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All About History Books

The Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke. Baker was a secular clerk from Swinbroke, now Swinbrook, an Oxfordshire village two miles east of Burford. His Chronicle describes the events of the period 1303-1356: Gaveston, Bannockburn, Boroughbridge, the murder of King Edward II, the Scottish Wars, Sluys, Crécy, the Black Death, Winchelsea and Poitiers. To quote Herbert Bruce 'it possesses a vigorous and characteristic style, and its value for particular events between 1303 and 1356 has been recognised by its editor and by subsequent writers'. The book provides remarkable detail about the events it describes. Baker's text has been augmented with hundreds of notes, including extracts from other contemporary chronicles, such as the Annales Londonienses, Annales Paulini, Murimuth, Lanercost, Avesbury, Guisborough and Froissart to enrich the reader's understanding. The translation takes as its source the 'Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke' published in 1889, edited by Edward Maunde Thompson. Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.

Late Medieval Books

Late Medieval Books is in Books.

A Chronicle of London

A Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483 written in the Fifteenth century, and for the first time printed from MSS. in the British Museum: to which are added numerous contemporary illustrattons, consisting of royal letters, poems, and other articles descriptive of public events, or of the manners and customs of the metropolis. 1828.

Adam Murimuth Continuation

Adæ Murimuth Continuatio Chronicaru. M. Robertus De Avesbury De Gestis Mirabilibus Regis Edwardi Tertii. Edited By Edward Maunde Thompson, Hon. LL.D. St. Andrews; Hon. D.C.L. Durham; F.8.A. Principal Librarian of the British Museum. Published by the Authority of the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury, under the direction of the Master of the Rolls. London: Printed for her Majesty's Stationery Office, by Eyre and Spottiswoode, printers to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty. 1889.

An English Chronicle

Annales Paulini

It is, however, recognized as dangerous because of the pressing crowd, for we testify to what we have seen. The king therefore willingly distributed portions of the royal regalia of Saint Edward to various earls and barons, Edward's cross, scepter, rod, spurs, and swords, for example. But he entrusted the crown of Saint Edward to Piers (Gaveston) to carry, with defiled hands. Because of this, the people and the clergy were not unjustly outraged. The king entered the church through the back entrance of the palace, with tents having been pitched, in order to escape the crush of the people.

Periculosum tamen dinoscitur propter turbam comprimentem, quia quod vidimus hoc testamur. Tradidit itaque rex voluntarie portiunculas Gaveston regalis Sancti Edwardi diversis comitibus et baronibus, Edward's ut puta crucem, sceptrum, virgam, calcaria et gladios; sed coronam Sancti Edwardi tradidit Petro ad portandum manibus inquinatis. Ex quo non immerito indignati sunt populus atque clerus. Rex per posticium palatii, fixis tentoriis, ecclesiam est ingressus, ut evaderet populi compressionem.

Annales of Angliae and Scotiae

How King Edward prepared himself against the Scots

In the year of the Incarnation of the Lord 1298, which was the twenty-sixth year of the reign of King Edward, that same king prepared himself, not with a feeble company, but with a mighty host of warriors, to crush the audacity of the Scots. At Easter of that year, he arrived with all his strength at Berwick. He entered the town without resistance, for the Scots had fled, struck with great terror upon hearing of the king’s approach. He then pursued them, and on the next feast of Saint Mary Magdalene he engaged them in battle at Falkirk 22nd July 1298. There he inflicted upon his enemies such a great slaughter that the living could not bury the dead; reportedly nearly one hundred thousand.

How William Wallace arranged his army for battle

William Wallace had constructed a barrier between his army and the English: he fixed long and substantial stakes into the ground and bound them together with ropes and cords, forming a sort of hedge, in order to hinder the charge and advance of the English. Then, having summoned his companies, he forced all the foot soldiers to enter into the front line, saying to them in his native tongue: 'They have put you into a game—hop, if you can,' as if to say, 'I have now led you into a pit and the peril of danger; leap back, if you can, in order to save yourself.'

He himself, not as a prince but as a deceiver, fled. For an army without a leader, and ignorant of military discipline, either falls apart before the battle or is easily defeated in the very conflict. Great value in war lies in the presence of a commander, in proven boldness in such matters, in experience, and above all in discipline. Deprived of these things, as I have said, William le Wallace was therefore of no worth—he misled the people. For it is easier to make a hawk out of a kite than to make a learned man out of a peasant in an instant; and one who tries to pour deep knowledge into him does as much good as one who scatters pearls before swine.

But when the king saw such a great multitude of unarmed foot soldiers—indeed, the Scots were three times more numerous than the English, but advanced without order or proper arms, he immediately commanded the Welsh, who had come with the king, nearly ten thousand in number, to attack the Scots. But they refused and scattered at once, not yet having harmed the Scots, as they had premeditated deceit; for they still remembered the slaughter of their kinsmen, which the same king had inflicted the previous year, and they deeply hated him for it. Thus, at that time, the English suspected that if the king were to suffer the worse side of the battle, the Welsh might seize the moment to take revenge. And indeed, if permission or opportunity had been granted, the Welsh, stirred by such grievances, would have attempted to exact vengeance. But while they plotted such things, divine mercy restrained them, for God does not abandon those who hope in Him.

Then, upon realizing the treachery of the Welsh, a certain Englishman addressed the king as follows:

'King Edward, if you trust the Welsh, you are mistaken,

As you once did before; now strip their lands.'

The Welsh, however, delayed attacking the Scots until, the king having triumphed, the Scots were falling on all sides—like the blossoms of trees when the fruit begins to ripen. Then the king said: 'The Lord is with us—who can be against us?' Immediately the Welsh charged upon the Scots, cutting them down so completely that the ground was covered with their corpses, as if with snow in winter. In that battle, nearly one hundred thousand Scots fell, mostly from the poor common folk. Thus did God grant the fortune of battle to those who believed in Him, and unerring destruction to those who scorned Him.

Thus King Edward, the Third, became a most glorious victor. When William Wallace and the chief leaders of Scotland saw that they could no longer resist the King of England, and that such a slaughter had befallen their people, they said to one another, 'Let us withdraw from here, for God is not with us.' Immediately, driven by fear, they fled and hid themselves in towns, in the woods, and in any place they believed might offer safe refuge. The women, taking their children and household belongings, escaped by way of the coast. Having prepared ships, they even took to the sea, setting sail wherever fate might lead them. But when they had unfurled their sails, contrary winds suddenly rose, scattered their ships, and in the blink of an eye they perished in the depths of the sea.

Quomodo Rex Edwardus paravit se contra Scotos.

Anno ab Incarnatione Domini millesimo ducentesimo nonagesimo octavo, qui est annus regni Regis Edwardi vicesimus sextus, idem Rex se paraverat non inerti cohorte virorum bellatorum, ut audaciam Scotorum Scots opprimeret. Eodem tempore Paschali apud Berwicum, cum tota fortitudine sua, applicuit. Mox intravit, absque obstaculo; quia Scoti fugerant, audito Regis adventu, nimio terrore perculsi. Deinde prosecutus est eos, et in festo Mariæ Magdalenæ proximo sequenti commisit helium apud Faukurke. Ibi maximam stragem hostium suorum commisit, quam non poterant vivi humare, videlicet, fere centum millia.

Quomodo Willelmus le Waleis ordinavit exercitum suum in bello.

Willemus le Waleis construxerat sepem inter exercitum suum et Anglicanos; longos palos, et non modicos, in terram fixit, et cum funibus et cordis illaqueavit, ad modum sepis, ut congressum et egressum Anglicanorum impediret. Deinde convocatis catervis suis, omnem populum pedestrem in primo concursu compellebat intrare, dicens illis patria lingua: 'Hy haue pult ou into a gamen, hoppet yif ye kunnet,' —quasi dicat, '—Jam introduxi vos in foveam et periculi discrimen, resilite, si poteris, ut salvemini.'

Ipse autem, non ut princeps, sed ut seductor, aufugit. Nam exercitus, principe carens, et discipline militaris ignarus, aut ante congressionem dilabitur, aut in ipso conflictu facile decidet. Valet multum in bellis ducis presentia, valet spectata in talibus audacia, valet usus, et maxime disciplina. Quibus, ut dixi, carens Willelmus le Waleis, et, per consequens, nihil valens, sed populum seducens, — nam facilius est accipitrem ex milvo fieri, quam ex rustico subito eruditum et qui profundam doctrinam ei infundit, idem facit aesi margaritas inter porcos spargit.

Distulerunt tamen Walenses ne Scotos expugnarent, donec, Rege triumphante, Scoti undique corruerent, quomodo flores arborum, maturescente fructu. Tunc ait Rex, — "Dominus nobiscum, quis contra nos?" Statim Walenses irruerunt in Scotos, eos prostemendo, in tantum, ut terrm operirent cadavera eorum, tanquam nix in hyeme. Ceciderunt in illo bello de Scotis fere centum millia, de paupere vulgo. Concessit ergo Deus fortunam belli se credentibus, et inerrabilem contritionem se contemnentibus.

Rex autem, cum vidisset tantam multitudinem populi pedestris et inermis, — erant enim in triplo plures Scoti quam Angli, sed sine ordine et armis incedentes, — statim Rex jussit Walensibus, qui cum Rege venerant, fere ad decern millia, ut Scotos expugnarent. Qui nolentes, sed continuo diffugerunt, necdum Scotis nocuerunt, dolum prsemeditantes; semper enim necis parentum suorum memores, quam idem Rex anno elapso intulerat, seterao ilium habebant odio. Unde tunc temporis suspicabatur ab Anglicis, quod si Rex deteriorem partem belli pateretur. Quibus etiam nugis Walenses incitati, si fas libito concessisset, vindictam sumere niterentur. Mox illis talia præmeditantibus, compescuit eos miseratio divina, qui non derelinquit sperantes in se.

Deinde cognita malitia Walensium, quidam Anglicanus sic Regem affatur:

"Rex Edwarde, fidem si des Walensibus, erras,

"Ut dederas pridem$1 sed eorum diripe terras."

