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The Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke. Baker was a secular clerk from Swinbroke, now Swinbrook, an Oxfordshire village two miles east of Burford. His Chronicle describes the events of the period 1303-1356: Gaveston, Bannockburn, Boroughbridge, the murder of King Edward II, the Scottish Wars, Sluys, Crécy, the Black Death, Winchelsea and Poitiers. To quote Herbert Bruce 'it possesses a vigorous and characteristic style, and its value for particular events between 1303 and 1356 has been recognised by its editor and by subsequent writers'. The book provides remarkable detail about the events it describes. Baker's text has been augmented with hundreds of notes, including extracts from other contemporary chronicles, such as the Annales Londonienses, Annales Paulini, Murimuth, Lanercost, Avesbury, Guisborough and Froissart to enrich the reader's understanding. The translation takes as its source the 'Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke' published in 1889, edited by Edward Maunde Thompson. Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.
The History of Wyatts Rebellion by John Proctor is in Tudor Books.
John Proctor. The historie of Wyates rebellion, second edition London 15The historie of wyates rebellion, with the order and maner of resisting the same, wherunto in the ende is added an earnest conference with the degenerate and sedicious rebelles for the serche of the cause of their daily disorder. Made and compyled by John Proctor. Mense Januarii. Anno 1555.
Note. John Proctor, 1521–1558, was a Somerset man, educated at Oxford, loyal to the old religion. In 15he was appointed mas ter of the free school just founded in Tonbridge; the insurrection led by Sir Thomas Wyat occurred a few months later (January February 1554). Annoyed by the short account of the rebellion which he found in John Michell's ‘Cronicle' (circa March 1554), Proctor wrote this book. It was published in December 1554, and apparently sold out straight away; a second edition appeared in January 1555. Both editions were printed by Robert Caly. This file is a transcription of the second edition, which has a few corrections.
To the most excellent and moste vertuous ladye our moste gracious Soueraigne, Marie by the grace of God Quene of Englande, Fraunce, Naples, Hierusalem and Irelande, Defendour of the faith, princesse of Spaygne & Sicilie, Archeduchesse of Austria, Duchesse of Millaine, Burgundie and Braband, Countesse of Haspurge, Flaunders & Tyrole, your Maiesties moste faythfull, louynge, and obedient subiecte Iohn Proctor, wissheth all grace, longe peace, quiet raygne, from God the father, the sonne, and the holy Ghost. IT HATH been alowed, most gracious soueraigne, for a necessary policie in all ages, as stories do wytnes, that the flagicious enterprises of the wicked, whiche haue at any tyme attempted with trayterous force to subuert or alter the publike state of their countreies, as also the wise and vertuous polices of the good, practised to preserue the common weale, and to repell the enemies of the same, shuld by writyng be committed to eternal memorie: partly that they of that age in whose tyme such thinges happened, mought by the oft reading conceiue a certayne gladnesse in consideringe with them selues, & beholdinge as it were in a glasse from what calamitie and extreme ruine, by what policie & wisedome their natiue countreis were deliuered, besides the great miserie & peril they them selues haue escaped: partly for a doctrine and a monition seruing both for the present & future tyme: but cheiflye and principallye that the traytours themselues, who through hatred to their prynce or countrey shall eyther of their owne malicious disposition be stirred, or els by other peruerse counsel therunto induced, may alwaies haue before their eyes the miserable end that happeneth as iust reward to all such caytiues as eyther of ambition not satisfied with their owne state wyll seke prepostorously to aspire to honoure, or of malice to theyr prince, will enter into that horrible crime of priuie conspiracie or open rebellion. The industrie of writers doth sufficiently declare in a numbre of stories that con spiracie & treason hath alwaies turned to the authours a wretched & miserable ende, & if their persones happen at any tyme to escape temporal punishment, as rarely they haue done, yet their names, specially of the notorious & principal offenders, haue ben alwaies had in suche vile & odible detestation in all ages & among all nations, as for the same thei haue been euer after abhorred of all good men. These general considerations mouyng other to indict and penne stories, moued me also to gather together and to regester for memorie the mer ueilous practise of Wyat his detestable rebellion, litle inferior to the most daungerous reported in any historie, either for desperate courage in the authour, or for the monstruous end purposed by his rebellion. Yet I thought nothyng lesse at the begining, then to publishe the same at this time or at this age, minding onely to gather notes therof where the truth mought be best knowen, (for the which I made earnest and diligent inuestigation) and to leaue them to be published by others hereafter to the behof of our posteritie. But hearing the sundry tales thereof farre dissonaunt in the vtteraunce, & many of them as far wide from truth, facioned from the speakers to aduaunce or depraue as they fantased the parties: and vnder standyng besydes what notable infamie spronge of this rebellion to the whole countre of Kent, & to euery membre of the same, where sundrie & many of them to mine owne knowledge shewed them selues most faithfull & worthye subiectes, as by the story self shal euidently appeare, which either of hast or of purpose were omit ted in a printed booke late sette furth at Canterbury: I thought these to be special considerations wherby I ought of duety to my countrey to compile & digest suche notes as I had gathered concerning that rebellion, in some forme & fashion of historie, & to publish the same in this age & at thys present, contrary to my first intent, aswel that the very truth of that rebellious enterprise myght be throughly knowen, as that also the shire wher that vile rebellion was practised, might by opening the ful truth in some parte be deliuered from the infamy which as by report I heare is made so general in other shires, as though very few of Kent wer fre from Wyates conspiracie: most humblie beseching your highnes to take this my traueil in so good and gracious parte, as of your graces benigne & gentle nature it hath pleased you to accept my former bookes dedicated vnto your highnes. Wherby I mind nothing lesse then to excuse or ac cuse any affectionatly, but to set furth eche mannes doynges truely accordyng to their deme rites, that by the contemplation herof both the good may be incoraged in the execution of perfit obedience & vnspotted loyaltie, and the wicked restrained from the hatefull practice of suche detestable purposes.
The blessed Trinitie preserue your highnes.
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To the louyng reader.
The safe & sure recordation of paynes and pe ryls past, hath present delectation (sayeth Tullye.) For thinges, were they neuer so bit ter and vnpleasaunt in the execution, being after in peace and securitie, renewed by report or chronicle, are bothe plausible and profitable, whether they touched our selues or other. Beynge thus in this poynte persuaded (louynge reader) I thoughte it a trauayle neyther vnpleasaunt for thee, nor vnthankeful for me, to contriue the late rebellion practised by Wyat, in forme of a chronicle as thou seest. Whereby as I meane not to please the euill, nor displease the good, so I muche desire to amende the one by settynge before his eye the lamentable Image of hateful rebellion, for the increase of obedience, and to helpe the other by setting furth the vnspotted loyaltie of suche as aduenturouslye and faythfullye serued in thys daungerous time, for the increase of knowledge and policie the better to represse the like dangers, if anye hereafter happen. And further although herby I couete not to renewe a feare of a daunger past, yet would I gladly increase a care and studie in euerye good mans heart to auoyde a like daunger that may happen, & most tymes hap peneth, when a daunger with much difficultie auoided is not sufficient warnynge to beware of the next. I haue forborne to touch anye man by name, Wyat onelye excepte, and a fewe other which the story would not permit to be leaft out. Yet take me not that I meane to excuse anye mans faulte thereby. For what shoulde I shewe my selfe so vngrate or vnnaturall vnto my naturall countreimen, as namelye to blase them to the worlde, whome eyther theyr owne good happe, or the quee nes surpassynge mercye would to be couered at this time? And although I touch some by name, terming them in certayn places traytours and rebelles, iust titles of their desertes, yet (God is my witnes) I do it not of malice or enuye to anye of their persons. I neuer hated anye of them, no not Wyat him selfe: whome, although he was vtterly vnknowen vnto me, yet for the sundrie and singular gif tes, wherwith he was largelye endued, I had him in great admiration. And now I rather pitie his vnhappie case, then malice his personne. And doe muche lament that so manye good & commendable qualities were abused in the seruice of cursed heresie, whose rewarde was neuer other then shamefull confusion, by one waye or other to all that folowed her wayes. Finallye, if thou suppose I haue not fully set furth the whol case al as it was I shal not againsai it: neither thought I it necessarie so to doe, but rather so muche as for this time might be both plausible & profitable, & shuld satisfie such poyntes as in the dedicatorie epistle to the quenes maiestie are expressed. Herafter it may be that further be sayd touching this matter. In meane tyme thou hast no iust cause I trust to be offended with this my present enterprise, either for the maner of handlinge, or for the matter herin handled, the one hauynge sufficient perspicuitie, and plaines, thother ful trueth: for which I haue made such diligent inuestigation, as I haue found it, & haue herin expressed the same, especially so much as concerneth Kent.
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wyates rebellion, with the order and maner of resisting the same.
