against you. Yet fear not, my good friends, but that in spite of them, you shall ever be my nearest friends, for I have always found you, without evil intention, good and loyal. Moreover, I tell you, that I will summon and secretly bring together men throughout Wales that may be ready for us on a certain day. When we have spoken with Duke Henry, we will then take our way through Wales; and if he should ask us wherefore we do so, we will tell him that there is no victuals (not a penny-worth) the other way, since his people and his army have wasted every thing, and that we are going that way, lest provisions fail us. Thus will we say to him, if it seem good unto you, and I believe that he will readily agree to it. The earl hath told us so. And when we shall have found our people assembled, we will display our banners to the wind, and suddenly march with vigour against him. For I am sure of it, as of my death, that when they shall behold my arms, they will be so sorry at heart for the wrong that they have done unto me, that the half of those who have gone along with him, will desert him, and indeed come over to us. For good and faithful heart can never prove false; and nature will bring to their remembrance, that during my life, they ought to hold me as their rightful lord. You will then see them come to us straightways, and you will know that we have right (on our side). God, if we trust in him, will aid us. If we are not so much in our place as they shall be, yet, please God, they shall not chuse but fight us; and if they be in any wise discomfited they shall be put to death. There are some of them whom I will flay alive. I would not take all the gold in the land for them; please God, I continue alive and well."

Note t. "He then consulted with his friends, Carlisle, Salisbury, Scroope, Ferriby, and Jenico in the chapel of the castle, and said to them, ' Gentlemen, you have heard what the earl says: what think you of it?' To which they replied, 'Sir, do you speak first.' The king answered, 'It seems to me that a good peace may be made between us two, if it be as the earl says. But, in truth, whatever agreement or peace he may make with me, if I can ever get him to my advantage, I will cause him to be foully put to death, just as he hath earned."¹

Note 1. MS. Ambassades, p. 135. Mr. Allen's Extracts. Galliard interprets it, "I shall no more scruple to put him to death, than he did to gain the upper hand of me." Accounts and Extracts, II. p. 219. This is, however, too periphrastic. The original words are simply, "Je leferay mourir mauvaisement, ainsi comme il ti gaognie."²

The commonly received opinion, which has been echoed by many writers, was, that Richard, desiring a conference at Conway with the Archbishop of Canterbury and Earl of Northumberland, and of his own accord declaring himself ready to resign, first stipulated for his own maintainance, and for the security of eight persons whom he should name. "Indicavit se velle regno cedere, si sibi victus honorificus vitaeque securitas octo personis, quos nominari vellet, fide interposita, donaretur."^1a Whether Henry was willing to grace his new authority by forbearance towards the king's adherents, or whether Richard was afterwards able to negociate for those whom the duke had threatened to bring before the parliament is immaterial: it is, however, plain, that excepting Jenico, whose resistance procured him a temporary confinement, they all remained unprosecuted and at large. But, as to Richard's spontaneous offer of resignation at this time, it may easily be understood that reports like these were propagated to encourage a persuasion that it was an act proceeding entirely from his consciousness of the difficulties to which he had been reduced by his inability to govern, and that it was not forced upon him by his adversaries. Richard himself in this genuine narrative holds no language which can induce a belief of this nature; he never hints at a wish to lay aside the burden of power in his message to Chester, his conference with Northumberland, or consultation with his little band of friends. On the contrary, he contemplates the future exercise of it in retaliation upon his aggressors, and merely in a general way accedes to the propositions of the earl, that he may escape from a part of his difficulties, with the confident expectation of his entire ability to screen his faithful servants. Salisbury, Scroope, and Merks, the only three present of those who were threatened with prosecution, are satisfied with his assurance of protection, and agree that at all hazards it would be well to close with the duke's conditions of peace.