Rex itaque Edwardus Tertius victor clarissimus extitit: Wilelmus Waleis et majores Scotiæ, cum vidissent se Regi Anglim minime resistere, et tantam stragem populo suo accidisse, mutuo dixerunt,— "Recedamus hinc, non enim est Deus nobiscum." Continuo, cogente timore, fugerunt, et ad oppida et nemora, et ad omnem locum ubi tutum putabant refugium, delituerunt. Mulieres vero, acceptis parvulis suis et supellectilibus, per partes maritimas evaserunt. Parato navigio, etiam ingrediuntur mare, tendentes quo sors illas conduceret. Demum cum vela pretendissent, insurrexerunt venti contrarii, et navigia eorum dissipaverunt, et in ictu oculi infra maria periclitaverunt.

Annals of Margam

Annals of Margam Abbey published by Twenty Trees.

Available on Amazon in paperback and eBook.

The Annals of Margam is a remarkable source for Medieval History. The Annals include descriptions of the finding of King Arthur's remains at Glastonbury, the murder of Prince Arthur by King John, as well as detailed accounts of the Welsh wars. This book is an English translation of Henry Luard's Latin book of 1865.

Annals of Six Kings of England by Nicholas Trivet

Earl Simon, taking the king with him, set out for Hereford, having gathered a strong force to decisively suppress the aforementioned knights. Meanwhile, an effort was made by certain prelates to reconcile the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester to their former unity; but they accomplished nothing. While these things were taking place, Edward, the king’s son, who was being held in custody in the castle of Hereford, was allowed by his guards to exercise horses in a certain meadow outside the town, under the pretext of taking a walk. After testing several horses and tiring them out by riding, he finally mounted the one he knew to be the best warhorse, spurred it on hard, bade farewell to his guards, crossed the river called the Wye, and with two knights and four squires who were privy to his plan, set off in the direction of Wigmore Castle. The guards who pursued him, seeing the banners of the lords Roger de Mortimer and Roger de Clifford coming to meet Edward as a safeguard for his escape, were deceived and returned to Hereford. This happened during Pentecost week, by the counsel and planning of the aforementioned knights.

Comes Symon, regem secum dncens, Herfordiam proficiscitur, collecta manu valida prædictos milites potenter disponens opprimere. Interim per quosdam elaboratum est prælatos, ut comites Leicestriæ et Gloverniæ ad pristinam reducerentur unitatem; sed nihil proficere potuerunt. Dum autem hæc aguntur, Edwardus filius regis in castro Herfordiæ sub custodia detentus, equorum cursu se exercere in prato quodam extra urbem a custodibus permittitur gratia spatiandi; qui tentatis pluribus et currendo fatigatis, tandem unum quem electum sciebat ascendens dextrarium urgensque eum calcaribus, custodibus valedixit, transitoque flumine quod Wey dicitur, cum duobus militibus et quatuor scutiferis propositi sui consciis, versus castrum de Wiggemor dirigit iter suum. Insequentes vero eum custodes, cum vidissent vexilla dominorum Rogeri de Mortuo-mari et Rogeri de Clifford, Edwardo in salutis præsidium occurrentium, delusi Herfordiam revertuntur. Factum est istud in hebdomada Pentecostes, consilio et industria militum prædictorum.

Annals of Tewkesbury

The Annals of Tewskesbury is a remarkable source for Medieval History, particularly for the reign of King Henry 3rd, on a local, regional, national and international scale, describing affairs of the monastery, the Baron's Wars, Crusades, eclipses, births, marriages and deaths, and much more. This book provides an English translation inline with the Latin text. Available in Paperback and Ebook on Amazon.

Annals of Waverley

[21st March 1152] A quarrel having arisen between King Louis of France and his wife Eleanor, a gathering of religious persons was held during Lent at Beaugency. There, with an oath taken before archbishops and bishops affirming that they were related by blood, they were separated by the authority of the Church.

Orta simultate inter regem Francorum Ludovicum ct uxorem ejus Alienor, congregatis religiosis personis in Quadragesimam apud Balgenceium, dato sacramcnto coram archiepiscopis et episcopis quod consanguine essent, separati sunt auctoritate Christianitatis.

Annals of Winchester

The Annals of the Monastery of Winchester published by Twenty Trees.

Available on Amazon in paperback and Ebook.

The Annals of Winchester is a remarkable resource for the period 519-1277. Up to 1157 the Annals largely follows the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, thereafter, it is an original composition. The latter part of the Annals are contemporary with events. This book provides an English Translation of Henry Luard's 1865 Latin copy of the Annals of Winchester.

Annals of Worcester

1170. William de Beauchamp (age 65) died and was buried at the chapter house door of Worcester [Cathedral]."

Willemus de Bello Campo obiit, et ad ostium capituli Wigorniæ sepelitur.

Bourgeois de Valciennes

How King Edward of England departed from Poissy and went on his way burning and pillaging everything before him.

Comment le roy Edouart d'Engleterre se party de Poissy, et s'en ala tout ardant et pillant devant luy.

Camden's Miscellany V24

Camden Fourth Series. Volume 9. 1972.

Chronicle of Adam of Usk

Chronicon Adæ de Usk A.D. 1377-1421. Edited with a Translation and Notes by Sir Edward Maunde Thompson, K.C.B. Second Edition. London Henry Frowde Oxford University Press Warehouse, Amen Corner, E.C. 1904.

Chronicle of Dieulacres Abbey

In the year 1403, around the Feast of the Translation of Saint Thomas the Martyr, on the following Monday, that is, the eighth of July, Henry Percy, then Justice of the County of Chester, came through parts of Lancashire with a small retinue, and, feigning peace, entered the county of Chester, where he stirred up various people to conspire against King Henry. It was made to seem to the people that King Richard was still alive, and this was publicly proclaimed twice in Chester, and also in various market towns of the same county, to the effect that those who wished to see him should assemble on Friday, that is, on the Feast of Saint Kenelm the King, beyond the forest of Delamere, at a place called Le Sondyweye, at the sixth hour. They pretended that King Richard, along with the Earl of Northumberland and a great army, would meet there. An astonishing number of people hurried there from all sides, eager to behold his anticipated arrival. And when Henry Percy arrived there, a large crowd, especially of armed men, was clearly present with him.

Anno M°CCCC°IIJ° circa festum Translationis Sancti Thomæ Martiris, die Iunæ sequente, videlicet sexto idus Julii, Henricus Percy, tunc Justiciarius comitatus Cestriæ, venit per partes Lancastriæ cum parva comitiva, pacem exsilians intravit comitatum Cestriæ, ibique excitavit diversos in conspirationem contra Regem Henricum insurgere; factumque est populo credere Ricardum Regem superstitem fore, quod proclamatum bis in Cestria, et in diversis foris comitatus ejusdem fuit proclamatum palam, ut qui cum videre affectabant, feria sexta scilicet in die Sancti Kenelmi Regis ultra forestam de Delamar, apud le Sondyweye hora sexta convenirent Fingebant autem dictum Regem Ricardum cum comite Northumbriæ et grandi exercitu ibidem convenire. Accelerabat quoque utrinque septus admirabilis multitudo desideratum ejus adventum intueri; cumque ibidem venisset, perspicua multitude, præcipue bellatorum, affuit Henrico Percy, etc.

Note 1. 17th July. Calendar to an English Missal of the 11th oentury. Public Library, Rouen.

Chronicle of England by Jean de Waurin

We have published our translation of the Chronicle of England by Jean de Waurin. Volume 6 Books 3-6. Selected Chapters describing the Wars of the Roses. Waurin is a contemporary chronicler; an original source. Waurin's chronicle is a first hand description of events in some cases, and second-hand in others; he knew Warwick the Kingmaker personally, with whom he once spent nine days in Calais, before Warwick and Clarance travelled to England to begin their rebellion. Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.

Chronicle of England by William of Worcester

William of Worcester's Chronicle of England: 1324-1468 published by All About History.

Available on Amazon in paperback and Ebook.

William of Worcester, born around 1415, and died around 1482 was secretary to John Fastolf, the renowned soldier of the Hundred Years War, during which time he collected documents, letters, and wrote a record of events. Following their return to England in 1440 William was witness to major events. Twice in his chronicle he uses the first person: 1. when writing about the murder of Thomas, 7th Baron Scales, in 1460, he writes "… and I saw him lying naked in the cemetery near the porch of the church of St. Mary Overie in Southwark …" and 2. describing King Edward IV's entry into London in 1461 he writes "… proclaimed that all the people themselves were to recognize and acknowledge Edward as king. I was present and heard this, and immediately went down with them into the city".

William's Chronicle is rich in detail. It is the source of much information about the Wars of the Roses, including the term "Diabolical Marriage" to describe the marriage of Queen Elizabeth Woodville's brother John's marriage to Katherine, Dowager Duchess of Norfolk, he aged twenty, she sixty-five or more, and the story about a paper crown being placed in mockery on the severed head of Richard, 3rd Duke of York.

Chronicle of Four Premiers Valois

[13th April 1360] King Edward of England, after he had lifted his siege before Reims, rode with his army until he crossed the Seine and entered the Gâtinais, ravaging and pillaging the land. And he advanced so far that he and his army came into the Chartres region. And there fell upon his army and upon him a very great storm, from which many Englishmen died, and even more of their horses. Such a thing had once before happened, in that very region, to Rou, king in part of Denmark, first duke of Normandy—his ancestor, descended from him in direct line from father to son, down to King William the Bastard, Duke of Normandy, who conquered England. Wherefore the said Edward, King of England, considering that in former times enemies who laid waste to the land of Our Lady of Chartres had there suffered torments, and now in that same land a torment had fallen upon his army, departed from the land as soon as he could, and rode onward before Paris.

Le roy Edouart d'Angleterre, apres ce qu'il oult levé son siege de par devant Rains, chevauca tant o son host qu'il passa Seyne et vint en Gastinois bruiant et courant le pais. Et tant esploita que lui et son host vindrent en Chartrain. Et là chey sur son host et sur lui une très grant tempeste dont moult d'Angloiz moururent et plus encorres de leurs chevaulx. Ainsi avint jadiz eu dit terrouail à Rou, roy en partie de Danemarche, premier duc de Normendie, son anceseur, descendu de lui par droicte ligne de père en filz par la succession du roy Guillaume Le Bastard, duc de Normendie, qui conquist Angleterre. Par quoy le dit Edouart roy d'Angleterre, considérant que jadiz les ennemis qui degastoient la terre Nostre Dame de Chartres avoient là receu tourmens, et en icelle terre lui cheoit sur son host tourment, le plus tost qu'il poult se parti du pais, et vint chevaucant par devant Paris.

Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke

In the year of the incarnation of Jesus Christ, the almighty and only-begotten King, 1303, in the eighth year of Pope Boniface VIII, and in the thirty-first year of the reign of the noble King Edward of Winchester, son of Henry, King of England, because the Scots treacherously killed and betrayed the guards and officials whom the aforesaid Edward had appointed for the defence of the kingdom of Scotland and its castles, he marched into Scotland with an army around Pentecost. Having captured, killed, or driven into hiding or exile all rebels, he returned to England.

Anno ab incarnacione Iesu Christi regis omnipotentis unigeniti MCCCIIJ, Bonefacii pape huius nominis octavi anno VIIJ, regni vero nobilis regis Edwardi de Wyncestre filii Henrici regis Anglorum XXXJ, quia Scoti interfecerunt et prodiciose tractaverunt custodes et ministros quos prefatus Edwardus prefecit custodie regni Scocie et castrorum, cum exercitu Scociam circa Pentecosten transequitavit, et, rebellibus quibuscumque captis, occisis, vel a facie gladii fugatis ad insulas seu latebras subterraneas in Angliam remeavit.

Note 1. This brief account of the campaign of 1303, which is taken from Murimuth's chronicle, is made to include the capture of Stirling, which however had been taken by the Scots as far back as the end of 1299. Edward's operations extended from May to December. Brechin was the only fortress that made any resistance.

Chronicle of Gervase of Canterbury

Meanwhile, while the body of King Henry was being thus embalmed in Normandy, awaiting transfer to England, Stephen, younger brother of Theobald, Count of Blois, a man of great vigor and daring, nephew of King Henry through his sister, and himself Count of Boulogne and of Mortain, crossed the sea with swift sailing. Repulsed by the men of Dover, and shut out by the people of Canterbury, he was received with honor in England by the Londoners and certain of the leading men of London. When, therefore, there was held there a quick and earnest discussion between Stephen and the higher nobles of England, in the presence of William, Archbishop of Canterbury, concerning the succession to the kingdom, the said William, archbishop and primate of England, hesitated to place the crown upon anyone, because of the oath that had been sworn to King Henry’s daughter. But then there stood forth one of the most powerful men of England, swearing and declaring that he himself had been present when King Henry, of his own free will and in good faith, had released that oath. On hearing this, the aforesaid Stephen was elected king by nearly all, and so was crowned by William, Archbishop of Canterbury, on the eleventh day before the Kalends of January [22nd December 1135] at Westminster. At his coronation, however, amid the solemnities of the Mass, there occurred a sad omen of things to come. For when the aforesaid archbishop, after the “Agnus Dei,” was consecrating the sacraments of the body and blood of the Savior, the kiss of peace, which Holy Church is accustomed to give among the people, was utterly forgotten. Stephen, however, as has been said, consecrated as the new king, held his court there in royal fashion on the day of the Lord’s Nativity.

Dum igitur cadaver Henrici regis hoc modo in Normannia condiretur, in Angliam transferendum, Stephanus Theodbaldi Blesensis comitis frater, junior eo, vir magnæ strenuitatis et audaciæ, regis Henrici ex sorore nepos, comes vero Boloniæ et Moritonii, celeri navigio trans mare vectus, a Dourensibus repulsus, et a Cantuarinis is received exclusus, a Londoniensibus et quibusdam primoribus Londoners, Angliæ cum honore susceptus est. Cum autem ibidem inter ipsum Stephanum et sublimiores Angliæ proceres, præsente Willelmo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, de successione regni sermo citus et efficax consereretur, et Willelmus Cantuariensis archiepiscopus et primas hesitation Angliæ, propter jusjurandum filiæ regis Henrici factum, diadema regni cuiquam imponere formidaret, astitit Henry had quidam ex potentissimis Angliæ, jurans et dicens se præsentem affuisse. ubi rex Henricus idem juramentum in bona fide sponte relaxasset. Quo audito, prædictus Stephanus a cunctis fere in regem electus est, et sic a Willelmo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo coronatus undecimo kalendas Januarii apud Westmonasterium. In cujus coronatione inter missarum solennia triste contigit præsagium futurorum. Nam cum præfatus archiepiscopus post "Agnus Dei" corporis et sanguinis Salvatoris sacramenta conficeret, osculum pacis quod in populo dare sacrosancta consuevit ecclesia oblivioni penitus traditum est. Stephanus autem, ut prælibatum est, novus rex consecratus, tenuit ibidem curiam suam more regio in die Dominicæ Nativitatis.

Chronicle of Henry Knighton

Chronicon Henrici Knighton, vel Cnitthon, monachi Leycestrensis. Edited by Joseph Rawson Lumby, D.D. Norrisian Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge, Fellow of St. Catharine's College, and formerly Fellow Of Magdalene College. 1889.

Chronicle of Jean de Venette

24th August 1346. Coming to the river Somme near the town of Abbeville, they headed for a ford where the water was very low, in the place which is called Albataque, Blanchetaque in French, and there they crossed with their horses and baggage, unhindered and without danger, though Sir Godemar with many armed men was waiting on the other side to oppose them. For when Godemar, a Burgundian knight, saw them cross bravely in huge numbers, he did not wait on the bank but turned and fled with his men. The English thus crossed the river Somme freely and came to the town called Le Crotoy, which they burned.

Note 53. Jean de Venette correctly labels Godemar du Fay a Burgundian. He was seigneur de Boutheon. See Viard, "Lettres d'état," Annuaire-Bulletin de la Soc. de hist. de France, XXXIV-XXXV (1897-98), No. 247, n. 1. Jean le Bel, followed by Froissart, credits him with putting up a good fight. The other chroniclers agree with Jean de Venette. The Chandos Herald also describes a vigorous defence of Blanchetaque (Life of the Black Prince, PP-7, 137, 183). A reads divertens for revertens.

Note 54. A adds Anglici before Sommam.

Chronicle of Jean le Bel

How the king and Sir Hugh the Younger were captured, and how the said Sir Hugh was condemned to a shameful death.

Comment le roy et messire Hue le jœune furent pris et ledit messire Hue jugié à mort vilaine.

Chronicle of Richard of Devizes

[12th May 1191] And because Lent had now passed, and the lawful time for contracting marriage had arrived, he had Berengaria, daughter of the king of the Navarrese, whom his mother had brought to him during Lent, betrothed to himself on the island.

Et quia jam transierat Quadragesima, et legitimum contrahendi tempus advenerat, Berengariam filiam regis Navarorum, quam ad se in Quadragesima mater adduxerat, sibi despondi fecit in insula.

Chronicle of Robert de Avesbury

Therefore, the said lord Edward the Third, entering on the fourteenth year of his age, while his father was still alive, by the express will of that father and of all the earls, barons, and other nobles of the realm of England, was solemnly crowned King of the English at Westminster, on the feast of the Conversion of Saint Paul, in the year of Our Lord 1326. For a long time afterwards, this same king was completely governed by the said lady Isabella, his mother, and by the aforesaid lord Roger of Mortimer; so much so that, in a certain parliament held by the same young King of England at Northampton, in the fortnight after Easter, in the year of Our Lord 1328, at the will of many of the nobles of England, the said lady Isabella and Roger of Mortimer caused a disgraceful peace to be made between the English and the Scots.

Dicto igitur domino Edwardo tertio, anno statis suæ XIIIJ incipiente, patre suo adhuc vivo, de expressa ipsius patris voluntate omniumque comitum et baronum aliorumque nobilium regni Anglia, apud Westmonasterium, in festo Conversionis sancti Pauli, anno Domini millesimo CCCXXVI, in regem Anglorum solempniter coronato, idem rex multis postea temporibus per dictam dominam Isabellam, matrem suam, prædictumque dominum Rogerum de Mortuo mari totaliter ducebatur; adeo quod quodam in parliamento, per cundem juvenem regem Angliæ apud Northamptonam, in quindena Paschæ, anno Domini millesimo CCCXXVIII, celebrato, propter voluntatemn multorum nobilium Angliæ, dicti domina Isabella et Rogerus de Mortuo mari pacem turpem inter Anglicos et Scotos iniri fecerunt.

Chronicle of Robert de Monte

[1164] Walter Giffar[d], earl of Buckingham, having died without an heir, his county in England, and the whole of his lands in Normandy, reverted into the possession of the king.

Note 1. Wanting in the MSS. last mentioned.

Chronicle of Robert of Gloucester

[1115] So that sir Simon the elder came indeed, on the Monday,

To a town beside Worcester, that is called Kemeseie [Map].

The Tuesday, to Evesham he went in the morning—

And there he and priests masses sung for himself and his people—

And thought to go northward his son to meet.

[1120] But the king would not stir a step until he had dined or eaten;

And sir Simon the younger and his host at Alcestre were,

And would not budge a foot thence before they had dined there .

This to divers doleful was, alas!

For many was the good man thereby that was slain .

Chronicle of Roger de Hoveden

[6th July 1189] Surprised at this beyond measure, he [King Henry "Curtmantle" II of England (age 56)] came to Chinon, and, touched with grief at heart, cursed the day on which he was born, and pronounced upon his sons the curse of God and of himself, which he would never withdraw, although bishops and other religious men frequently admonished him so to do. Being sick even unto death, he ordered himself to be carried into the church, before the altar, and there devoutly received the communion of the body and blood of Christ; and after confessing his sins, and being absolved by the bishop and clergy, he departed this life in the thirty-fifth year of his reign, on the octave of the Apostles Saint Peter and Saint Paul, being the fifth day of the week; after a reign of thirty-four years, seven months, and four days.

After his death, having plundered him of all his riches, all forsook him, so true it is that just as flies seek honey, wolves the carcass, and ants corn, this crew followed not the man, but his spoils. At last however, his servants returned, and buried him with royal pomp. On the day after his death, when he was being carried out for burial in the Church of the Nuns at Fontevraud [Map], earl Richard, his son and heir, came to meet him, and, smitten with compunction, wept bitterly; immediately on which the blood flowed in streams from the nostrils of the body at the approach of his son. His son, however, proceeded with the body of his father to the abbey of Fontevraud [Map], and there buried him in the choir of the Nuns, and thus it was that he was "among the veiled women as one wearing the veil."

Chronicle of St Albans by Abbot John Whethamstede

Abbot John Whethamstede's Chronicle of the Abbey of St Albans.