What a restlesse euil heresie is, euer trauailing to bring furth mischeif, neuer ceasing to protrude al those, in whose heartes she is receyued to confusion: by what plausible allurementes at her entrie she catcheth fauourable intertainment, with what waies of craft and subteltie she dilateth her dominion, & finally howe of course she toyleth to be supported by faction, sedition, & rebellion, to the great peryll of subuersion of that state where as a plague she happeneth to fynde habitation, aswell the lamentable historie of the Bohemians & Germaines, with al other treating of like enterprises by heretikes, as also Wyates late conspiracie practised with open force doeth plentuously declare. Who as it should euidently seme by the trade of his life and the late disclosing of him selfe, was so feruently affected to heresie (although he laboured by false persuasion otherwise to haue couloured it) that burninge inwardly with a prepensed treason in his brest, for the continuaunce of the same within the realme, he persuaded to himself such an impossibilite therin (the Quenes highnesse prospering & bearing the sceptre of high gouernaunce) as could by no meanes be brought about without rebellion, the onely refuge as I sayde that indurate heretikes haue alwaies sought for maintenaunce of their heresie, liuing vnder a Catholike prince. He therefore beinge thus inflamed could no lenger conteine, but im mediatly vpon the beginning of the quenes most happy reigne forsaking his habitation in the countrey, went to London, of pur pose to stirre the duke of Suffolke & his brethren, with others of power in further countreys, whom he knew to be like affected to heresies, & consequently to burne in semblable desire for continuaunce of the same: leauing neuerthelesse suche behind him in Kent to solicite hys and theirs vnhappie case, whome he knew so much addicted thervnto as in his absence for their dili gence in such a ministerie neded no ouerseer. He remayned in London, tyll he thoughte hym selfe throughlye furnyshed euerye waye, and euerye where within the realme to attempte hys determined enterpryse, when apt time shoulde serue.
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[25th January 1554]. Whyche done, he retourned into Kente, not of purpose then to procede: But vnderstandynge his strengthe practised there by his agentes to set thinges in order, and so to retourne to London, abidynge the tyme appoynted therefore by hym and his complices. But so it befell in the meane tyme, that at his beinge in the countrey, the counsell committed a gentleman of that shyre to warde, one to Wyat aboue all other moste deare, whereby the common brute grewe, that he suspectinge his secretes to bee reueled (and vpon that occasion to be sent for by the counsel) felt him selfe, as it were for hys owne suertie, compelled to anticipate his tyme. But whether that were the cause or no, doubtfull it is. But certaine it was, that Wyat then proceding in his detestable purpose, armed him selfe, and as manye as he coulde: And geuinge intelligence of his determination to his complices, aswell at London as els where, the Thursdaye after at Maydston in the market time, beinge the xxv. daye of Ianuarye, in the fyrste yere of the queenes raygne, by proclamation in writinge published his deuillishe pretence.
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The Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough, a canon regular of the Augustinian Guisborough Priory, Yorkshire, formerly known as The Chronicle of Walter of Hemingburgh, describes the period from 1066 to 1346. Before 1274 the Chronicle is based on other works. Thereafter, the Chronicle is original, and a remarkable source for the events of the time. This book provides a translation of the Chronicle from that date. The Latin source for our translation is the 1849 work edited by Hans Claude Hamilton. Hamilton, in his preface, says: "In the present work we behold perhaps one of the finest samples of our early chronicles, both as regards the value of the events recorded, and the correctness with which they are detailed; Nor will the pleasing style of composition be lightly passed over by those capable of seeing reflected from it the tokens of a vigorous and cultivated mind, and a favourable specimen of the learning and taste of the age in which it was framed." Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.
And consideringe with hym selfe, that to make the pretence of his rebellion to bee the restoring or continuaunce of the new and newelye forged religion was neither agreable to the nature of heresie (whiche alwaye defendeth it selfe by the name and countenaunce of other mat ter moore plausible) neyther so apte to further hys wycked purpose, being not a case so general to allure al sortes to take parte with him: he determined to speake no worde of religion, but to make the colour of hys commotion, only to withstande straungers, and to aduaunce libertie. For as he made hys full reckninge that suche as accorded with hym in religion, wold wholly ioyne with hym in that rebellion: So he trusted that the Catholikes for the moste parte, woulde gladlye imbrace that quarel agaynst the straun gers, whose name he tooke to become odible to all sortes, by the sedicious and malicious reporte, whiche he and hys hadde maliciously imagined and blowen abrode agaynst that nation, as a preparatiue to their ab hominable treason. Hys Proclamation therefore published at Maydstone, and so in other places, persuaded that quarell to be taken in hande only in the defense of the realme from ouerrunnynge by Straungers, and for thaduauncement of libertie. Where in verye dede, hys onely and very matter was the continuaunce of heresye, as by his owne wordes at sundrie times shal hereafter appeare. And to the ende the people should not thinke that he alone with a fewe other meane gentlemen, had taken that traiterous enterprise in hande without comfort & ayde of higher powers, he vntruely & maliciously added further to his proclamation, by persuasion to the people, that all the nobilitie of the realme, and the whole counsell (one or two onelye except) were agreable to his pretensed treason, & would with all their power & strength further the same, which he found most vntrue to his subuersion. And that the lord Aburgauenye, the lorde Warden, syr Robert Southwell, high shyreffe with all other gentlemen wold ioyne with him in this enterprise, & set theyr fote by his to repel the straungers. This proclamation, and such annexed persuasions made at Maydstone on the market day, and in other partes of the shire, had so wrought in the heartes of the people, that diuers which before hated him, and he them, were nowe as it seemed vpon this occasion, mutuallye reconciled, and sayde vnto him. Syr, is your quarell onely to defend vs from ouerrunning by straungers, and to aduaunce libertie, and not agaynst the Queene? No, quod Wyat, we mynde nothinge lesse, then anye wyse to touche her grace: but to serue her, and honour her accordyng to our dueties. Wel, quod they, geue vs then youre hande, we wyll stycke to you to deathe in this quarell. That done, there came to hym one other of good wealthe, saiyng: Syr quod he, they saye I loue potage well, I wyll sell all my spones, and al the plate in my house, rather than your purpose shall quayle, and suppe my potage with my mouthe. I truste, quod he, you wyll restore the ryght religion agayne. Whiste, quod Wyat, you maye not so much as name religion, for that wil withdraw from vs the heartes of manye: you must only make your quarel for ouerrunninge by straungers. And yet to thee be it sayd in counsell, as vnto my frende, we minde onely the restitution of Gods word. But no wordes.
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By these hys wordes it appeared, that hys principall entent was not to kepe out strangers, whiche commonlye doe not inuade to oure hinderaunce, but by rebellion amongest oure selues: nor to aduaunce libertye: whiche euer decayeth throughe treason: but to aduaunce heresye, the ladye regent of his lyfe and doinges. This same thursday as Wyat, Thomas Isley, and others, were occupied at Maydstone with proclamations to styrre the people, & suche lyke: So were others his confederates occupied in lyke maner by proclamacions at Mylton, Ashforde, & other townes in the East partes of the shyre. Through whose allurementes the multitude were growen so earnestlye affected to Wyates purpose, that they suffred maister Christopher Roper (a man of good wurshippe, and so estemed of them) to be taken of Wyates ministers, and caried out of the market place, wythoute any maner of rescue, for that he hauinge his heart and eye full fixt vpon the queene, not onelye withstode the readinge of Wyates traiterous proclamation at Milton, but also in the same place proclaimed him, & al hys traytours. And beynge roughlye charged therewith by Wyat and other his galauntes when he was broughte to Rochester, he answered, this tonge spake it, and doeth now auowe it. They suffred maister Tucke also, & maister Dorrel of Cale7 hyll beinge gentlemen of good wurshyppe, and Iustices of peace, to bee taken out of theyr houses by the Rebelles, and conueyed withoute anye maner of rescue, in the daye tyme to Rochester, beynge twentye miles distant, where they with maister Roper were kepte as prisoners in great daunger of life. In lyke maner syr Henrye Isleye, Antonye Kneuet, William Kneuet with others, were at Tunbrige, Seuenoke, and other townes in the West partes of the shyre, styrrynge the people by alarummes, drummes and praclamations.
Now ye shal vnderstand that the euening afore the publishing his pretence at Maydestone, Wyat sent a letter by one Thomas Monde (a man of muche honestie) to sir Robert Southwell being Shiref of the shyre, vnto whome longe afore as I can vnderstande, he had neither spoken nor written other then in difiaunce, they being in contention for maters of religion as it was said. Neuerthelesse to serue his purpose, dissemblinge his great malice and haute corage, he wrote a letter to him of suche effect as foloweth. The effecte of wyates letter to syr Robert Southwell Shireffe of Kent.
After heartie commendations there hathe been betwene you and me many quarelles and grudges, and I euer the sufferer, & yet haue you sought thende, 8 which is now frendly offered vnto you, if you be willinge to receyue it. But whatsoeuer priuat quarell you haue to me, I doubte not but your wisedome is to muche, seyng so manye perils at hande to vs both (this pretensed mariage taking effect) to dissent from vs in so necessarie a purpose, as wherin we nowe determine to entre for the common wealthe of the whole realme. And that you may the better vnderstand our pretence, I send you the copie of our proclamation comprehendinge the somme and effect of our meaning, whervnto if the common wealth shal fynde you an enemy, saye not hereafter but that you were frendly warned. we forbeare to write to the lorde Aburgaueny, for what you maye do with him, if you list we know.
The stile of wyates proclamation
A proclamation agreed vnto by Tho mas Wyat, George Harper, Henry Isleye knightes, and by diuers of the best of the shyre, sent vnto the commons of the same.
Forasmuch as it is now spred abrode, & certenly pronounced by the lorde Chancelour & other of the coun sel, of the queenes determinate pleasure to mary with a stranger. &c. We therefore wryte vnto you, because you be our neyghbours, because you bee oure frendes, and because you be englishmen, that you wyll ioyne with vs, as we wil with you vn to death in this behalfe, protestyng vnto you before God, that no other earthlye cause coulde 9 moue vs vnto this enterprise, but this alone, wherin we seke no harme to the quene, but better counsel & counselours, which also we would haue forborne in al other matters sauing only in this. For herin lieth the helth & welth of vs al. For trial herof & manifest profe of this intended purpose: Lo now euen at hand, Spaniardes be nowe alreadye ariued at Douer, at one passage to the numbre of an hundreth passing vpwarde to London, in companies of ten, foure and vi. with harnes, harquebusses and morians with match light, the formest company wherof be alreadie at Rochester. We shal require you therfore to repaire to such places as the bearers herof shal pronounce vnto you, there to assemble & determine what may be best for thaduauncement of libertie and common wealth in this behalfe, & to bring with you suche ayde as you may.