But the king's pretended readiness to abandon his high estate was more industriously endeavoured to be established by an artifice that reflects little credit upon his successor. The story of what passed at Conway relative to the negociation is given in the text with such an appearance of truth, and is so coherent in all it's parts, that it may very properly be taken to correct the variety of suspicious statements with which ignorance or wilfulness have clouded the affair. One of these is of too grave a kind to be passed over. Comparing it with the statements of our author, I am reluctantly compelled to look upon the ground of Richard's retirement from the throne, given in the Roll of Resignation deposited in the Archives of England, to be a gross fabrication published by Henry IV. for purposes of state. In order to colour the transaction and make the renunciation appear more voluntary than it really was, it is entered upon the roll that the Earl of Northumberland in the presence of the Archbishop ofCanterburyandtherestofthecommissionersin the Tower, "remembered King Richard of hispromise made to the said Archbishop, and to him the said earl at Conway in Wales, at what time the same King Richard was at liberty, how that he, for certain defaults and inabilities in himself to rule, would renounce and give up the crowns of England and France, with the whole rule of the same, and that by the best advice that could be devised; King Richard thereto mildly answered, that he would willingly accomplish the same."^1b

Note 2. "I will make him die miserably, just as he has earned it."

Note 1. Walsing. Hist. Angl. p. 358. "He informed them that he was willing to abdicate the throne if he were granted an honorable livelihood and security for the lives of eight persons whom he would name, under a pledge of good faith."

Note 1b. Cotton's Abridgement, p. 385. There is an overstrained affectation of cheerful acquiescence in the report of his renunciation, which defeats itself. The parties are all very courteous, and happy in each other's society while it lasts. "After familiar talk had between the king, the duke, and archbishop, the instrument was ordered to be read; but the king willingly and cheerfully took and read it throughout." The whole is curious; and, I fear, in many particulars, a piece of deliberately recorded falsehood. Ut supra, p. 386.

Froissart Book 4 Chapter 96. After 19 Oct 1398. When the day of his exile drew near, he went to Eltham where the king (age 31) resided. He found there his father (age 58), the duke of York (age 57) his uncle, and with them the earl of Northumberland (age 56), sir Henry Percy (age 34) his son, and a great many barons and knights of England, vexed that his ill fortune should force him out of England. The greater part of them accompanied him to the presence of the king, to learn his ultimate pleasure as to this banishment. The king pretended that he was very happy to see these lords: he entertained them well, and there was a full court on the occasion. The earl of Salisbury (age 48), and the earl of Huntingdon (age 46), who had married the duke of Lancaster's daughter (age 35), were present, and kept near to the earl of Derby (age 31), whether through dissimulation or not I am ignorant. When the time for the earl of Derby's taking leave arrived, the king addressed his cousin with great apparent humility, and said, "that as God might help him, the words which had passed between him and the lord marshal had much vexed him; and that he had judged the matter between them to the best of his understanding, and to satisfy the people, who had murmured greatly at this quarrel. Wherefore, cousin," he added, "to relieve you somewhat of your pain, I now remit four years of the term of your banishment, and reduce it to six years instead often. Make your preparations, and provide accordingly." "My lord," replied the earl, "I humbly thank you; and, when it shall be your good pleasure, you will extend your mercy." The lords present were satisfied with the answer, and for this time were well pleased with the king's behaviour, for he received them kindly. Some of them returned with the earl of Derby to London. The earl's baggage had been sent forward to Dover, and he was advised by his father, on his arrival at Calais, to go straight to Paris, and wait on the king of France (age 29) and his cousins the princes of France, for by their means he would be the sooner enabled to shorten his exile than by any other. Had not the duke of Lancaster earnestly pressed this matter, like a father anxious to console his son, he would have taken the direct road to the count d'Ostrevant in Hainault.

Archaeologia Volume 20 Section 1. 12 Aug 1399. Then the earl went on board a vessel and crossed the water. He found King Richard, and the Earl of Salisbury (age 49) with him, as well as the Bishop of Carlisle. He said to the king,^p "Sire, Duke Henry hath sent me hither to the end that an agreement should be made between you, and that you should be good friends for the time to come, — If it be your pleasure, Sire, and I may be heard, I will deliver to you his message, and conceal nothing of the truth; — If you will be a good judge and true, and will bring up all those whom I shall here name to you, by a certain day, for the ends of justice; listen to the parliament which you shall lawfully cause to be held between you at Westminster, and restore him to be chief judge of England, as the duke his father^q and all his ancestors had been for more than an hundred years. I will tell you the names of those who shall await the trial. May it please you, Sire, it is time they should."