Available at Amazon in paperback and Ebook.

Abbot John Whethamstede's Register aka Chronicle of his second term at the Abbey of St Albans [Map], 1452-1461, is a remarkable text that describes his first-hand experience of the beginning of the Wars of the Roses including the First and Second Battles of St Albans, 1455 and 1461, respectively, their cause, and their consequences, not least on the Abbey itself. His text also includes Loveday, Blore Heath, Northampton, the Act of Accord, Wakefield, and Towton, and ends with the Coronation of King Edward IV. In addition to the events of the Wars of the Roses, Abbot John, or his scribes who wrote the Chronicle, include details in the life of the Abbey such as charters, letters, land exchanges, visits by legates, and disputes, which provide a rich insight into the day-to-day life of the Abbey, and the challenges faced by its Abbot.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough

Thenceforth until the Battle of Lewes.

Deinceps usque ad Bellum de Lewes.

Chronicle of William Rishanger

The Chronicles and Annals of William Rishanger, formerly a monk of St. Albans, and of certain anonymous writers, during the reigns of Henry III and Edward I.

Willelmi Rishanger, quondam monachi S. Albani, et quorundam anonymorum, Chronica et Annales, regnantibus Henrico Tertio et Edwardo Primo.

Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs of London by Arnold Fitz Thedmar

After this, on the Tuesday following [4th August 1265], such Tuesday being the third day after the Chains, and the fourth of August, they arrived at Hevesham [Evesham], where Sir Edward and the Earl of Gloucester surprised them with all their army; and on the same day, the two parties engaging without the said town, the said Edward and the Earl of Gloucester gained the victory, and the Earl of Leicester and his eldest son, Henry, were slain; Hugh le Despenser also, and Peter de Montfort, and all the Barons and knights who had adhered to them, were slain, a few only excepted, who however were badly wounded and made prisoners. It was said also, that many knights and men-at-arms on that side were slain, while on the other side but very few lost their lives.

The head of the Earl of Leicester, it is said, was severed from his body, and his testicles cut off and hung on either side of his nose; and in such guise the head was sent to the wife of Sir Roger de Mortimer, at Wiggemor Castle. His hands and feet were also cut off, and sent to divers places to enemies of his, as a great mark of dishonour to the deceased; the trunk of his body however, and that only, was given for burial in the church of Evesham. On the same day and at the same hour that the battle took place, there was a very great tempest at London and elsewhere, accompanied with coruscations, lightning, and thunder.

Chronicle of the Monastery of Melsa

He immediately recalled from overseas the aforementioned Piers Gaveston, his favourite, whose company he had abjured by his father’s command. To him, without delay, he gave the County of Cornwall, together with all the lands that had formerly belonged to Lord Edmund, Earl of Cornwall. He also gave him in marriage his niece, the daughter of Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, along with the lordship of Holderness, the honour of Knaresborough, and several other lands, all of which belonged to the Crown. And he entrusted to him the custody of England while he himself remained abroad in connection with his marriage."

Qui statim revocavit de partibus transmarinis præscriptum Petrum de Gavestona, amasium suum, cujus consortium paterno jussu abjuraverat. Cui absque mora dedit comitatum Cornubiæ, simul cum omnibus terris quæ quondam fuerunt domini Edmundi comitis Cornubiaæ. Et dedit ei in conjugem neptem suam, filiam Gilberti comitis Gloverniæ, atque dominium de Holderness, honorem de Knaresburgh, et alias terras nonnullas; quæ omnia ad coronam pertinebant. Commisitque ei custocliam Angliæ, dum ipso moraretur circa nuptias in partibus transmarinis.

Chronicle of the Princes of Wales

Brut y Tywysogion aka Chronicle of the Princes of Wales. Edited by the Reverend John Williams ab Ithel, M.A. Rector of Llanymowddy, Merionethshire. 1860.

Cotton MS Cleopatra Dvii

Cotton MS. Cleopatra D. vii., f. 179:

These are the campaigns and victories that our lord the King accomplished throughout the kingdom of France. That is to say: On 12 July, he arrived at Hogges, near Barfleur in Normandy, and on that day the Prince received the order of knighthood, along with many others. A large number of people gathered on the shore to defend the land, but they were defeated, with many killed. The King remained there for five days, until his men and supplies had arrived. On the following Tuesday [18 July], the King set out and lodged that night at Valognes, which town was burned and destroyed, along with all the surrounding countryside. On Wednesday [19 July], he lodged at Coigny. On Thursday, the Feast of St. Margaret [20 July], he camped before the town of Carentan, burning and laying waste to the surrounding countryside. On Friday [21 July], he lodged at Pont Hébert, where he found that the Normans had destroyed the bridge to block passage, but the King rebuilt it and crossed the next day. On Saturday, the Feast of Mary Magdalene [22 July], he lodged at Saint-Lô, a town well fortified and filled with men-at-arms. When the defenders saw the English pressing them, they fled by another gate, and the town and the entire countryside were captured and burned. On Sunday [23 July], he lodged at Cormolain. On Monday [24 July], he lodged at Torteval. On Tuesday [25 July], at Mauperthuis, on the Feast of St. James. From Wednesday to Sunday [26–30 July], he stayed at Caen, where he encountered a great number of men-at-arms and foot soldiers. The town was taken by battle, many were killed, and captured were the Count of Eu, Constable of France, the Chamberlain of Tankerville, and 107 knights, besides others whose number was too great to count. The citizens of Bayeux came in peace, to avoid being burned or destroyed. On Monday [31 July], he lodged at Troarn. On Tuesday [1 August], at Saint-Pierre-sur-Dives, on the Feast of St. Peter in August. On Wednesday and Thursday [2–3 August], at the city of Lisieux, where two cardinals came to treat for peace, but were quickly dismissed. On Friday and Saturday [4–5 August], he stayed at Le Teil-Nollent, near Le Neubourg. On Sunday [6 August], at Elbeuf on the Seine, where the cardinals came again with an archbishop, but were again quickly dismissed. On Monday [7 August], he lodged at Léry, and on that day took the castles of La Roche and Gaillon, which were burned and destroyed along with the surrounding countryside. On Tuesday [8 August], at Longeville, near Vernon, having passed the Pont-de-l'Arche. The castle of Longeville, full of men-at-arms, resisted fiercely, but was finally taken by force, and all defenders were killed. The garrison in the town of Longeville, seeing this, fled, and many were killed, the town was burned, and the countryside devastated. On Wednesday [9 August], he lodged at Freneuse, in France proper. On Thursday, the Feast of St. Lawrence [10 August], at Épône on the Seine. On Friday and Saturday [11–12 August], at Fresnes. On Sunday to Tuesday [13–15 August], at Poissy, where the bridge had been destroyed, so the King had a temporary one erected until the bridge was rebuilt. A great number of people came to defend the bridge, but were defeated and killed in large numbers, the area burned and destroyed up to Saint-Germain near Paris. On Wednesday [16 August], he lodged at Grisy in Vexin. On Thursday [17 August], at Auteuil. On Friday [18 August], at Troissereux in Picardy. On Saturday [19 August], at Sommereux. On Sunday [20 August], at Camps-en-Amienois. On Monday and Tuesday [21–22 August], at Airaines, and captured the castle of Poix, which was burned and destroyed. On Wednesday [23 August, St. Bartholomew's Eve], at Acheux. On Thursday [24 August, St. Bartholomew's Day], he came to cross the River Somme near Saint-Valery and Crotoy, where he found the far bank heavily fortified by cavalry and footmen. The defenders were defeated and many killed, and that night the King camped near the Forest of Crécy. On Friday [25 August], he camped on the far side of the forest. On Saturday [26 August], near Crécy, he encountered the King of France and his full power arrayed for battle. The armies met and fought from evening through the night until the next morning, and praise be to God, the French were defeated, and the chase lasted over five miles. Among the dead in this great defeat were: the King of Bohemia, the Duke of Lorraine, the Archbishop of Sens, the Bishop of Noyon, the Grand Prior of the Hospitallers in France, the Count of Alençon, brother of the King of France, the Count of Blois, the Count of Flanders, the Count of Namur and his brother, the Count of Harcourt, the Counts of Montbéliard, Sancerre, Aumale, Meurs, Grandpré, Martain, Bar, the Lord of Rosingburgh, said to be the richest man in the kingdom after the king, the Viscount of Thouars, Sir Jacques de Bourbon, brother of the Duke of Bourbon, the Lord of Cayeux, the Lord of Saint-Venant, and many more unnamed. On Sunday [27 August], the King remained in the same field near the forest. On Monday [28 August], he lodged at Abbeville, near Valloire Abbey. On Tuesday [29 August], at Maintenay. On Wednesday [30 August], at Saint-Josse in Ponthieu. On Thursday and Friday [31 August, 1 September], at Neufchâtel. On Saturday and Sunday [2–3 September], between Wissant. On Monday [4 September], he came and laid siege to the town of Calais, where he remained until the town would be taken, with God's help, or relieved by Sir Philip of Valois. After the King came to Calais, the Earls of Warwick, Arundel, and Suffolk, with the King's elite knights, made a raid toward Thérouanne, defeated the enemy, burned and destroyed the city, and devastated thirty leagues of countryside, killing many and capturing the archdeacon of the city, knights, and many others.