The ende of wyates proclamation.
The messenger that brought the letter with the proclamation from Wyat to the shireffe being not priuie to the contentes therof, & hauing charge vpon his life to returne an answere with all spede, importuned the Shyrefe so muche therfore (although he sawe him greatly busyed in geuing aduertisement throughout the shire of Wyates traiterous determination) as he neuerthelesse to satisfie the messenger whom he knewe to bee a ryght honest man (notwithstanding his diligence was abused in so leude a message) made hym aunswere out of hande as foloweth.
The shireffes aunswere to the messenger that brought Wyates letter.
Neghbour Monde, rather to satisfie your importunitie, then to answer Wyates letter, whome in thys case I disdaine to answer, or to speake with you apart comminge from a traytour, you maye saye vnto him that as in dede I haue been desirous of his frendshyp for neyghbourhoodes sake, so haue I muche more desired his reformation in diuers poyntes of great disorder, wherby he cer taynly knew aswel by my spech to hym selfe, as other meanes comming to his knowledge, that I haue sithens the beginning of the queenes raygne holden him and some of his colleges in this conspiracie vehemently suspected for like matters, as nowe they haue attempted. Wherin seinge he hath not deceiued me, but by opening him self hath manifestly verified mine opinion conceiued of him, I purpose not to pur chase his frendship so deare, as for the gaine of him to lose my self & my posteritie in perpetual infamie. And if suche thynges whiche his fonde head hathe wayed for perilles, to the condempnation of the whole wisedome of the realme (thei allowing the same for good) had been in dede as perillous, as he with others, for want of due conside ration, demeth them, his duetie had ben to haue opened his opinion therin as an humble & reuerent peticioner to the quenes highnes, or to some of her graces counsell. But to presse hys soueraigne in any suite or vpon any occasion with weapon & ar mour by sturring her subiectes to rebellion, that is and alwayes hathe been accompted the part of most arrogant and presumptuous traytours, and so doe I note him and his mates as you may tell them, & shall God wyllinge prouide for them accordingly. Nowe good man Monde it shalbe in youre choyse whether you will carie this message or no. But as your frende I shall aduise you to seeke oute better company. The messenger excusing him selfe by ignoraunce, departed to Wyat with answere. And sone after returned to the shireffe vnder whome he serued the quene very faythfullye.
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The shireffe being made preuie (as ye haue heard) by Wyat to his trayterous pretence the night before he stirred, & wanting no good wyll as it shoulde seme, with the helpe of the lorde Aburgaueny, who was as forward as he, to haue resisted the reading of Wyates proclamation at Maydstone the daye folowinge, and to disparse his force, sent for gentlemen & yeomen in all hast to that end. But before he could gather power mete to attempt the repressing of suche a force sundrie of hys neyghbours of greatest possessions, & townes moste populous, whiche should haue been his chief aide, being contrary bent, Wyat accompanied with a force well armed & weponed marched to Rochester The same thursday, Harper & other meting him in the wai, wher fortifiyng the East partes of the towne, & breakinge vp the bridge towards the West, he abode the commynge of hys appoynted strength, suffring al passengers to passe quietlye throughe the towne to London, or to the sea, taking nothing from them but only theyr weapon. And beynge the Fridaye all daye at Rochester, and not hearynge from Isleye, the towne of Tunbridge, and other his coniurates of the West part of the shyre, he adressed an earnest letter the Saterdaye mornynge to Isley, the Knetuetes, and other, wyth the towne of Tunbridge, requiringe them to accellerate theyr comming vnto him. Accordyng whereunto Isleye, the Kneuetes, with other beinge newlye retourned from Penshurste, where they riffled Syr Henry Sydneye hys armourie (he beynge attendaunte vppon the Queenes highnes as a faythfull subiect) perceyuinge Wyat to longe for theyr commynge, resolued to obserue theyr promise, & marche forwardes that night towardes Wyat. But vnderstandinge that the Lorde Aburgaueny, the Shireffe, and George Clerke hadde nowe gathered a force, & were preste to encountre them, first or they departed out of the towne, thei thought it good by some kinde of proclamation to alienate the peoples heartes from them, as they did in maner folowinge.
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The Deeds of King Henry V, or in Latin Henrici Quinti, Angliæ Regis, Gesta, is a first-hand account of the Agincourt Campaign, and subsequent events to his death in 1422. The author of the first part was a Chaplain in King Henry's retinue who was present from King Henry's departure at Southampton in 1415, at the siege of Harfleur, the battle of Agincourt, and the celebrations on King Henry's return to London. The second part, by another writer, relates the events that took place including the negotiations at Troye, Henry's marriage and his death in 1422.
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The copie of the proclamation made at Tunbridge by syr Henry Isley, Antonye Kneuet, and his brother with other
You shal vnderstand that Henrye lorde Aburgauenye, Robert Southwell knight, George Clerke gentleman, haue most traiterously to the disturbance of the common wealthe, styrred and raysed vp the Queenes most louing subiectes of this realme, to defend the most wicked & deuilishe enterprise of certeine of the wicked and peruerse counselers, to the vtter confusion of this her graces realme, and the perpetuall seruitude of all the Queenes most louing subiectes. In consideration wherof, we sir Thomas Wyat knight, syr George Harper knight, syr Henrye Isleye knight, Anthonye Kneuet Esquier, with all the faythfull Gentlemen of Kent, and trusty commons of the same, do pronounce the sayd Henry Lord Aburgaueny, Robert Southwell, and George Clerke gentleman, to be traytours to God, the crowne, and the common wealthe.
This done, with all speede calling their company together by noyes of drummes, and leauinge their directe waye to Rochester, for that they would not come vnder the wing of the Lorde Aburgauenye, and the shirefe, thei marched that night to Seuenocke. Takynge order with such as were left behinde in the towne, that they shoulde be in a readines to come when soeuer they shoulde be sent for by Wyat, & that by no wayes they shoulde beleue anye tales. For (quod they) the counsayle will nowe sende abrode fliynge lies and tales to discredit vs, and discomforte you, for it is their policie. Antonye Kneuet after he was lept to hys horse, toke one by the hand, and sayd: fare you well. And yf you hap to heare that I am taken, neuer beleue it, for vndoubtedlye I wyll eyther die in the fielde, or achiue my purpose. But with in foure and twenty houres he brake his promise, and ranne away no faster then his legges could carye hym.
Well, I shal now leaue them marchinge to Seuenocke, and returne to Wyat at Rochester. This present saterday came vn to him from the queenes highnes an Herauld and a trumpetour. Wyat at the sound of the trum pette came to the bridge, where the Herauld was with his cote armour cariynge the armes of England on his back. But Wyat without vsing any reuerence to him, either for his cote or office, woulde not suffer him to come into the towne to declare hys message, & pressing to come in he offered to strike him: whervpon the Herauld staied & did his mes sage there, so that onely Wyat with a fewe with him heard it. Which as men could gather by report of them that heard it, was promise of pardone to as many as would retier to their houses within .xxiiii. houres after the proclamation, & become good subiectes. But Wyat woulde not suffer his souldiours in any wise to heare it, nor anye other proclamation commynge from the queene. In the meane time also syr Thomas Cheynie lorde Warden, beinge a moste faythfull and noble Subiecte, had sent him suche salutations as of honour oughte to be vsed to a traitour. And beinge verie desirous to be doing with him, and to proue on his bodie what in wordes of greatynge he had affirmed, felte yet by his discretion and long experience great causes of staye. For Wyat desired nothing more then his comminge furth, persuadinge that he wanted no frendes aboute hym, nor any other that would take in hande to represse hym wyth force gathered in that shyre. And vndoubtedly doubtfull were the heartes of the people, and merueylouslye bent to fauoure Wyat and hys purpose, as by daylye euentes appeared. The lord Aburgaueny and the shiref, who the Saterdaye nexte after Wyates styrre were at Mallinge in the waye towardes Rochester (where Wyat lay) hauing with them a companye of well appoynted subiectes, in whome not wythstanding for the more part they had good opinion of trustines and honesty, yet hauing the general case of the peoples dispotion in theyr eye, and not without cause, suspectinge in their bande amongest so many fayth full & good some such to be, vpon trust of whose trustles and britell ayde, it were no good policie to aduenture farre, ponderinge therewith that this illusion of the people whereby thei were so farre drawen from their right course and duetye, grewe cheifelye by suche craftye and false persuasions as Wyat and his mates had sette furthe in sundrie partes of the shyre, by waye of proclamation in writing, wherein amonge other grosse lyes they hadde set furth also matters of vntrueth to discredit the lorde Aburgaueny and the shireffe, as Wyat in his persuations, that they woulde ioyne with hym. And Isley in his proclamation, that thei had traiterously assembled the Queenes louinge subiectes against her grace & the realme. It semed vnto them very good & necessary to spende some tyme at Mallinge in aduisinge and lessening the multitude, and by way of exhortation to impugne those traiterous proclamations, and refell suche grosse and false lies therein conteigned, and finally to dissuade the people (which that day beinge the market day were assembled to a great numbre of al sortes) from the traytours & their attemptes. And accordinglye the Shiriffe had penned an exhortation to that pur pose, whiche was pronounced out of writing in Malling, and sent after by hym into other partes. The hearinge whereof, dyd vndoubtedly muche moue the people, as after shall appeare. I shal report the same in substance truelye: howe be it not fullye in the same fourme and maner, as I founde it, and as it was penned and pronoun ced by the shireffe. Who in thutteraunce and settinge furthe thereof, spared not to speake playnlye and touche sharplye, as then the present tyme and case imployed vehement occasion.