Note p. We are here supplied with some additional matter from the MS. Ambassades. Huntingdon, by command of the duke, sent one of his retinue after Northumberland with two letters, one for Northumberland, the other for the king. When he appeared before the king with seven attendants, he was asked by him, if he had not met his brother on the road? "Yes, Sire," he answered," and here is a letter he gave me for you." The king looked at the letter and the seal, and saw that it was the seal of his brother; then he opened the letter and read it. All that it contained was this, "My very dear Lord, I commend me to you: and you will believe the earl in every thing that he shall say to you. For I found the duke at my city of Chester, who has a great desire to have a good peace and agreement with you, and has kept me to attend upon him till he shall know your pleasure."² When the king had read this letter, he turned to Northumberland, and said, "Now tell me what message you bring." To which the earl replied, "My very dear Lord, the Duke of Lancaster hath sent me to you, to tell you that what he most wishes for in this world is to have peace and agreement with you; and he greatly repents with all his heart of the displeasure that he hath caused you now and at other times; and asks nothing of you in this living world, save that it may please you to account him your cousin and friend; and that it may please you only to let him have his land; and that he may be chief judge of England, as his father and his predecessors have been, and that all other things of time past may be put in oblivion between you two; for which purpose he hath chosen umpires (juges) for yourself and for him, that is to say, the Bishop of Carlisle, the Earl of Salisbury, Maudelain, and the Earl of Westmorland; and charges them with the agreement that is between you and him. Give me an answer, if you please; for all the greatest lords of England and the commons are of this opinion." On which the king desired him to withdraw a little, and he should have an answer soon.¹

The latter part of this speech contains an important variation from the metrical history, worthy of the artifice of the earl; but the opposite account of our eye-witness, confirmed in Richard's subsequent address to his friends, is doubtless the true representation. The writer of MS. Ambassades might be at this time at Chester; but admitting that he had been in the train of Northumberland on the journey, he could not have been present at the conference.

Note 2. Accounts and Extracts, II. p. 219.

Note 1. MS. Ambassades, pp. 134, 135. Mr. Allen's Extracts.

Note q. The style of the duke his father was, John, the son of the King of England, Duke of Guienne and Lancaster, Earl of Derby, Lincoln, and Leicester, Steward of England.² " The word seneshal," says Rastall, "was borrowed by the French of the Germans; and signifies one that hath the dispensing of justice in some particular cases, as the High Steward of England;"^1a the jurisdiction of his court, by the statute,^2a" shall not pass the space of twelve miles to be counted from the lodgings of our Lord the King."

These "particular cases" would, however, have secured to him a power of exercising his vengeance upon the parties who are immediately afterwards named. But the request urged with such apparent humility was only a part of the varnish of the plot. He had not waited for Richard's consent, having already, within two days after his arrival at Chester, assumed the title upon his own authority. In Madox, Formulare Anglicanum, p. 327, is a letter of safe conduct from Henry to the prior of Beauval, dated from that place, August 10, 23 Richard II. in which he styles himself" Henry, Due de Lancastre,Conte de Derby, de Leycestre, de Herford, et de Northampton, Seneschal d'Angleterre."

He conferred the office upon Thomas, his second son, by patent dated October 8, 1399; constituting at the same time Thomas Percy Deputy High Steward during the minority of the prince.^3a

Note 2. Cotton's Abridgement, p. 343.

Note 1a. Termes de la Ley. v. Sene

Note 2a. 13 Ric. II. St. 1. c. 3.

Note 3a. Rymer, Fœdera, VIII. p. 90.

After 20 May 1475. St Mary's Church, Ewelme [Map]. Monument to [his former daughter-in-law] Alice Chaucer Duchess Suffolk (deceased). Wrist Garter. The effigy was, apparently, viewed to determine how a lady should wear the garter at the re-commencement of Lady of the Garter appointments in 1901 after a gap of several hundred years. A particularly fine Cadaver Underneath the chest on which Alice's effigy lies. Full-length in a shroud. Chest with Angels with Rounded Wings holding Shields.