Ceux sont les gistes et les descomfiturs que nostre seigneur le roi feat par my le roialme de France. Cest assaver: le XIJe jour de Juylle il arriva a Hogges, pris de la Barflete, en Normandye; et le prince a cele journe prist lordre de chivaler, et autres chivalers tut plein. Ou viendrent graunde poeple sour la rivee, pur defendre la terre; le quex furent descomfitz et mortz graunde fuyson des genz. Et le roi demura illoqes V jours, tanque sez gentz et ses vitailles fuerent arrivez. Le Mardy ensuant [18 July] le roy remua et gist a nut a Valoignes, la quele ville fuist arsz et destrutz et tute la pays enviroun. Le Mescerdy [19 July] le roi gist a Caueny [Coigny], Le Jeodi la fest de seint Margarete [20 July] le roi gist en les champs devant la ville de Carentan, ardant et destruant la pays enviroun. Le Venderdi [21 July] gist a Fount Hubert [Pont Hébert], ou yl trova que les Normans avoient desbrusee le pont, pur defendre la passage; et le roy fist refaire le pount et passa lendemain. Le Semady le jour de la Magdalene [22 July] le roy gist a Seint Loo, quele ville estoit bien enfossez et barres et estufifez de genz darmes; et quant ils vierent que noz genz lour presserent, ils fuyrent par un altre port aderere la ville; fuist gayne et arsz la ville et tute la pays environ. Le Dymenge [23 July] gist a Cormale [Cormolain], Le Lundi ensuant [24 July] le roy gyst a Torteval. Le Mardy [25 July] gist a Malpertuz [Mauperthuis], en la feste de seint Jame. Le Mescerdy, Jeody, Vendredy, Semady, et Dymenge [26-30 July] le roy gyst a Came [Caen], ou il trova grant estouffure dez gentz darmes et a pee; la quele ville fust pris et gayne de bataille, et morrerent eel jour graunde nombre des gentz et pris le counte de Eu, le conestable de Fraunce, et le chamberleyn de Tankerville, et pris CVIJ chivalers, saunz autre gentz questoient morz saunz nombre. Et viendrent illoqes le burgeys de la citee de Baieux a les pees, que ils net fuissent ars et destrutz. Le Lundy ensuant [31 July] le roy gist a Troard [Troarn]. Le Mardy [1 August] gist a seint Pier sour Dive [Saint-Pierre], le jour de seint Pier en August. Le Mescerdy et Joedy [2, 3 August] le roy gist en la citee de Lysers [Lisieux], ou viendrent IJ cardinals au roi, pur treter la pees, et fuirent brevement responduz. Le Vendredy et le Semedy [4, 5 August] le roi gist a la Tournalant juste Norburgh [Le Teil-Nollent near Le Neubourg]. Le Demenge [6 August] gist a Elebeof sour Seyne [Elbeuf], ou viendrent les cardinalx autre foiz au roi, et vient ove eux une ercevesque de France, et tantost fuirent responduz. Le Lundy [7 August] ensuant le roi gist a Alere seur Seyne [Li'ry]; et mesme le jour fuirent pris le chastel de la Roche et le chastel de Gyonne sour Seyne [Gaillon], les quex furent ars et destrutz et tute la pays enviroun. Le Mardy [8 August] le roy gist a Longevil juste Vernoun et avoit passe par le Pount de Archeiis [Pont-de-l 'Arche]; et en le chastelle de Longevil estoient toutz pleyn de gentz darmez, et defendirent bien le chastel; mes au fyn il fuyt gayniez par force et morrerent toutz les gentz darmes dedeinz le chastelle trovez. Et quant lez gentz darmes que furent deinz la ville de Longevil vierentz [que] lez gens darmes estoient descounfitz dedeinz le chastel, its yssiierunt et fuyrent par une altre porte, et morrurent grant fuissoun de eux; et prestrerent et ardirent la ville et tute la pays enviroun. Le Mescerdy [9 August] le roy gist a Boneyis sour Seyne [Freneuse] en la douce France. Le Jeody en la jour de seint Laurence [10 August] le roy gist a Epones sour Seyne [Epone]. Le Vendredy et le Samady [11, 12 August] le roi gist a Frenes sour Seyn [Fresnes]. Le Dymenge, Lundy et Mardy [13-15 August] le roy gist a Poycy sour Seyne [Poissy], ou il trova le pont debruse; et le roi fist tantost mettre une blanche, tanque le pount fuist refait; et viendrent illoeques graunt nombre des gentz, ove lour cariage, pur garder et defender le pount et le passage; les quex fuirent mortz et descounfiz graunt nombre des gens, et arsz et destruiz, et la pays tanque a seint Jermayn pris de Parys. Le Mescerdy ensuant [16 August] le roy remua et gist la nut a Grysyn en Vokezein [Grisy en Venn]. Le Joedy [17 August] gist a Autoille [Auteuil]. Le Vendredy [18 August] gyst a Troseres en Picardy [Troissereux]. Le Semady [19 August] gist a Sommereux. Dymenge [20 August] gist a Canne en Amynoys [Camps-en-Amienois]. Lundy, Mardy [21, 22 August] le roy gist a Arrens en Picardie [Airaines], et prist par le chymy le chastelle de Poys [Poix] par force, quele fuist ars et destrut et tute le pays. Le Mescerdy [23 August] le jour de seint Barthelmu [Mem: St. Bartholomew's day is the 24th August] le roy gist a Assheu [Acheux]. Le Joedy [24 August] le roy vien pur passer la rivere de Somme, que court outre Seyn Walri [Saint Valery] a Crotoye, et trova tut la cost de lautre part sur la river abataillez de genz a chival et a pee, pur defendre la passage; les quex fuirent descounfiz et mortz graunde nombre des genz, et mesme la nut le roy gist juste la foreste de Cressy en Pountyf. Le Vendredy [25 August] le roy gist en un altre cost de la forest. Le Semady proschein apres la feste de seint Barthelmu [26 August] nostre seignur le roy vient en les champs devaunt la ville de Cressy en Pountyf; ou il appercieut le roy de France devers ly, ove tute son poair et alliez a bataille. Parente nonne et vespres assemblerent et combatirent tute le jour et la nuyt tanque lendemain a demy prime, que, loyez en soil Dieu, les Franceys furent descunfiz, et durra la chasche plus que v. [milles]. Et en eel descounfiture morrerent le roy de Beame, le duk de Loreyne, lercevesque de Sauns, levesque de Noyoun, le haut priour del hospitalle de Fraunce, le counte Dalysoun, frere au roy de France, le counte de Bloys, le counte de Flandres, le counte de Nameur et son frere le counte de Harecourt, le counte de Monthbiliard, le counte de Sauves, le counte Dauncerre, le counte Daumarle, le counte de Mures, le counte de Grant Pree, le counte Damartyne, le counte de Baar, le seignour de Rosingburgh, que estoit le plus riche home de royalme apres le roy, le viscount de Tuard, monsire Jake de Borboun, frere au duk de Borboun, le seignour de Cayeu, le seignur de Seint Venant, et autres plusours que home ne soet nomer. Le Dymenge proschein ensuant [27 August] le roi gist en mesme le champ juste la forest. Le Lundy ensuant [28 August] le roy gist a Abbevile juste Maunteney [Valloire- Abbaye]. Le Mardy [29 August] gist en la ville de Maunteney [Maintenay]. Le Mesqerdy [30 August] gist a Seint Josse en Pountyf. Le Jeody, Vendredy [31 August, 1 September] le roi gist a Noef Chastell [Neufchatel]. Le Semady, Dymenge [2, 3 September] le roy gist entre Wytsand [Wissant]. Le Lundy suant [4 September] le roy vient logger devaunt la ville de Caleys, le iiij. jour de Septembre; et demura illoques tanque la ville serra gayne, al eyde de Dieu, ou rescours par sire Philippe de Valois. Et puis la venue a Caleys le countes de Warrewyk, de Arundell, et de Suffolk, ove la bone chivalerie de la chambre du roy, firent un chivache tanque a Torouwane; fut descounfiz et la cite ars et destrut, et tute le pays enviroun et xxx. lieux, alant et venante, et mortz grant nombre des gentz, et pris lerce[d]akne de la citee, chivalers, et autres graund fuysoun.

Deeds of King Henry V

The Deeds of Henry V, King of England, with the Chronicle of Neustria, in French, from the year 1414 to 1422, were reviewed according to the manuscripts, - the chronicle was translated and illuminated with notes. Benjamin Williams, S.A.S. London. At the expense of the Society. 1850.

Henrici Quinti, Angliæ Regis, Gesta, cum Chronica Neustriæ, Gallice, ab anno M.CCCC.XIV. ad M.CCCC.XXII. ad fidem codicum manuscriptorum recensuit, - chronicam traduxit, notisque illustravit. Benjamin Williams, S.A.S. Londini: Sumptibus Societatis. M.DCCC.L.

Deeds of King Stephen

When King Henry, the peace of the realm and the father of his people, came at last to his end and paid the debt of death, a mournful misfortune made the face of the whole land troubled and utterly confused. For where, while he reigned, there had been the head of justice and the dwelling-place of law, there, with his fall, sprang up a multitude of iniquities, and a seedbed of all wickedness. For England, once the seat of justice, the habitation of peace, the pinnacle of piety, the mirror of religion, afterwards became the place of perversity, the refuge of dissension, the school of unrest, and the mistress of all rebellion. Straightway among the people were broken the venerable bonds of holy friendship; the closest ties of mutual kinship were dissolved; and those whom the long robe of peace had clothed, the din of war and the frenzy of Mars assailed. For each man, seized with a new passion for savagery, raged cruelly against another, and thought himself the more glorious the more wickedly he rose up against the innocent.

Cum rex Henricus, pax patriæ gentisque suæ pater, ad extrema deveniens morti debitum exsolvisset, luctuosum infortunium universam regionis faciem turbidam reddidit et omnino confusam. Ubi namque, eo death of regnante, judicii caput, juris inerat domicilium; ibi, Henry I. eodem ruente, iniquitatis copia, totiusque malitiæ succrevit seminarium. Anglia siquidem, justitiæ prius sedes, pacis habitaculum, piet tu apex, religionis speculum, perversitatis postea locus, dissensionis recessus, Outburst inquietudinis disciplina, omnisque rebellii effecta est of lawless magistra. Rupta protinus in populo veneranda sanctæ amicitia foedera; dissoluta mutuæ cognationis conjunctissima vincula; quosque diutinæ tranquillitatis vestierat toga, illos bellicus stridor, Mavortius furor invasit. Novo enim quisque sæviendi raptus amore, in alterum crudele de bacchari, tantoque sese gloriosiorem estimare, quanto in innocentes nocentius insurgebat.

Note 1. A marked peculiarity of this chronicle is the almost total omission of dates. The author's care in maintaining chronological sequence is most praiseworthy; but it does not atone for the want of precise figures. The dates now placed in the margins are chiefly derived from the continuation of Florence of Worcester (quoted as C. Fl. Wigorn.), Henry of Huntingdon, William of Malmesbury, Ordericus Vitalis, Richard and John of Hexham, Gervase of Canterbury, Robert of Torigni, the Tewkesbury and Waverley Annals, and the small chronicles collected by Dr. Liebermann.

Flowers of History by Matthew Paris

The Flowers of History especially as relate to The Affairs of Britain from the Beginning of the World to the Year 1307 collected by Matthew of Westminster.