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[27th January 1554]. An exhortation made by sir Robert Southwel knight shireffe of Kent, at Mallinge the Saterdaye, beinge the xxvii. day of Ianuary, and market dai there to a great assemble of people, re felling and confuting Wyat and his complices trayterous proclamations, Wyat beinge at Rochester foure miles distaunt.
Louinge neighbours and frendes, where of late there hath been most pestilent and trayterous proclamations, as ye haue heard set furthe by Thomas Wyat, George Harper, Henry Isley, and others, as most arrant traitors to the quene and the realme, some of them the quenes auncient enemies afore time, and double traitours, yet not withstanding, accomptinge them selues to be the best of the shyre in their pro clamations, and in the same reputing and pronouncing other as traitours, whome ye canne witnes to haue been from time to time, true & faythful subiectes to the quene & this our common weale: as the lorde Aburgaueny here present, my selfe, and other gentlemen now prest and readie with you, according to our duetie, to serue our noble quene: I shall neede to spende the lesse time to declare vnto you, howe euill they be, or howe euil their enterprise is, that thei haue taken in hand: for asmuch as this their arrogant presumption and presumptuous pride in aduauncing them selues so far from all trueth, and in deprauing of other so maliciouslye for executing their bounden duetie, oughte abundauntlye to persuade what they bee to all of consideration, withoute further circumstaunce. But for as much as in their proclamations, they fil the eares of the quenes liege people with grosse & manifest lies to styrre them against her grace, in the vtteraunce wherof they vse this demonstra tion, loe, signifiyng some notable thing nere at hand for credit worthy impression in their memo rie, as loe, a great numbre of stran gers be now arriued at Douer in harnes, with harquebusses, morians and matchlight: I say vnto you neighbors & frendes vpon payne to bee torne in pieces with your handes, that it is vntrue and a manifest lye, inuented by them to prouoke & irritate the quenes simple people to ioyne with them in theyr traiterous enterprise. And ther fore I haue perfecte hope, that you beinge afore tyme abused with their craftie and deceitful treason, will not nowe ones again hauing experience of their former euil, be trapped for any persuasion in so haynous a snare as this most vile and horrible crime of treason. Do you not se & note that as in the beginning of the quenes most gracious raign, some of them sought to depriue her grace of her princely estate and rightful dignitie, minding to aduaunce therunto the ladie Iane doughter to the duke of Suff. so are they & others newlye confedered with the Duke and hys brethren, beinge in ar mes at this present for the same purpose, and daylye lokinge for ayde of these traytours and other of their conspiracie as by the queenes most gracious letters signed with her owne hand and readie to be read here, may plainly appeare vnto you? And will you now neuertheles ayde them any waies, or sit styl whiles they go about thus wrongfully and traiterously to depose their and our most gracious soueraigne ladye and queene, the comfort of vs al, the stai of vs al, the only sauegarde of vs all, to whom can no displeasure or danger chaunce, but the same must double redounde to al & euery of vs? No frendes & neighbours, I trust neuer to liue to see you so farre abused. They go about to bleare you with matters of stran gers, as thoughe they shoulde come to ouerunne you and vs also. He semeth verie blind and willingly blinded that wil haue his sighte dimmed with suche a fonde miste. For if they ment to resist straungers, as thei minde nothing lesse: they woulde then prepare to go to the sea coastes and not to the quenes most royal person with such a company in armes & weapon. Ye can consider I truste, this noble gentleman the lord Aburgaueny here present beinge of an auncient & great parentage, borne among you, & such other gentilmen as you se here, which be no strangers vn to you, my selfe also (although a pore gentleman, who I trust at no time hath abused you) hath somwhat to lose aswel as thei, & wold be as loth to be ouerrunne with straungers as thei, if any suche thing were ment. But for that we know most certenly, that ther is ment no maner of euill to vs by those strangers, but rather aid, profit, & comfort against other strangers our auncient enemies, with whom thei as most arrant & degenerate traitors do in dede vnkindly & vnnaturally ioyne: we in her graces defense wil spend both life & what we haue beside to the vttermost peny agaynst them<> Wel, I can no more now sai vnto you, but vnderstanding the quenes highnes as a most merciful princesse to be ones agayn determined to pardon as many as by their traiterous & deceitful proclamations, & other illusi ons, wer allured to this last trea son, so thei repaire to their habitations within xxiiii. houres after her graces proclamation read & become true subiectes to her grace, to aduise such as hath ta ken part with those traitors, or haue withdrawen them selues con trarie to their allegiance, from the aiding & seruing of their soueraigne, according to their duties against her enemies, thankfully to accept and imbrace her most gracious pardon, and vse meanes of them selues to apprehend those arrant and principall traitours, & make a present of them to the quenes highnes, or leaue them to themselfes as most detestable traitours: who being once so graciously and mercifully forgeuen coulde not but cary the clemencie of the same in their heartes to the furtherance of all obedience whiles thei lyued, if ther had been any sparke of grace in them. And further I haue to say vnto you, that as these traitors by their proclamations without authoritie haue moued you to styrre against the queene your soueraigne, and appointed you places, where to mete & con sult for the furtheraunce of theyr traiterous purpose, & to bring with you such aid as you can, so shall I require you, & in her graces name charge you that bee here present, not to come there, but that you and such as be absent taking knowledge herby, repair to such places as I the quenes shireffe & officer shal appoynt you, with such ayde as you can bring for the better seruice of the quene & the shire, wher you shal be assured to receiue comforte, thankes, and honestie to thende of youre liues and your posteritie. And thother waye but endles shame and vtter vndoinge to you and yours, whiche shall be worste to your selues, and yet a great griefe to vs youre neighbours, whose aduise in all other youre priuate causes you haue been content to folowe, & nowe in this waightiest that hathe or maye happen to you, will refuse vs and folow them that hathe euer abused you to your & their vtter confusion.
At Malling the xxvii. of Ianuary, Anno Mariae primo.
God saue queene Marye and all her well wyllers.
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The shireff readinge this exhor tation, caused one Barrham a gentleman and seruaunt to the lorde Aburgaueny to pronounce it as he read it, so loude and so distinctlye as the people assembled rounde aboute hym to a verie great numbre in maner of a ringe might easly here and vnderstand euery word proceding from Barrham, who of his owne head cried out vnto them: You maye not so muche as lyfte vp your finger against your kyng or queene. And after the people had hearde the shireffes exhortation, & cried God saue queene Marie, whiche they dyd moste heartely, spending therin a conuenient tyme, the shyreffe vsed these wordes vnto them. Maisters (quod he) althoughe I a lone dyd speake vnto you, yet what wordes were spoken too you by me were also spoken to you by the lorde Aburgauenye and all the gentlemen here present, in whose persons I then spake, and now require at your handes a playne and resolute aunswere. Wyl you nowe therfore ioyne with such as you see euidently to be arrant traitours, or els with the lord Aburgauenie and suche gentlemen as you see here present, that wyl liue & die with you in defense of oure rightfull queene agaynst these traitors? The people with one voyce defied Wyat and his com plices, as arrant traitours and saied that they now well espied they had but abused them.
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The Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke. Baker was a secular clerk from Swinbroke, now Swinbrook, an Oxfordshire village two miles east of Burford. His Chronicle describes the events of the period 1303-1356: Gaveston, Bannockburn, Boroughbridge, the murder of King Edward II, the Scottish Wars, Sluys, Crécy, the Black Death, Winchelsea and Poitiers. To quote Herbert Bruce 'it possesses a vigorous and characteristic style, and its value for particular events between 1303 and 1356 has been recognised by its editor and by subsequent writers'. The book provides remarkable detail about the events it describes. Baker's text has been augmented with hundreds of notes, including extracts from other contemporary chronicles, such as the Annales Londonienses, Annales Paulini, Murimuth, Lanercost, Avesbury, Guisborough and Froissart to enrich the reader's understanding. The translation takes as its source the 'Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke' published in 1889, edited by Edward Maunde Thompson. Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.