Detail of the South Side of the Monument to Alice Chaucer Duchess Suffolk.

1 Roet Arms impaled Chaucer Modern Arms. Alice's paternal grandparents.

2 De La Pole Arms impaled Stafford Arms. Her third husbands parents Michael de la Pole 2nd Earl Suffolk and Katherine Stafford Countess Suffolk.

3 Montacute and Monthermer Arms impaled Francis? Possibly Alice's second husband's parents John Montagu 3rd Earl Salisbury and [his former wife] Maud Francis Countess of Salisbury.

4 De La Pole Arms quartered Chaucer Modern Arms.

5 Roet Arms quartered Chaucer Modern Arms.

6 Chaucer Modern Arms.

7 De La Pole Arms.

8 De La Pole Arms impaled England Henry IV Arms signifying Alice's son John's marriage to Elizabeth of York sister of King Edward IV of England.

Detail of the North Side of the monument to Alice Chaucer Duchess Suffolk. Arms from left to right ...

1 De La Pole Arms quartered Chaucer Modern Arms impaled Unknown.

2 De La Pole Arms impaled Chaucer Modern Arms. Her third husband William "Jackanapes" de la Pole 1st Duke of Suffolk.

3 De La Pole Arms quarted Chaucer Modern Arms. Alice's son John de la Pole 2nd Duke of Suffolk by her second husband William "Jackanapes" de la Pole 1st Duke of Suffolk.

4 Chaucer Modern Arms.

5 Montacute and Monthermer Arms quartering impaled Chaucer. Alice's second husband [his son] Thomas Montagu 1st Count Perche 4th Earl Salisbury.

6 Roet Arms. Alice's paternal grandmother Philippa Roet.

7 England Henry IV Arms impaling Roet Arms probably signifying John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster and Katherine Roet Duchess Lancaster, Katherine being the sister of Alice's paternal grandmother Philippa Roet who married Geoffrey Chaucer.

8 Roet Arms impaling Chaucer Modern Arms. Her paternal grandparents Geoffrey Chaucer and Philippa Roet.

Katherine Stafford Countess Suffolk: Around 1376 she was born to Hugh Stafford 2nd Earl Stafford and Philippa Beauchamp Countess Stafford. She a great x 3 granddaughter of King Edward I of England. Before 1394 Michael de la Pole 2nd Earl Suffolk and she were married. She by marriage Countess Suffolk. She the daughter of Hugh Stafford 2nd Earl Stafford and Philippa Beauchamp Countess Stafford. He the son of Michael de la Pole 1st Earl Suffolk and Katherine Wingfield Countess Suffolk. She a great x 3 granddaughter of King Edward I of England. On 08 Apr 1419 Katherine Stafford Countess Suffolk died.

Philippa Roet: Around 1346 she was born to Giles "Payne" Roet. Before 1367 Geoffrey Chaucer and she were married at St Mary de Castro Leicester, Leicestershire [Map]. Excerpta Historica Page 152. Philippa, his eldest daughter, is stated to have been the maid of honour to Philippa Queen of Edward the Third who by the name of "Philippa Pycard" obtained a grant of one hundred shillings per annum on the 20th January 1370, and married Geoffrey Chaucer, to whom, in consequence, it is supposed, of this connexion, the Duke of Lancaster granted the Castle of Dodington. Of John of Gaunt's connexion with Chaucer, however, no proof has been found; and the circumstance of the lady assigned to him for his wife being styled "Philippa Pycard," instead of Roelt, renders the assertion, that she was the sister of the Duchess of Lancaster, extremely doubtful. Around 1387 Philippa Roet died.