French Chronicle of London

1265. In this year there were great storms of thunder and lightning in England, and by a flash of lightning a part was struck down of the belfry of Saint Bartholomew's in London.

Grand Chroniques de France

16th December 1325. In the month of December, Sir Charles, Count of Valois, fell gravely ill; the sickness was so severe that he lost the use of half his body, and many believed that during this illness he felt pangs of conscience over the death of Enguerrand de Marigny, who, as some say, was hanged at his instigation, as was discovered afterward. When his sickness worsened, he ordered alms to be given throughout the city of Paris; and those who distributed the alms to the poor said: ‘Pray for Sir Enguerrand de Marigny and for Sir Charles of Valois.' And because they mentioned Sir Enguerrand's name before that of Sir Charles, many judged that Charles was burdened by guilt for Enguerrand's death. After a long illness, he died at Le Perray, which is in the diocese of Chartres, on the tenth day before Christmas, and his body was buried in Paris with the Dominican Friars, and his heart with the Friars Minor.

Ou moys de decembre acoucha malade griefment messire Charles conte de Valois; si fu la maladie si grieve qu'il perdi la moitié de lui, et cuidierent plusseurs que en celle maladie il feist conscience de la mort Engorran de Marigni, lequel fu pendu, si comme aucunes gens dient, à son pourchaz par ce que on apperceust après. Quant sa maladie l'engrega, il fist donner une aumosne parmi la ville de Paris; et disoient ceulz qui donnoient Taumosne aus pouvres: "Priez pour messire Engerran de Marigni et pour messire Charles de Valoys." Et pour ce qu'il nommoient avant le nom de messire Engerran que de messire Charles, plusseurs jugèrent que de la mort messire Engerran il taisoit conscience. Lequel, après la longue maladie il mourut au Perré qui est en la dyocese de Chartres le xejour devant Nouel, et fu son corps enterré à Paris aux Frères Preescheurs et son cuer aus Frères Meneurs.

Histoire de Abbeville by Louard

He immediately advanced with the men of his banner against the Prince of Wales. The prince strove in vain to resist his valiant adversaries; they overthrew everything in their path and broke through to him. Surrounded and thrown to the ground, he would have inevitably fallen into their hands were it not for a Norman knight, Richard de Beaumont, who bore the great banner of the principality of Wales. This knight cast his large standard over the prince, stood on it, took his sword in both hands, and fought so fiercely that he prevented his young lord from being killed.

Il se porta aussitôt avec les hommes de sa bannière contre le prince de Galles. Ce prince s'efforce en vain de résister à ses valeureux adversaires ; ils renversent tout ce qui s'oppose à leur passage et pénètrent jusqu'a lui. Entouré et jeté à terre, il serait infailliblement tombé en leur pouvoir, sans un chevalier d'origine normande, Richard de Beaumont, qui portait la grande banniére du pays de Galles. Ce chevalier jeta sur le prince son vaste étendard , mit ses pieds dessus , prit son espée à deux mains, et fit si bien qu'il empécha son petit maitre d'étre tué.1

Note 1. Hist. des mayeurs d' Abbeville, p. 328.

Histoire de Saint-Saveur

The battle that ended with the death of Godefroi d'Harcourt was fought in November 1356. I have recounted the main events by following the chronicle published in 1862 by M. Siméon Luce for the Société de l'Histoire de France, and another chronicle which has not yet been brought to light. The authors of these two chronicles drew their information from the best sources: one provides topographical details that only an eyewitness could have given, and both speak of the leaders of the French army in terms that perfectly align with the Chroniques de Saint-Denis and with a Flemish chronicle whose original text remains unpublished. I have preferred the testimony of these anonymous works to the account of Froissart, in which it is easy to identify serious inaccuracies. Froissart does not even name Robert de Clermont, who unquestionably commanded the French column; nor does he mention Baudrain de la Heuse, whose bravery secured the victory. According to him, the expedition was led by four captains: the lord of Reineval, the lord of Giuny, the lord of Ruilli, and the lord of Fréauville. He claims the small French army was garrisoned in Coutances and suggests the battle took place somewhere between that town and Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte. He even places the desperate struggle of Godefroi d'Harcourt in a vineyard. It is therefore clear that Froissart was not accurately informed and that his imagination contributed part of the narrative. Nevertheless, his account is so dramatic and so vividly reflects the popular traditions surrounding the death of Godefroi that it will always be read with emotion and interest. I will publish it here based on the most accurate copies:

Le combat qui se termina par la mort de Godefroi de Harcourt, fut livré au mois de novembre 1356. J'a ai raconté les principaux incidents en suivant la Chronique que M. Siméon Luce a publiée en 1862 pour li Société de l'histoire de France<, et une autre chronique qui n'a point encore été mise en lumiére. Les auteurs de ces deux chroniques avaient puisé leurs renseignements aux meilleures sources: l'un donne de détails topographiques qu'un témoin oculaire pouvait seul fournir, et tous deux parlent des chefs de l'armée française dans des termes qui sont parfaitement d'accord avec les chroniques de Saint-Denis et avec une chronique flarnande dont le texte primitif est resté inédit. J'ai préféré letémoignage de ces compositions anonymes au récit de Froissart, dans lequel il est facile de relever de graves inexactitudes. Froissart ne nomme pas méme Robert de Clermont, qui commandait incontestablement la colonne francaise; il passe également sous silence le nom du Baudrain de la Heuse, dont l'intrépidité assura le gain de la bataille; à l'en croire, l'expédition aurait été dirigée par quatre capitaines: le seigneur de Reineval, le seigneur de Giuny, le seigneur de Ruilli et le seigneur de Fréauville. ll prétend que la petite armée française vint tenir garnison à Coutances, et laisse croire que le combat s'engsgea entre cette ville et Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte; il place enfin dans un vignoble la lutte désespérée de Godefroi de Harcourt. On voit donc que Froissart n'a pas été exactement renseigné et que son imagination lui a fourni une partie des éléments de son récit. Toutebis, ce récit est si dramatique, et reproduit si vive. ment les traditions répandues sur la mort de Godefroi, qu'ilsera toujours lu avec émotion et intérêt. Je vais le publier ici d'après les copies les plus correctes:

Note 1. Chronique des quatre premiers Valois, p. 66.

Note 2. Preuves, p. 142.

Note 3. Grandes chroniques, VI, 44.

Note 4. Preuves, p. 93.

Note 5. I, 364.

Note 6. Lors des événements dont il est ici question, le sire de Reineval commandait bien en Normandie au nom du dauphin Charles; troisquittances conservées à la Bibl. Imp., aux dates du 93 et du 26 sept. et du 18 oct. 1356, mentionnent: "Raoul de Renneval, chevalier, seigneur de Pierrepons, capitaine de la ville, du chastel, des églises et de la viconté de Baieux."

Note 7. The following manuscripts 2641, 6474, and 6478 from the French collection of the Imperial Library.

Historia Novorum by Eadmer

2nd August 1100. For he did not believe that the Apostolic See could have any jurisdiction in his kingdom unless it was permitted by him. How he behaved thereafter, it is not fitting to write here while hastening on to other matters. Nevertheless, he was not allowed to enjoy for long the liberty he so proudly claimed to have attained. For before a year had passed, he was struck down by an unexpected and sudden death and lost it. October heard him boast; the second day of the following August saw him breathe his last. Indeed, on that morning he had eaten and gone into the forest to hunt, and there, pierced in the heart by an arrow, he died instantly, unrepentant and unconfessed, and was immediately abandoned by all. Whether the arrow, thrown, as some say, struck him, or whether, as more affirm, he stumbled and fell upon it, we think it idle to investigate; it is enough to know that he was struck down and killed by the just judgment of God.

Here comes to mind what this king once said to the Bishop of Rochester, as we previously reported, namely, that God would never have him as a good man, in return for the harm God did to him. And I consider what God later did to him during the rest of his life. For it is known that from the time he uttered those words, having recovered from the illness with which he was grievously afflicted, he was so successful in defeating and subduing enemies, acquiring lands, and indulging his pleasures, that you would have thought all things smiled upon him. Even the wind and the sea themselves seemed to obey him. I speak the truth, and do not lie: whenever he wished to cross from England to Normandy or to return swiftly according to his will, the sea, though it often raged savagely, immediately calmed at his approach, and served him with marvelous tranquility during the crossing. What more? I confess, he was so fortunate in all things that it is as if God answered his blasphemous words in this way: "If, as you say, I shall never have you as a good man because of some evil I inflict upon you, then let Me see whether, at least by doing you good, I might make you good. Therefore, I will fulfill your will in everything that you consider good." But what came of it? He prospered so much through his successes that, as those who were constantly present with him attest, he never got up from his bed nor laid himself down in it without being worse than he was before. Therefore, since he would not be corrected by misfortune nor drawn to good by prosperity, lest he in his prolonged madness should continue to bring ruin upon the good, the just Judge swiftly removed him from this life by a sudden death.

Nec enim putabat apostolicum orbis posse in regno suo esse cujuslibet juris, nisi permissus a se. Qualiter ergo deinceps sese habuerit, ad alia festinanti scribere opportunum non est. Attamen libertate qua se potitum gloriatus est non diu frui permissus est. Prius enim quam annus transiit insperata et subita morte percussus earn perdidit. October namque audivit eum gloriantem, secunda dies sequentis Augusti vidit eum expirantem. Siquidem ilia die mane pransus in silvam venatum ivit, ibique sagitta in corde percussus, impœnitens et inconfessus e vestigio mortuus est, et ab omni homine mox derelictus. Quæ sagitta utrum, sicut quidam aiunt, jacta ipsum percusserit, an, quod plures affirmant, ilium pedibus offendentem superque ruentem occiderit, disquirere otiosum putamus; cum scire sufficiat eum justo judicio Dei prostratum atque necatum.