Wherefore in defense of queene Marie they woulde dye vpon them, expressinge their mindes with suche earnest shoutes and cries, as shewed to procede vnfainedly from their hartes, which after was confirmed by a better experience the day folowing as ye shall anone here. But by the waye ye shall vnderstande that Wyat hearing of this proclamation, sayde: I know that Barram well, but yet I neuer tooke hym to haue so wyde a throte, yf I liue I may happen to make hym crowe a hygher note in another place. What trowe ye should then haue become of the authour? In the Sundaye folowinge the lorde Aburgaueny the shiref and the rest of the gentlemen were determined to haue marched in the morninge earelye towardes Rochester to haue ayded the duke of Norfolke and sir Henrye Gerningham captain of the garde then being at Grauesend towardes Wyat with a certain bande of whitecotes to the num ber of .vi.C. sent vnto them from London, whereof Breet and others were their captaines. Roger Appulton gentleman was also at Grauesende with the duke attendant to serue, where in lykewyse was Thomas Swane gentleman. This satterdaye at night the lorde Aburgaueny suspectinge that Wyat and hys complyces liynge within foure myles of them, and beinge so muche prouoked, in that they were in the day so rightly set forthe in their colours at Malling, would for reuenge worke some annoiaunce to them or his band that night, either by a cammasado or by some other meane, did therefore to preuent the same set a stronge watch in the market place at Mallynge and other partes of entrie into the towne: and gaue the watch word him selfe before he wolde take any rest. But betwene one & two of the clocke in the night when euerye bodie was taken to rest sauing the watche, there happened a larom, sundrie criinge: treason, treason, we are al betraied, in such sort that suche as wer in their beddes or newlye rissen, thoughte verely that either Wyat with his band had been in the towne or very nere. The thing was so soden & happened in such a time as men not acquaynted with lyke matters were so amased, that some of them knewe not well what to do, and yet in thend it proued to nothing. For it grewe by a messenger that came verye late in the nighte desirynge to speake with the lorde Aburgaueny or maister shireff to geue them cer taine aduertisement that sir Hen rie Isleye, the two Kneuettes and certayne other with .v.C. weldishe menne were at Seuenocke, and woulde march in the morning early from thence towardes Rochester, for the ayde of Wyat againste the duke of Norff. and in their waie burne and distroi the house of George Clarke aforesaied. Wherupon the Lord Aburgaueny and the shireffe by thaduice of the gentle men afore named, for that the saied Clarke had been a painful and seruisable gentleman, chaunged their purposed iourney from Rochester, to incounter with Isleye and hys bande, to cutte them from Wyat & saue Clarke from spoile. And so in the morThe shrin kinge of the rebels. ninge earely beinge sundaye, the lord Aburgauenye the shireffe, Warram Sentleger, Richard Couert, Thomas Roydon, Antony Weldon, Henry Barney, George Clarke, Iohn Dodge, Th. Watton, Heughe Catlyn, Thomas Henley, Christopher Dorrel, Heughe Cartwright, Iohn Sybil Esquiers, Iohn Clarke, Darsie of Wrotham, Thomas Chapman, Iames Barram, Iasper Iden, Iohan Lambe, Walter Heronden, Walter Tay lor, Iohn Raynoldes, Thomas Tuttesham, Iohn Allen, and Thomas Holdiche gentlemen with yomen to the number of .vi. C. or there aboute merched oute of Mallinge in order tyll they came to Wrotham heath, where they mought easely here the sounde of the traitours drommes, & so makinge haste pursued them till they came to a place called Barrow grene, thorough which laye their right and redie waye that the traitours shoulde take merching from Seuenocke towardes maister Clarke.
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The lorde Aburgaueny beinge verye glad that he had preuented them in winning the grene, sent out spialles to vnderstande their nerenesse, and to discriue their numbre, reposinge them selues there tyl the retourne of his spialles, who at their com minge, saied that he neded not to take further paynes to pursue them, For thei were at hand commynge towardes hym as fast as they could march, which was gladde tydynges to the lorde Aburgauenye and hys bande. And taking order furthwith to sette his men in araye, he determined to abide theyr commminge, aud there to take or geue the ouerthrow. Which the traitours vnderstandynge, whether it was for that they misliked the match, or the place to fight, whiles the lord Aburgauenye and his band were busye in placing them selues, they shrancke as secretlye as they coulde by a bie waie. And were so farre gone before the Lorde Aburgauenie vnderstode therof by his spialles, as for doubte of ouertaking them afore their comming to Rochester, he was driuen to make suche haste for the ouertakinge of them, as diuers of his fote men were farre behinde at the onset geuinge.
The first sighte that the Lorde Aburgauenie could haue of them after thei forsoke their purposed waie, was as thei ascended Wrotham hill directlie ouer Yaldam, Maister Peckams house, where thei thinkinge to haue great aduauntage by the winning of the hil displaied their ensignes brauelie, seeminge to be in great ruffe. But it was not longe after or their corage was abated. For the lord Abur gauenye, the shireffe, and the rest of the gentlemen, with such other of the queenes true and faiethfull subiectes, as wyth great paynes takinge to clyme the Hyll, and to holde waye with the horsemen, ouertoke the rebelles at a fielde called Blackesoll fielde in the parishe of Wrotham a mile distant from the very top of the Hyll, where the lorde Aburgaueny, the shyreffe, the gentlemen aforenamed, and other the quenes true & faithful subiectes handled them so hotte & so fiersly, that after a smale shot with long bowes by the traytours, & a fierse bragge shewed by some of the horsemen, they toke theyr flighte away as fast as they coulde. Yet of them were taken prysoners aboue thre skore. In this conf lict Warram Sentleger (who brought with him a good company of souldiours, & alwayes a seruisable gentleman) also George Clarke, Antony Weldon, and Richarde Clarke did verye honestlye behaue them selues.
William Sentleger hearynge of a fraye towardes, betwene the Queenes true Subiectes and the traytours, came to the lord Aburgaueny into the field with all haste, not an houre before the skirmishe, who with the rest of the gentlemen, with certaine of the lorde Aburgauenyes and Shyreffes seruauntes, beinge all well horsed serued faithfullye, and from thence chased the horsmen tyll they came to a woode called Hartley woode foure miles distant from the place where the onset beganne. The Queenes true subiectes did so muche abhorre their treason, and had the traitours in suche detestation, as with greate difficultie anye escaped with life that were taken prisoners, and yet were thei al very wel armed & weopened and had also great aduauntage by the place of fight. Sir Henrye Isleye laye all that night in the woode and fled after into Hampshire. The two Kneuettes being wel horsed were so hastely pursued, as thei were driuen to leaue their horse, and creepe into the woode, and for haste to rippe their bootes from theyr legges, and runne awaye in the vampage of their hose. The chase continued so longe as nyghte came on before it was full finished. Thus was Isley, the Kneuettes and their bande ouerthrowen by the faythfull seruice of diuers gentlemen and yomen seruinge vnder the lorde Aburgauenye and the shyreffe, whose forwardenesse, corage, and wysedome, in thys trayterous broyle, no doubte was verie muche prayse worthie, as wel for their spedie accelleration of their strength, which (con sidering how they were euerye waye compassed with the traitours) was no smale matter in so litle space, and for their wise and politike handlinge also in kepinge them together from Wyat, who merueylouslye and by sundrie wayes soughte to allure them away. For had not they in their owne personne to the encouraginge of their companye aduentured farre, and by their wisedome, discreation, and greate charge, politikelye handled the matter, some thinke that Wyat hadde been at London before he was loked for by anye good man, with no smale trayne: whose iourneye was greatly hindered, and hys companye verye muche discomfited by this repulse geuen to Isleye and his band. Where amongest other thinges Gods secret hand was greatly felt to the great com fort & present ayd of true subiectes against the traitours, who hauinge suche aduauntage of the place (as in dede they hadde) were lyke rather to gyue then receiue so foule an ouerthrowe. But this it is (you see) to serue in a true cause, and her whome God so fauoureth, that he wyll not suffer the malice and rage of her enemies at anye tyme to preuaile against her: to whome he hath geuen so many notable victories and soo miraculous; that her enemies myghte seme rather to haue ben ouerthrowen Spiritu Dei, then vanquished humano robore. The lorde Aburgaueny the shiriffe and the gentlemen with them, after they had geuen humble thankes to God for the victorie (whiche they did verie reuerentlye in the fielde) & taken ordre for the prisoners, were driuen to deuide them selues for wante of harboroughe, and vittaile for the souldiours that had well deserued bothe. The lorde Aburgaueny and certen with him wente to Wrotham. The shireffe & certen with hym to Otforde, where they hadde muhe to doo to get vittaile for their souldiours. The lorde Aburgaueny and the shiriffe suspecting that some of those gentlemen lately discomfeted in thys skirmishe woulde not longe tarie in the realme, but make shift to passe the seas, yea, and by spiall vnderstandinge Wyat hym selfe with some of hys company therunto bent, deuised to laye the countree aboute, that they mought not escape. And considering that they woulde not do it at Douer nor in that coste, they knowing the lorde Warden to haue suche watche vnto theim, but rather for sundrie respectes at Rye or moore Southward, and hauynge greate proufe of Thomas Dorrell the younger hys fidelitie, he retourned the same Dorrel, being newly come vnto him with .lxxx. men well appointed, into Sussex, geuing him streighte charge that consulting with sir Iohan Guyldforde, they should both day and nighte set sure watche for the passinge of any that way to the sea cost, & further to take suche ordre as no munition, fishe, wyne or other vitaile comming out of those partes should passe to the releif of the traitors.
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Antony Kneuet, notwithstanding great and streight watche layed rounde about the countree by the shiriffe for thapprehension of him and other that fleed, arriued that sundaye at nyghte late at Rochester, where hys newes were so ioyful, that Har per furthwith found the meane to ridde him selfe out of their com pany without any leaue taking, and ran to the duke of Norff. to whome he semed so greatlye to lament his treason, that the duke piteinge hys case (the rather for the longe acquaintaunce betwene theim in tymes paste) receiued hym too grace. But within a daye after he ran from the duke and retourned to hys olde mate, as hereafter shal appere. Wyat hearinge of Isleye his ouerthrowe, and vnderstandinge by the proceding at Mallinge the daye before that those thinges sette furthe in his proclamations, wherby he thought his strength at home to be most surely knit vnto him, were now become rather a weakenynge then otherwise: the people there being readie to fal from him for his so abusinge of them, he fell into so great extreme anguishe and sorowe, as writing a letter of expostulation to some of his familiars abrode, in reprehension of their infidelitie, in that they sticked not to him so faste as they promised, he bedewed the paper whervpon he wrote with teares issuing so abundantlye from his eyes, as it woulde beare no inke, and so leauing to write, callinge for a priuie cote that he had quilted with angels not long afore, whiche mought serue bothe for his defense, and refuge for hys necessitie beinge in another countree, he practised with suche as were nere vnto him where they mought haue redie passage and most for their suretie to take the sea. For Englande sayed he, is no place for vs to rest in. His company also shranke from him as fast as they coulde deuise meanes to escape: wherunto Thomas Isleye and others had a greater respecte then himselfe, he semyng to take care for nothinge, but howe he mought safely conuey him selfe, beinge well frended, as it was thought with some of the shipmaisters.