Archaeologia Volume 20 Section 1. "Yes, (tell me them,) I desire to know who they are." "Know, Sire, that the first is your brother; the second who hath behaved amiss is the Duke of Surrey, who is, indeed, put in prison in the castle of Chester, for some offence committed against Duke Henry. Another is the Earl of Salisbury, together with the Bishop of Carlisle; the fifth, as I have heard my lord say, is Maudelain.^r These are they who agreed and counselled you to put your uncle most wrongfully to death; and if they deny it, they await the judgment of your parliament, wherein you shall be highly crowned a sovereign king. There also shall Duke Henry be chief judge. Those who have been guilty of crime or treason shall be punished without partiality. Such is the determination of my lord. Certes, dear Sire, he would do nothing that is foolish or unreasonable. I would moreover speak to you of another thing; that you will speedily appoint the day; for there is nothing in the world that he more desireth; I know it well; and he wisheth for nothing but his land, and that which appertaineth to him; neither would have any thing that is yours,^s for you are his immediate, rightful king; and he regretteth in his conscience the great mischief and wrong that he hath done unto you, through the evil persuasion of the enemy, who never slumbereth nor sleepeth, but is ever watchful to tempt mankind. It is he who hath whispered to him all that he hath done. Wherefore, for the sake of him who suffered unparalleled death for us upon the cross, may it please you, be gentle unto my lord, who is sorrowful and afflicted, and for once lay aside your wrath; and he will most humbly come on his knees before you, and sue for mercy. This done, together shall ye go to London, like devout and peaceful men; or, if you choose to go a different road you shall take it; and then shall the parliament be proclaimed throughout the land. Be sure of all this: I will swear to it upon the body of our Lord, consecrated by the priest's hand, that Duke Henry shall most faithfully observe all that I have said, and every thing as I have told you; for he solemnly pledged it to me upon the sacrament when last we parted. Now consider, Sire, how you will act, for I have tarried long."

Note r. Richard Maudelain, a priest of the chapel royal, who resembled the king so much in size, feature, and speech, that he was employed by the insurgents at Christmas to personate him in the army.

Un chapellain, [A chaplain,]

Qui resembloit si de certain [Who resembled so certainly]

Au bon roy Richart de visage, [The good King Richard in face,]

De corps, de fait, et de langage, [In body, in deed, and in speech,]

Qu'il n'est homme qui le vist [That there was no man who saw him]

Qui ne ccrtifiast et dist [Who did not affirm and say]

Que ce fust le roy ancien. [That it was the former king.]

This man appears to have been one of the most obsequious and daring of Richard's creatures; and served him in several confidential and difficult undertakings.¹ Thus he was sent to bring over money from Ireland; and to attend the corpse of the Duke of Gloucester from Calais to London.² The king gave him some property in Fleet-street, and the suburbs of London, which had belonged to Henry Bowet, clerk,³ a particular friend of the Duke of Lancaster, who had upon his account been attainted of treason, 22 Rich. II.⁴ So that for many reasons Henry had an especial dislike to Maudelain. He was a witness to Richard's will,⁵ and went with him upon the Irish expedition. On their return to Milford he was among those of his council who had advised him to withdraw from his army into France, see p. 77. I have already said p. 92, that he probably absconded; for, as he is a remarkable personage, it would have been mentioned had he been in the suite at Conway. When the rebels were dispersed at Cirencester he was taken in attempting to escape with Ferriby, and conducted to London for execution. He asked the mayor if he should be quartered. " No," said the mayor, "but your head will be cut off." Then Maudelain thanked God that he should die in the service of his sovereign lord, the noble king Richard.⁶ Walsingham oddly styles him, I. Mawdlyn Mawde.⁷