Hic occurrit animo quid rex iste quondam, ut supra retulimus, Rofensi episcopo dixerit, videlicet quod Deus nunquam eum bonum habiturus esset pro malo quod sibi inferret; et perpendo quid postmodum Deus erga illum egerit donec vite presenti superfuit. Scitur enim quia ex quo illa verba, depulso languore quo notum est illum fuisse gravatum, protulit, tantum in deprimendo et subju- gando inimicos, in adquirendo terras, in exercendo voluptates suas prosperatus est, ut omnia sibi arridere putares. Ventus insuper et ipsum mare videbantur ei obtemperare. Verum dico non mentior, quia cum de Anglia in Normanniam transire, vel inde cursim prout ipsum voluntas sua ferebat redire, volebat, mox illo mari appropinquante omnis tempestas quæ nonnunquam immane sæviebat sedabatur, et transeunti mira tranquillitate famulabatur. Quid amplius? Ita, fateor, in cunctis erat fortunatus, ac si verbis ejus hoc modo responderit Deus, "Si te pro malo, ut dicis, nunquam bonum habebo, probabo an saltem pro bono possim te bonum habere, et ideo in omni quod tu bonum æstimas velle tuum adimplebo." Sed quid? In tantum ex successibus suis profecit, ut, sicut ii qui factis illius die noctuque præsentes extiterunt attestantur, nunquam vel de lecto surgeret vel in lecto se collocaret, quin se ipso aut collocante aut surgente semper deterior esset. Quapropter dum nec malo corrigi voluit nec bono ad bene agendum attrahi potuit, ne in perniciem bonorum diutino furore saviret, compendiosa illum sequus Arbiter et momentanea cæde huic vitæ subtraxit.

History of Bernard Guesclin

[13th April 1360] The storm, which breaks out at that moment near Chartres, comes just in time to save his pride at the end of a campaign that had so miserably failed. This storm is the pretext, the opportunity, if you will—not the cause—of the sudden change in the dispositions of the King of England, which then made possible the conclusion of the Treaty of Brétigny. In reality, the invader's ambition was broken by the foresight and wisdom of the regent Charles, seconded by the patriotic resistance of the people. The proud Edward prefers to let it be believed that he was defeated by the heavens.

La tempête, qui éclate sur ces entrefaites aux environs de Chartres, vient à point pour sauver son amourpropre à la fin d'une campagne qui a si misérablement avorté. Cette tempête est le prétexte, l'occasion, si l'on veut, non la cause du changement soudain qui se fait alors dans les dispositions du roi d'Angleterre et qui rend possible la conclusion du traité de Brétigny. En réalité, l'ambition de l'envahisseur s'est brisée contre la sagesse prévoyante du régent Charles secondé par la patriotique résistance des populations. L'orgueilleux Edouard aime mieux laisser croire qu'il a été vaincu par le ciel.

Note 1. Edward III, like all conquerors, took particular care in shaping public opinion. Froissart is the only chronicler who presents the storm of April 13, 1360 as the determining cause of the peace agreed near Chartres: "And then the King of England looked toward the Church of Our Lady of Chartres and vowed and devotedly surrendered himself to Our Lady, and promised—as he later said and confessed—that he would agree to peace." But this passage is only found in the first version of the first book of his Chronicles, a version written, as is known, from the English point of view and, so to speak, under the dictation of the knights at the court of Edward III. The chronicler from Valenciennes removed this passage in his second version; he merely notes that after this storm the English king "was much more humble and gentle than before." The Grandes Chroniques de France (vol. VI, pp. 170–171) do not mention the storm in question at all. Finally, the only contemporary English chronicle that does mention it, that of the monk of St. Albans, denies that this storm had any influence on Edward's decisions: "At that time there struck such a fierce and unheard-of storm that several thousand men and horses from the king's army perished suddenly, collapsing from the extreme cold. Yet neither the king nor his men were frightened by this from continuing with their undertaking." (Chronicon Angliæ (1328–1388), by a monk of St. Albans, London, 1874, p. 42.) Thomas Walsingham, for the period from 1328 to 1388, merely reproduced the chronicle of the monk of St. Albans.

Edouard III mettait, comme tous les conquérants, un soin particulier à travailler l'opinion publique. Froissart est le seul chroniqueur qui présente l'orage du 13 avril 1360 comme la cause déterminante de la paix convenue près de Chartres : "Et adonc regarda li rois d'Engleterre devers l'église Nostre Dame de Chartres, et se voa et rcndi dévotement à Nostre Dame et prommist, si com il dist et confessa depuis, que il s'accorderuit à le pais." Mais ce passage ne se trouve que dans la première rédaction du Ier livre de ses Chroniques, rédaction écrite, comme on sait, au point de vue anglais et pour ainsi dire sous la dictée des chevaliers de la cour d'Edouard III. Le chroniqueur de Valenciennes a supprimé, dans sa seconde rédaction, le passage que nous avons souligné; il se contente de faire remarquer qu'après cet orage le roi anglais "fu plus liumbles et plus débonnaires assés que devant." Les Grandes Chroniques de France (t. VI, p. 170, 171) ne disent pas un mot de la tempête dont il s'agit. Enfin, la seule chronique anglaise contemporaine qui en parle, celle du moine de Saint-Alban, nie que cette tempête ait eu aucune influence sur les résolutions d'Edouard : "Quo tempore ingruebat tam sæva tempestas et inaudita, ut plura millia hominum et equoruni in régis exercitu ilinerando périrent, subito mortua corruendo præ frigoris imminentis asperitate. Quæ tamen nec regein nec suas terrucrunt,quin proccderent cum inceptis." Chronicon Anglæ (1328-1388), auctore monacho quodam Sancti Albani, London, 1874, in-8o, p. 42. Thomas Walsingham, pour la période comprise entre 1328 et 1388, n'a fait que reproduire la chronique du moine de Saint-Alban.

History of Brittany by Morice

Meanwhile, Charles of Blois seized Carhaix and repaired its fortifications. After staying there for fifteen days, he marched to La Roche-Derrien, which belonged to his wife's inheritance. This loss, along with several others that had preceded it, made the Countess of Montfort realize that the initial support she had received from England was not sufficient for her defence. She therefore sent envoys to King Edward, urging him to remember her plight. But there was no need to remind him—this war was already close to his heart. In fact, he had already dispatched William de Bohun, Earl of Northampton, Robert of Artois, the Earl of Devonshire, Lord Courtenay, Ralph of Stafford, John Darcy, and several other lords, who landed at the port of Brest around the beginning of August. When the Countess heard of their arrival, she went to meet them, accompanied by her devoted supporter, Walter de Mauny. At this meeting, two military expeditions were planned: The first was entrusted to Walter de Mauny and Tanguy du Chastel. The second was undertaken by Robert of Artois.

Cependant Charles de Blois se rendit maître de Carhaix & en fit réparer les fortifications. Après y avoir séjourné quinze jours, il alla camper à la Rochederrien, qui étoit du patrimoine de son épouse. Cette perte & plusieurs autres qui l'avoient précédée, firent sentir a la Comtesse de Monfort, que le premier secours qu'elle avoit reçû d'Angleterre, n'étoit pas suffisant pour sa défense. Elle envoya donc des Députés au Roi Edouard pour le prier de penser a elle. Il n'étoit pas besoin de l'en faire souvenir. Cette guerre lui tenoit au coeur, & il avoit déja fit partir Guillaume de Bohain Comte de Nortampton, Robert d'Artois, le Comte de Devonshire, le sire de Courtenai, Raoul de Staffort, Jean d'Arci & plusieurs autres Seigneurs, qui prirent terre au Port de Brest vers le commencement du mois d'Août. La Comtesse ayant appris leur arrivée, les alla joindre avec Gautier de Mauni son zélé défenseur, On convint - là de deux expéditions, dont la premiere fut confiée à Gautier de Mauni & à Tangui du Chastel; Robert d'Artois se chargea d'exécuter la seconde.

History of Charles V

Black Monday Hailstorm7, On Monday, April 13 [1360], the English army, while on the march, was struck by a storm — a true cyclone — of incredible violence, made especially dangerous by the size of the hailstones, which in just a few minutes killed many horses from the baggage teams and even a good number of men. It is hardly possible to deny the reality of "Black Monday," which is mentioned in almost all the chronicles. Froissart attributes to this chance event consequences out of proportion with the actual disaster. It is possible that Edward III saw in this unleashing of the elements a sign of divine wrath, and above all a reason not to march over the lands of the Church of Chartres. Had not the first Duke of Normandy, Rollo, suffered a bloody defeat for waging war there. One can thus accept that Edward III may have made a vow to Our Lady of Chartres — provided it is not seen as the sole or decisive reason for the treaty that followed shortly after. Indeed, the storm of April 13 did not halt the English march for long. It continued on to Bonneval and Châteaudun, perhaps aiming for Vendôme, but slowly enough that the Abbot of Cluny was able to resume negotiations — twice previously broken off. Even within his own entourage, the King of England had a passionate advocate for peace; with greater authority, the Duke of Lancaster might have played the role of Cineas to Pyrrhus. He wisely pointed out that "in one day one could lose more than had been gained in twenty years." And in fact, it had taken just one day of tempest to deprive the English army of its baggage and to leave it in a pitiful state.

VII. —Le lundi 13 avril, l'armée anglaise fut atteinte en pleine marche, par un orage — véritable cyclone — d'une violence inouïe, redoutable surtout par la grosseur des grêlons qui, en quelques minutes, tuèrent quantité de chevaux des attelages et même bon nombre d'hommes. Il n'est guère possible de nier la réalité du "black monday", dont presque toutes les chroniques font mention. Froissart attribue à cet événement fortuit des conséquences hors de proportion avec le désastre. Il est possible qu'Edouard III ait vu dans ce déchaînement des éléments un signe de la colère céleste, et surtout un motif de ne pas passer sur les terres de l'église de Chartres. N'était-ce pas pour y avoir porté la guerre que le premier duc de Normandie, Rollon, avait subi une sanglante défaite? On peut donc admettre qu'un vœu ait été fait par Edouard III à Notre-Dame de Chartres, mais à la condition de n'y pas voir la cause déterminante et unique du traité qui intervint peu de temps après. En effet, l'orage du 13 avril n'arrêta pas longtemps la marche des Anglais. Elle continua sur Bonneval et Chateaudun, peut-être avec Vendôme pour objectif, mais assez lentement pour que l'abbé de Clunypût revenir à la charge et reprendre les négociations, par deux fois rompues. Dans son entourage même, le roi d'Angleterre trouvait un chaleureux avocat de la paix ; avec plus d'autorité, le duc de Lancastre aurait joué le rôle de Cineas auprès de Pyrrhus. Il représentait sagement "qu'en un jour on pourrait perdre plus qu'on n'avait gagné en vingt ans". Et de fait, il avait suffi d'un jour de tempête pour priver l'armée anglaise de ses équipages et pour la mettre dans un pitoyable état.