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Thus was Wyat so mated by the lorde Aburgaueny, the shyreffe and their band, as he was at his wittes ende, as ye haue hearde, and cheifely by kepynge him from that, whiche by spiall about him they afterwarde vnderstode him specially to desier, whiche was offer of battail: he and his beinge fully persuaded that there coulde bee no greate force raised agaynst him in the shyre, whereof the moste parte should not be his when it shuld come to the shewe. Wherein although he mought be deceiued, as in dede he was, yet his quarrell with the disposition of the people thereunto well considered, with the end of hys traueil, whiche coulde be but spoyle and rauen, redy meanes and lures to drawe the careles multitude vnto him: It semed to the lorde Aburgaueny & suche as serued with hym better policie for to werye Wyat & weaken him by the cutting away of his strength from him, then to offer him battell tyll the duke of Norffolkes comming: whome the lorde Aburgaueny & the shyriffe knewe to be at hande towardes Wyat: vnto whom they and al the gen tlemen of their band after their skirmishe with Isley, made the haste possible they myght. But before their commyng the case was wonderfully chaunged to the great discomforte of all the quenes true subiectes: and that came to passe that of al men was lest feared. For who was it that suspected such cruel and malitious disposition to remaine in anye Englyshe hearte towardes hys countrye, in anye subiectes thought towarde his Soueraygne, that receyuynge her graces armoure, weapon, and money, woulde haue played so traiterous a part as these captaynes did with their band? It is so straunge a case as the world neuer saw. It is so mali cious a part, as the Iew wold not haue done the like, hauynge receyued hys hyre to serue. So it was that the noble Duke beynge an auncient and worthy captayne, & yet by long imprisonment so dyswonted from the knowledge of our ma licious world, & the iniquitie of our time, as he suspectinge nothynge lesse than that whyche folowed, but iudgynge euerye man to accorde with him in desier to serue truelye, marched furthe the Mondaye aboute tenne of the clocke in the mornynge from Grauesende to Strowd towardes Rochester, and aboute foure of the clocke in the after noone of the same dai, he arriued at Strowd nere vnto Rochester, hauynge with him the captayne of the garde, Maurice Griffith now bishop of Rochester, Sir Edwarde Braye, sir Iohn Fogge knightes, Iohn Couerte, Roger Appulton esquiers, and Thomas Swan gentleman, with certayne of the garde, and other to the number of CC. or there aboute, besides Bret and other f iue captaynes, who with their bande beynge sixe hundred all in whitecoates taried behinde at a hyll called Spittell hyll, nere vnto Strowd, whyles the Duke went to Strowde to see the planting of the ordinaunce. Whiche beinge readie charged and bente vpon the towne of Rochester, and perceyuynge Wyat and the other traytours by hanginge out of theyr flagges vpon the bridge wall, to be in great brauerie, whiche consideryng the miserable state they were in the night before, coulde not be (hadde they not receyued some newe comforte by some trayterous meane,) the Duke commaunded one of the peices to be fired for shotte into Rochester. And as the gun ner was fyeringe the piece, syr Edwarde Brayes eldest sonne came in all the hast to the Duke sayinge. Syr dyd not I tell youre grace this morninge that yonder false wretches wold deceiue you? Howe know you that quod the Duke. why syr (quod Braye) you maye see them as false traytours bent agaynst you. And immediatly Bret and other captaynes of the whitcoates with theyr bande being vpon the hyll and at the backe of the duke, made greate and loude shoutes sundrie tymes criynge: we are all englishe men, we are all englishe men, fashioninge them selues in araye readie bent with their weapons to set vpon the duke if he had made any resistaunce. Wherevpon the duke and the Captayne of the Garde commaunded the pieces that were bent vppon the towne, to bee tourned vppon Bret and hys bande. But vpon further consideration the shotte was spared. And the Dukes grace with the captayne of the Garde syr Henrye Gernyngham consideringe not without bledinge heartes their chiefe strengthe thus tourned vppon theim, so that they were nowe enuironed both behynde and before with trayterous enemies, shifted theim selues awaye, as did also their companye. After whose departure Wyat accompanied with twoo or thre and not many moe, came oute of Rochester halfe a mile from the towne at the lest, too mete the sixe Captaines of the whytcoates. Amongest whome was Harper, notwithstandinge hys crouchinge and knelinge before the Duke, and faire promises that he would
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The shireffe beinge the same night at Maydstone, that had come the same daye from Otforde fourtene myles distaunte to meete with Thomas Guilforde, Steuen Dorrell, Edward Horden, Iohn Robartes and Iohn Finche Esquiers, to marche towardes the Duke, and in the mornynge soo farre from any mistrust of that whiche folowed the same daye at Rochester, as hauinge no sure place to conueye the prisoners taken the dai before in the skirmishe with Isleye. He lefte the chiefest and trustiest of his seruauntes and frendes, bothe gentlemen and yomen of al his bande at Malling for the sauegarde of the prysoners, where also laye the Lorde Aburgauenye and his bande, doubtinge that Isleye and the rest that escaped woulde haue made some meane that night to haue recouered the prisoners, sundrye of them being men of good welth and well frended, and liynge within foure miles of Wyat.
Upon these newes whether it were for the absence of the lord Aburgaueny and his strength, or mistrustinge false measure in the towne, or moued with example of the reuolte of the whitcotes, he thought it should seeme, Maydston no mete place for him to make any abode, nor yet good policie, al partes conside red, to disclose the time of his re mouing, but iudginge playnlye him selfe thonly marke of these partes, whereat the traytours shotte, or falling any waies into their handes, so newly after the case of the duke, one part of the tragedie to be then ended: he retourned to his strengthe, geuing knowledge to the gentlemen remayninge in Maydstone to repaire to his house for consultation, what was to be done for the redubbinge of that vnhappie chaunce. In whiche consultation there dyd rise so manye different opinions, some saiyng they would to the Queene, and some to the Earle of Penbroke being her graces lieuetenaunt, that the shiriffe without further debating, intreatinge the lorde Aburgaueny and certayne gentlemen to remaine and entertaine suche of their bandes as they coulde holde tyll his retourne, whiche he promised shoulde be without delay, went to the counsel for knowledge of their pleasure: where he taried vneth two houres but retourned in post the same night. And at his comming the lord Aburgaueny and he as sembled as many of their force as they could call together.
The traitours and their frendes were growen as men reuiued from deathe to lyfe, flattering them selues that a thinge so farre aboue mennes expecta
Wyat aduertised by his letter the duke of Suffolke of his vic torie by Gods prouision (as he termed it). Whose letter was intercepted in Essex, as the mes senger passed the ferie, by a seruaunt of syr Robert Southwels, and brought to the counsell. He wrote also to the duke of Norff. but in another style, his letters being open & importing suche matter as foloweth. Be it knowen to al men, and speciallye to the duke of Norffolke that I haue taking nothing in hand, but that I wil maintaine with the exspense of my life: which before it depart out of my bodie, shalbe solde full dere. &c. Such of those partes as honge in the wind, as neuters, wherof were no small numbre that had lurked in caues al the tempest, watching but wher sholde become the victorie: that for example of the euill were nothing inferiour to the arrantest traytours, but rather for a numbre of respectes muche worse, began to appeare verie cherefull, geuing them selues great thankes for handling the matter so f inely, that conueiyng them selues out of the way by their policie, could auoide charge and peril so wittely. And as they met with suche as had serued faiethfully (with whom thei durst be franke) thei spared not to open their mou thes largely, powring out suche language as coulde be but lamentable, or rather odible to euerie true eare, to vnderstande any subiecte so farre peruerted from hys allegiaunce and dutie, that for gayne or securitie of their owne persones, would reioyce in sittinge styll as indifferent, where the crown is a partie: or to persuade securitie to them selues be they neuer in so stronge a holde, where their soueraigne is in perill. Whiche (all thinges rightly weyed) semed a straunge persuasion, to accompt either gayne or sauinge in sparing some parte of the accidentes by sitting still, to aduenture the losse of the principall, whervpon life & the wholle dependeth: or by affectinge a litle corruption inordinatly, to lose bothe honest fame and good opinion of his countree, whiche euerye honest man oughte to seke to preserue as tenderly as the wel doinge of him selfe and his wholle posteritie. Thus maye we euidentlye se the diuers effectes of diuers inclinations accordynge to trueth & vntrueth of perfite obedience preuailing in mennes heartes. These neuters or counterfetes that woulde be neither open foes, nor aduenturous fren des, but as wyly vultures houeringe in the winde to catch & gripe some parte of the pray, althoughe they would no parte of the fray, persuaded them selues to saue that whiche in their opinion the true heartye subiecte should lose by geuinge suche aduenture: that was securitie of bodie & goodes. Whiche graunt they saued, yet in the iust iudgemente of the honest they deserued therby the same blotte of infamie that is due to the open enemies. On the other side the true and faiethful, whose hartes and handes suche dimme colour of vnthankefull policie coulde not witholde from the vtteraunce of nedefull seruice in such generall case of daunger, thought it rather a gaine to aduenture bodye and goodes, wherby either to preserue the heade and the wholle, which was cruelly pursued, or at least by defense of the same to purchace vnto them & their names the honest opinion of vnspotted membres, and the immortalitie of good fame, wherwith trueth alwaies rewardeth vnfained seruice. For such an in comparable vertue is faiethfull loyaltie, so muche abhorryng al corruptible allurementes, that whose hartes shee hathe in gouernaunce, with suche neither sauour of gaine, nor hope of securitie, neyther persuasion of frendeshippe, ne other intisement can so muche preuaile, as for any respect they wil digresse from the right course of true ser uice. Where the contrarie wanting that perfection, to tast the gaine of fortunes corruptible membres, wherafter they gape to obtayne quiet to the restyue carcase and lucre to them selues, the thinge they onlye seke, are easlye drawen to Runne a cleane contrarie race.