Note s. Henry's appearance in arms was but too symptomatic of a treasonable design against Richard not to excite strong suspicions in those who were unacquainted with his real intentions, and might not wish that the matter should be pushed to extremities. By the statute of Northampton, promulgated in the time of Edward III.^1a and glossed upon and confirmed by many subsequent enactments in Richard's reign it was actual treason.^2a No man could "ride armed in harness with launcegays, nor go armed by night nor by day, nor bear sallet, nor skull of iron, nor raise people and ride against the king, upon pain of treason." So that to meet all imputations arising from his display of warlike preparation, his vengeance was at first professed only against the favourites of the court, who had abused the confidence of their sovereign, and had been the instigators of tyrannical measures. Besides this, to quiet the scruples of many of his well-wishers, who might look to reform rather than revolution; and to persuade others, probably the Archbishop of York in particular, of the purity of his intentions, and that he had no ulterior view than that of private justice, and an arrangement for the general good of the realm, he made oath upon the sacrament at Doncaster,^3a immediately upon his landing, and afterwards at Chester,^4a that he came to claim no more than his inheritance, which the ill-advised Richard had, contrary to promise, seized into his hands. "For this," says Baker^5a shrewdly, " was a reason had no objection; the other he reserved till his power should not need to regard objections." And here, in professing to the king that he wished to touch none of his rights, he gave the Percys a lesson which they afterwards retorted upon him. In the beginning of their opposition to him, before the battle of Shrewsbury, "scripserunt provincialibus ubilibet constitutis, propositum quod assumpserant, non esse contra suam ligantiam, et fidelitatem quam regi fecerant nee; ab aliunde exercitum congregasse, nisi pro salvatione personarum suarum, et reipublicae meliori gubernatione, &c. Plures igitur, visis his literis, collaudabant tantorum virorum solertiam, et extollebant fidem quam erga rempublicam praetendebant."^6a

Note 1. APPENDIX, No. I

Note 2. Rymer, Fœdera, VIII. pp. 20, 21, 31.

Note 3. Calend. Rot. pat. p. 236. a. 3. p. 22 Ric. No. 24.

Note 4. Cotton, p. 381.

Note 5. Rymer, ut supra, p. 77.

Note 6. Accounts and Extracts, II. p. 235.

Note 7. Hist. Angl. p. 363.

Note 1a. Stat. 2 Edw. III. c.3

Note 2a. Stat. 2 Ric. II. c. 6. 7 Ric. II. c. 13. 20 Ric.II. c. 1. 21 Ric. II. e. 3

Note 3a. Ther sware the duke upon the sacrament

To claim no more but hii mother's heritage. Hardyng, by Ellis, p. 350.

Note 4a. Maydestone, Hist, de Martyr. Ric. Scrope, Anglia Sacra, pars secunda, p. 369.

Note 5a. Chronicle, p. 154.

Note 6a. Walsing. Hist. Angl. p. 367. "They wrote to the provincials established wherever they were, stating that the purpose they had undertaken was not against their loyalty and the faith they had pledged to the king; nor had they gathered an army from elsewhere, except for the preservation of their own persons and for the better governance of the commonwealth, etc. Therefore, many, upon seeing these letters, praised the prudence of such great men and extolled the faith they professed toward the commonwealth."

Archaeologia Volume 20 Section 1. So they put themselves in good array; and the earl, without making any stir, went on to Conway to fulfil his word. There is an arm of the sea before the town; but when the earl came in front of it, he sent a heraldⁿ to King Richard, to ask if he would be pleased to grant him safe conduct that he might pass over to tell him how the duke was desirous of coming to an agreement with him. Then the herald crossed the water, and found the king aloft in the castle hardly assailed by sorrow. He said cheerfully to him, "Sire, the honourable Earl of Northumberland hath sent me hither to relate to you how desirous Duke Henry is to be immediately at peace with you. May it please you, for the better knowledge of the truth, to grant him safe conduct and leave to come here, for otherwise he will not presume to stir." Salisbury, who was there, then said to king Richard that it would be a good thing to make him come thither alone:^o then the king said aloud to the messenger in his own language, " I heartily give the Earl of Northumberland permission to pass." He thanked him a hundred times, descended from the lofty castle, and passed the water, where the earl had been long expecting him. There he related to him how King Richard had freely granted him safe conduct, and besought him to make haste

Note n. The Percys had upon their establishment, Northumberland Herald and Esperance Pursuivant.²

Note 2. Dallaway, Inquiries, Sect. II. p. 85, note.

Note o. His little retinue perhaps remained on the other side of the water, because Northumberland is admitted into the castle alone. And this should be particularly noted, since we shall endeavour to shew that a studied misrepresentation of the whole affair was made by the Lancastrians for an obvious end. Walsingham¹ tells us, that the first proposition towards a treaty came from Richard, and that he desired to confer with the Earl of Northumberland and Archbishop Arundel at Conway. So much were the true circumstances of the case kept out of sight.

Note 1. Hist. Angl. p. 358.