Note 1. The Great Chronicles say nothing about it.

Les Gr. Chr. n'en disent rien.

Note 2. See Henry Knighton, Volume 2, Page 112.

Note 3. See Chronicle of London from 1189 to 1483 edited by Nicholas Harris-Nicolas, London, Longman and C°, 1827, in-8°, p. 64, ao XXXVI (1360), and Scalaronica, Continuation of the Chronicle of Nangiaco, Froissart Book 2 Chapter 211.

Note 4. See Chronicle of Four Premiers Valois. Rollo, who had come to besiege Chartres, was defeated on July 20, 918, by Richard, Duke of Burgundy, and Robert the Strong. (Orderic Vitalis, vol. I, pp. 160–161; vol. III, p. 143).

History of the Arrival of Edward IV

Historie of the Arrivall of Edward IV, in England and the Finall Recouerye of His Kingdomes from Henry VI. A.D. M.CCCC.LXXI Edited by John Bruce, Esq. F.S.A. Published for the Camden Society. M.DCCC.XXX.VIII.

Instruction for a Ruler

"De principis instructione" i.e. Instruction for a Ruler is a Latin work by Gerald of Wales. It is divided into three "Distinctions". The first contains moral precepts and reflections; the second and third deal with the history of the later 12th century, with a focus on the character and acts of king Henry II of England and especially his disputes with the kings of France, Louis VII and Philip II and with his own four sons, Henry the Young King, Geoffrey, Duke of Brittany, Richard, count of Poitou and John Lackland.

Life and Death of King Edward II of England

The Life and Death of Edward II, King of England by Sir Thomas de la Moore.

Vita et Mors Edwardi Secundi Regis Angliæ conscripta a Generosissimo Milite Thoma de la Moore.

Note 1. From Camden's Edition, collated with MSS. Cotton Vitellius E. 5 and Harleian, 310, and the Bodleian MS. 761.

Life of Edward II by a Monk of Malmesbury

Edward the First, after the Conquest, in the 35th year of his reign, on the Feast of the Translation of Saint Thomas [7th July 1307], paid the debt of nature. His son, Edward the Second, then assumed the kingdom, a young man of strong body, about twenty-three years of age. He did not fulfill the plans of his father, but changed course in his counsel.

Edwardus post conquæstum primus, anno regni sui xxxv in die Translationis Sancti Thomæ nature debitum solvens, suscepit regnum filius ejus Edwardus secundus, juvenis et fortis robore, statis sue annum agens circiter vicesimum tertium.

Life of Edward of Carnarvan by a Monk of Bridlington

16th March 1322. Thereafter, the lord king pursued the fleeing earls. However, upon hearing of the king's advance, they fled from Pontefract to Boroughbridge, plundering the lands and committing other crimes as they went. On the eighth day after they withdrew from Burton, they hurriedly arrived at Boroughbridge, where a northern knight, Andrew de Harclay, a warlike and valiant man, acting under royal commission to resist and restrain the king's rebels, had gathered an army of armed men and foot soldiers from those regions. He intercepted the fleeing earls and blocked their passage at the bridge. Where the earls intended to go afterward remains uncertain, though common opinion held that they planned to flee to Scotland. Despite underestimating the small numbers of the northern forces, Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, along with his allies, engaged in battle on the bridge. In the fight, the Earl of Hereford was killed. Additionally, two knights and the earl's standard-bearer also perished in the conflict. Roger de Clifford and several others, wounded, withdrew from the battle.

Exinde prosecutus est dominus rex comites fugientes, et illi, regis adventum audientes, de Pontefracto usque Pontemburgi, patrias spoliantes et alia facinora facientes, octavo die postquam confutati de Birtone recesserunt, propere pervenerunt; ubi quidam miles Borialium, Andreas de Harecla, bellicosus et strenuus, virtute commissionis regiæ sibi factæ ad resistendum et refrænandum regi rebellantes, ducens secum armatos et pedites in illis partibus adunatos, fugientibus obviavit, "et pontis transitum impedivit. Quo autem preedicti comites divertisse voluerunt, a pluribus ignoratur; opinio tamen communis vulgi fuit quod disponebant usque Scotiam properasse. Et dedignantes comites borialium paucitatem, super pontem comes Herfordiæ et alii cum eisdem congressi sunt; qui etiam ibidem occubuit; duo milites et comitis vexillarius confligentes vitam pariter finierunt. Rogerus de Clifforde et plures alii vulnerati a certamine declinabant.

Life of King Henry V by Robert Redmayne

How great were the storms and tempests that arose on the day when he was proclaimed king and the crown was placed upon his head—there is no one who does not know. There were various judgments among men about that fierce storm at the time; nor shall I speak of the cries uttered by the crowd and multitude that had gathered for the royal coronation. There were many differing predictions and forebodings; but beginnings that are troubled and not entirely peaceful often lead to gentle outcomes.

Quantæ tempestates et procellæ oboriebantur eo die cum rex diceretur et corona caput cingeretur, nemo est qui ignorat . Varia de sæva illa tempestate hominum tunc judicia fuerunt; nec dico quæ voces emittebantur a turba et multitudine, quæ ad regiam coronationem confluxerat . Præsensiones ac prædictiones diversæ fuerunt et dissentientes; sed principia parum quieta, nec pacata satis, mites exitus consequebantur .

Life of King Henry V by Thomas Elmham

A lantern placed under a bushel, hindered from pouring out the rays of its brightness, does not shine for those standing nearby—even if they thirst for the blessings of light. In the same way, the glorious fame of noble men, though worthy to shine before the whole world through the wondrous greatness of their deeds, if it is not revealed by the industry of any writer, is shut up in the dark tomb of oblivion. And, to the great detriment of both rulers and people, such a model for instruction, deprived of the rays of its brilliance, is, alas, buried in eternal silence and darkness.

Lucern a sub modio posita, coruscationis suæ radios effundere præpedita, astantibus, licet luminis beneficia sitientibus, non lucescit: virorum quoque nobilium fama splendida, gestorum suorum mirandâ magnitudine toti orbi terrarum lucere condigna, nullius scriptoris industria patesacta, oblivionis opaco sepulcro recluditur, &, in grave dispendium principum & populi, talis exemplaris instruendorum ymagine, splendoris orbata radiis, heu æterno silencio sopitur tenebrosa.

Life of Saint Loius by William Nangis

When they had thus separated, the Earl of Gloucester, who had conceived treachery and deceit against Count Simon, maliciously sent a strong and swift warhorse to Edward, the firstborn son of King Henry, under another name, to the castle where he was being held with his father the king. Edward then fled from Count Simon's prison on this horse, and afterward went to the Earl of Gloucester. When Edward was with the Earl of Gloucester, they immediately gathered a great host against Count Simon, who knew nothing of this matter. Indeed, he had sent a large part of his cavalry with his son Simon, because he had gone through towns and castles to gather provisions [possibly plunder]. The Earl of Gloucester and Edward, who through their spies knew well that young Simon was returning with the spoils, then marched with all their army against him, and by force of their men took these things from him. They would have captured him, had he not fled into a castle for safety. So great was the shame Simon felt after the flight he had made and the things he had lost, that he scarcely dared return to his father, who was awaiting him and his arrival day after day.

Quant ainsi furent departi, li conte de Glocestre qui ot conceu barat et tricherie contre le conte Symon, par malice envoia un destrier fort et isnel a Edouart le prumier fil au roy Henry, sous autrui non, au chastel ou il estoit gardés avec son pere le roy, sus lequel Edouars senfui de la prison au conte Symon, et puis salia au conte de Clocestre. Lors que Edouars fu avec le conte de Clocestre, si assamblerent tantot grant ost contre le conte Symon, qui riens ne savoit de ceste chose, ainsois avoit baillé grant partie de sa chevalerie a Symon son fil, pource que il alat par les villes et par les chastiaus pour assambler les proies. Li contes de Clocestre et Edouars qui bien sorent par leur espies que Symons retournoit avec les proies, si sesmurent a tout leur ost® et alerent contre li, et li tolirent par la force de leur gent ces chouses, et leussent pris se il ne sen fut fuis en I. chastel a garant. Si grant honte ot Symons après de la fuite que ii avoit faite et des chouses que il avoit perdues, que a grant painne osa retourner vers son père, qui atendoit de jour en jour lui et sa venue.

Scalaronica

Scalaronica. The Reigns of Edward I, Edward II and Edward III as recorded by Sir Thomas Gray. And now translated by the Right Hon. Sir Herbert Maxwell (age 61) Baronet. Glasgow. James Maclehose & Sons. Publishers to the University. 1907.

The Death of King James

Here folowing begynnythe a full lamentable cronycle, of the dethe and false murdure of James Stewarde, Kyng of Scotys (age 42), nought long agone prisoner yn englande, the tymes of the kyngs henrye the fifte and henrye the sixte.

The History of William Marshal

The History of William Marshal is the story of a great knight who rose from relative obscurity during his long life of around seventy-two years to serve four kings: Henry II, and his sons Henry the Young King, Richard I and John. He became one of the greatest magnates of England, Earl of Pembroke and Regent of England. The History is a primary source for the life of William Marshal.

The History was commissioned shortly after William's death in 1219 by his son to commemorate William's great life. The manuscript was discovered by chance in 1861 by French historian Paul Meyer who first published the text in two books in 1891, and subsequently an abridged version in 1900.

Twenty Trees published the first of a two volume translation of The History of William Marshal in July 2024. It is available on Amazon in paperback and eBook form; the seventh in the series Medieval Texts Translated.

The Itinerary of Archbishop Baldwin through Wales

The Itinerary of Archbishop Baldwin through Wales, aka Itinerarium Cambriae, was written by Gerald of Wales aka Cambrensis (age 44) in 1191. It describes a journey through Wales which Archbishop Baldwin, accompanied by Gerald, to recruit for the Third Crusade.

Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles

Three fifteenth-century chronicles, with historical memoranda by John Stowe, the antiquary, and contemporary notes of occurrences written by him in the reign of Queen Elizabeth by Gairdner, James, 1828-1912.

Warkworth's Chronicle

A Chronicle Of The First Thirteen Years Of The Reign of King Edward The Fourth, By John Warkworth, D.D. Master of St. Peter's College, Cambridge.