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This naughtie broode therefore of counterfetes, of al other not tollerable in a common weale, are speciallye to be loked to in theire beginnynge, leaste their euill example by long sufferaunce growe to suche a president at the laste, that the common saiynge, Good to slepe in a whole skinne, beinge espied to escape without daunger or reprehension, bee taken vp for a pollicye, and thereby outweye the iuste peize of bounden duetye.
After this moste vnhappye chaunce, the traytours wyth their newe adiunctes, fell to a graet and solemne counsell that same nyghte at Rochester, for their procedinge in theyr pretensed treason. In discourse whereof proceded suche vnfittinge talke as well towardes the Queenes hyghnes, as her honorable counsell, tendinge to the alteration of the whol state, as abhorred the eares of some of the selfe traytours, that vnderstandinge by that talke the ende of their purpose, whereof before they were ignoraunte, wished theim selues vnder the earthe, for beynge so vnhappye as to be so much as acquain ted with so damnable an enterprise. Such an opinion had they, as they demed very fewe counsellers or officers of authoritie or of nobility within the realme worthye the place whereunto they were called. And persuadinge greate choyse to be amon geste theim selues for the suppliynge of that want, suche ouerweninge had they of theim selues, and made so sure a rekeninge of the victorie, as they disposed the honourable offices of the realme among them selues. Wyat thought him selfe now so sure of the victory, as seing him that offered to sell his spones and all the plate be had, rather then his purpose should quaile, and suppe his potage with hys mouth, warranted him that he shoulde eate hys potage with siluer as he did. England when good counsell shoulde stande it in moste auaylable stede, neded no better counselours then such as they were, yf they had halfe the witte thei thought them selues to haue, coupled with grace and honestie. But what they had in dede, their actes declare playnly to their owne confusion, as it hath alwayes, & euer hereafter shal, to as manye as be of like disposition. One of them that had some witte in dede, althoughe he wanted grace, perceyuing by their talke in what fonde frensie they were entred, to interrupte them therein, he sayde, that suche matters were good to be treated of at further oportunitie. But for the present, it were mete to diuise vpon their nexte iourneye, and whether it shoulde be good policie in them mindyng to march towardes London, to leaue the Lorde Aburgauenye and the shirefe at libertie, that annoyed their frendes, & by al likelyhode woulde not so cease, as they maye or dare at their backe beinge left at large. One of them takinge vpon him firste to answere, thought nothinge more necessarie then their sequestration. And if his aduise myghte haue ben heard in the beginning, the shireffe should haue been in hold (as I haue heard) before any thing shuld haue been attempted. But the captaines to the whitcotes, mete counselours for such an enterprise, hauinge the spoyle of London in their eyes, woulde not dispute that was paste: but for the present they persuaded cleane contrarye to the former opinion: saying that their goinge aboute the apprehension of the shireffe shoulde be but a losse of time. For London sayde they, longed soore for their comminge, whiche they coulde by no meane protracte without bredinge great peryll and weikenes to them selues. And hauing London at their commaundement, wherof they wer in no maner of doubt, yf it were not loste by theyr slouth, their reuenge to the lord Aburgaueny, the shireffe, with other their enemies wold easlye folow. Wyat sauoring full well their disposition, & vnderstanding their meaning by their argumentes, & knowing also that withoute his assentinge therevnto, he coulde not longe haue their companye, yelded to their counsell. And so beyng out of measure exalted into hault corage and pryde by the reuolt of the white cotes, he marched the daye after beyng Twesday in great pompe and glory, cariyng with him vi. pieces of ordinaunce (whiche they had gotten of the quenes) besides their owne, to Cowling castle, a holde of the Lorde Cobhams, foure myles distant from Rochester, and not much out of their way towards London, where the lord Cobham was. Wyat at his comming to Cowling castle, bent his ordinaunce against the gate, & with great and sundry shottes & fyre brake and burned vppe a waye through the gate. The Lorde Cobham defended his castle as stoutly as any man might do, hauing so fewe against so great a numbre and so litle munition, him selfe discharging his gunne at suche as approched the gate right hardely. And in that assault two of his own men were slaine. After this assault & talk with the lorde Cobham, Wyat marched to Grauesende where he reposed that night.
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From Grauesende he & his bande marched the wednesday nexte after to Dartford, where he reposed that night: whether came sir Edwarde Hastinges maister of the Quenes horse, and sir Thomas Cornewalles knightes, both of her graces ho norable preuie counsell, sent from the quene to Wyat, to vnderstand the cause of his commotion, and also (as it was sayde) finding any repentant submission in him to promise pardon, or at the lest great hope therof. Wyat vnderstanding their comming, & taking with him certen of his band, went to the weast ende of the towne where he had planted his ordinaunce, & at the lighting of maister Hastinges & syr Thomas Cornewalles from their horsse, Wyat hauing a partesyn in his hand, aduanced himselfe somwhat afore suche gentlemen as were with him, & vsing but litle reuerence due from a subiect to counselours, traced nere them, to whom the maister of the horsse spake in substaunce as foloweth. The quenes maiestie requireth to vnderstand the very cause, wherfore you haue thus gathered together in armes her liege people, whiche is the part of a traitour, and yet in your proclamations and persuasions you call your selfe a true subiecte, which can not stande together. I am no traitor quod Wyat, & the cause wherfore I haue gathered the people, is to defend the realme from ouer running by straungers, whiche muste folowe, this mariage takynge Wyates arrogant aun swere. place. why quod the queenes agentes, there be no strangers yet come, whome eyther for power or num bre ye nede to suspecte. But yf this be your only quarrell, because ye mislyke the mariage: wyll ye come to communication touching that case, and the quene of her gracious goodnes is content ye shall be hearde, To whom Wyat shaped suche answer, as clerly mought declare his malicious entent & traiterous heart to the quenes owne person and royall estate. I yelde therto quod Wyat, but for my suertie, I wyll rather be trusted than trust. And therfore I demaunde the custodie of the tower, & her grace in the tower, the displacing of certen counsellers, and placing other in theire roumes, as to me shall seeme best. Vpon this leude answere, longe and stoute conference was betwene them. In so muche that the maister of the horse said vnto him with a stout corage, wyat, before thou shalt haue that thy traiterous demaunde graunted, thou shalte dye and .xx.M. with thee. Shortly after the maister of the horse, with maister Cornewalles finding him an arrant traitour, & desperatly set to all mischiefe, retourned to the quenes maiestie. The common people being with him, & calling to theyr remembrance how Wyat in al ap parance made his whole matter of styr, for strangers, & no waies against the quene, & perceyuing how vnreuerentlye he vsed him selfe aswell to the quenes harrold at Rochester, as to the priuie counsel at Dartford, & considering with themselfs also that he wold suf fer none of the quenes proclamations to be read among them: theire hartes began to ryse against him. And among them selfes sundrie of them much murmured, wisshinge with the losse of all thei had, they had neuer been acquainted with Wyat nor his doinges: and in dede sought as many waies as thei could to be rid of him. Whiche perceiued by Wyat and his mates, they deuised a brute to be sounded in his bande, that the lord Aburgaueny & the shyreffe did cause to be hanged as manye as they could take comming from Wyates bande. Wherewith the people standing in a great mase what to doe, were wonderfullye perplexed. The queene vnderstanding by the master of the horse and sir Thomas Cornewalles, the arrogancie of Wyat, and notwithstanding that she perceyued her merciful inclination rather to prouoke him then otherwise, yet semed she nothing willinge euen then by violence and force (as she easly mought) to suppresse him. But yet a longer time to suffer and abide, yf by delay and mercie, her enemy mought be wonne to reconcilia tion. The nobilitie which were at that time with her grace, per ceiuing such surmounting mercie, rather to increase then anye wayes to abate courage & malice in the insolent and proude heart of the traytours, & further vnderstandinge that the traitours demed the contation or forbearing to procede rather of debilitie & feare, then of mercye, and clemencye, counselled with her grace, that wyth her gracious leaue and licence, they mought set vpon hym and his band, before he should passe Blacke heath: declaring that to suffre suche an arrogant traytour, being but a meane member to approche thus contemptuously so nere her royall person (as it were in defiaunce of her grace, & her true subiectes) shoulde greatlye redounde to their dishonours in the opinion of all faythfull men througheout the world. The quene gaue them all moste heartie and louing thankes, saying that she nothinge doubted of their true heartes towarde her. Yet was she lothe to make anye profe or triall therof, in suche quarell as shoulde be with losse of bloude. For to represse them with violence, and subdue them by the sworde, could not haue so happie successe, but manye of my pore subiectes (quod she) should derelye bye it, with the losse of their liues. Wherfore she determined to suffer as longe as she mought, and to forbeare that practice, til there were no other hope ne remedie. For albeit, in the Capitall traitours there coulde be but great default, yet in the multitude, she was persuaded to be no malice, but onlye misled by their captaines, and rather seduced by ignoraunce then vpon any euyl purpose ment to her grace. Wherefore she desired them to be contented: for she was fully determined to continue her merciful sufferaunce, and other her gentle meanes soo longe as shee mought, and vanquish her enemies without the sword, if any sparcle of obedience, or natural zeale remaine in their heartes. Notwithstanding she required them to prepare and retayne their force in a readines, if their stonie heartes should driue her to vse extremitie. But her highnes doubtynge that London beinge her chamber, and a citie holden of dere price in her princelye hearte, might by Wyat and suche Ruffens as were with him, bee in daunger of spoyle to the vtter ruyne of the same: her highnes therefore, as a moste tender and louinge gouernesse, went the same daye in her royall person to the guilde halle, to forsee those perylles: where amonge other matter procedinge from her incomparable wysedome, her grace declared how she had sent that day, two of her priuie counsel to the traitour Wyat, desirous rather to quiet thys tumulte by mercie, then by iustice of the sword to vanquishe, whose most godly heart fraight with al mercie & clemencie, abhorred from al effusion of bloude. Her highnes also there shewed the insolent and proud answere retourned from Wyat. Wherat the faithful citezens wer much offended, and in playne termes defied him as a most ranke trai tour, with all his coniurates.
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And touching the mariage her highnes affirmed, that nothing was done therin by her selfe alone, but with consent and aduisement of the whole counsel, vpon deliberate consultation, that this coniunction and seconde mariage shoulde greatly aduaunce this realme (wherevnto she was firste maried) to much honour, quiet, and gaine. For (quod her grace) I am alreadie maried to this common weale, & the faythful membres of the same, the spousall ringe whereof I haue on my fynger, which neuer hitherto was nor hereafter shalbe leaft of. Prote stinge vnto you nothinge to be more acceptable to my hart, nor more aunswereable to my wyl, then youre aduauncement in wealthe and welfare, with the furtheraunce of Gods glorye. And to declare her tender and princely heart towardes them, she promised constantlye not to depart from them, although by her counsel she had been muche moued to the contrarye, but woulde remaine nere & prest, to aduenture the spense of her royall bloude in defense of them.
Suche matter passed from her besides, as did so wonderfullye inamour the heartes of the hearers, as it was a world to heare with what shoutes they exalted the honour and magnanimitie of Quene Mary.
This done her grace retourned towardes white hall, and passinge thorowe the streates, beinge full of people, pressinge to beholde her grace, wherein they hadde singular delite, and pleasure: One amongest all moste impudent of all others, stepped furthe sayinge: youre grace maye doe well to make youre forewarde in battayll of your Byshoppes and Priestes, for they be trustie and wyll not deceyue you. For whiche wordes he was commaunded to Newgate, who deserued to be hanged at the next boughe for example of all other, so impudentlie and arrogantlie to assaulte his Soueraygne and Queene, with suche seditious and trayterous language.
The voice went that he was an hosier, out of al doubt he was a traitour & an heretike, whose heart was whollye in Wyates bosome, althoughe his bodye was absent. For it was not possi ble any faithfull subiect or true christian to vtter suche shamelesse speche to his liege Ladye and Princesse as he dyd then. But suche is the fruite of heresie, contempt of God and man, as by dayly experience is seene.
The thursdaye nexte aftere Wyat hauing .xiiii. ensignes in his bande, and not paste foure thousande men, although they were accompted of a far greater numbre, marched to Detforde strande, eight myles from Dartforde, and within foure miles of London. Where, vpon such aduertisemente as he receyued by spiall of the queenes beinge in the Guilde hall, and the order of the people to her, he remayned that night and the next whole daye, diuerse of his owne companie doubtinge by his longer tariynge there then he did in other places, with other presumptions, that he wolde haue passed the water into Essex. His prisoners as maister Christopher Roper, George Dorrel of Calehil, Iohn Tucke Esquiers, who were kepte verye straytlye beinge sickelye, and hauinge within the towne no conueniente harborowe or attendaunce, were licensed by Wyat vpon promisse of theire wurshyppe to be trewe prysoners, to prouyde for them selues out from the towne where they best myght. But they thinking no part of theyr worshippe stained in breaking promise with a traitoure, soughte waies to escape, & came no more at him.
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The Deeds of King Henry V, or in Latin Henrici Quinti, Angliæ Regis, Gesta, is a first-hand account of the Agincourt Campaign, and subsequent events to his death in 1422. The author of the first part was a Chaplain in King Henry's retinue who was present from King Henry's departure at Southampton in 1415, at the siege of Harfleur, the battle of Agincourt, and the celebrations on King Henry's return to London. The second part, by another writer, relates the events that took place including the negotiations at Troye, Henry's marriage and his death in 1422.
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On the Saterdaye folowinge verye earlye Wyat marched to Southwarke, wher approchinge the gate at London bridge fote, called for the openinge of the same: whiche he founde not so readie as he loked for. After he had ben a litle whyle in Southwarke, dyuerse of the souldiers wente to Winchester place, where one of them beynge a gentleman, began to shewe his game, before all the cardes were full dealed: I meane to ryffle and spoyle, whiche in dede was the determinate ende of theyr purpose, but the tyme was not yet come, not they come to the place where they shoulde begynne it. Wherunto Wyat hauyng further respecte then the younge gentleman hadde, shewed hym selfe with sterne and fiery visage so muche to be offended with his doinges, that he made diuers beleue that he woulde haue hanged hym vppon the wharffe.
Which wherof it grewe, either of hatred to the euil, or of pollicie to purchace credite to a further mischeif, as wel the nature and course of rebellion, as also Wyates owne wordes may easly let vs vnderstande. Who the mondaye nexte afore his sturre deuising with two of his frendes for the execution of his pretended purpose, one of them at length said vnto him: I haue no doubt but you shalbe hable to assemble a great force, but howe you shal be hable to continue the same with you, hauing not sufficient treasure and money, the onlye bayte wherwith the multitude is holden, I stand much in doubt. What then quod Wyat? Marye sayd the other, me thinketh a good way for youre prouision therof, after youre force is once gathered, that ye apprehend the lorde Warden, the lorde Aburgaueny, sir Robert Southwel, sir Thomas Moyle, with other of whose heartes and affection towarde you and your case you stande in doubt: wherby ye shal not onlye haue theim in saftie, whiche are most like within the shire to withstande your enterprise, but also prouide you bothe treasure and money (which they wante not) for the relief of your bande. Ah quod Wyat, is thys the best counsell ye can geue? If we pretende to kepe out straungers, & begin oure quarell with the spoile of our owne countree men, what wil the whole realme trowe ye then deme of vs? Nay your aduice is nought, and your waye the nexte waye to accelerate oure confusion. For if we wyll goo forwarde in our matter, and make the beest of it too our purpose: spoyle, and tirannye may not be our guides. We must by all meanes deuise, and al litle inoughe, to continue good opinion in the heades of the mul titude of some plausible ende to succede by our sturre: otherwise we vndoe oure selues. For perceiuing at our entrie that our myndes runne of spoyle, whoo wil not rather resist vs, & abide the aduenture of that, wherof we beare them in hande, then to be in certaine to be spoyled by vs? And I see no cause whye you shoulde doubte of wante of money, seinge ye knowe that suche gentlemen as are confedered with vs keping appointment, their souldiours shall come redie furnisshed to beare theyre owne charges for .ix. daies, and our happe shal be verie harde, if we be not at London shortelye after we stirre, and that with so great a company as shalbe oute of daunger to be stopped by any of the shire vpon suche a sodene, or letted of entrie into London f inding halfe the frendes there as we thinke to haue. And being ones in London, and hauing the tower in our handes, I trust you thinke we shall not lacke money longe after, yf any be to be hadde there, or in the Aldermens coffers. To that sayd the other, that had spoken as yet neuer a worde: I knowe commoners in London that haue more redy money then some of the Aldermenne. Softe quod Wyat, I praye you in anywyse forbeare all suche talke tyll we come to the place where we wold be. In meane time let vs worke secretly, and by all tokens and signes, shewe our selues to fauoure and mayntayne our pretence of straungers only. Such and the like communication was betwene Wyat and two other, the monday before his risynge. Wherby it is euident that their f inall entent was to aduaunce them selues by spoyle of other mennes goodes, although they pretended otherwise. And to co lour the same, Wyat so fell out with this gentleman for riffling the lorde Chauncelours house, that he made a number beleue he woulde haue hanged him out of hande, had not Bret and other entreated for hym.
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When they had lien in Southwarke a day or two, and founde them selues deceiued in London, whiche by the greate diligence and politike handlinge of that worthye and faiethfull knighte the lorde William Haward Admirall of England, that had the speciall charge therof with the aide of sir Tho. Whight knight maior of London, his bretherne and citezens was soo well preserued, as the traitours thereby were disappointed of that they loked moost certenly for. Wyat as a man desperate, and setting all at sixe and seuen, aduenturinge the breakinge downe of a wall out of an house ioyning to the gate at the bridge foote, whereby he moughte enter into the leades ouer the gate, came downe into the lodge aboute a leaue n of the clocke in the night: where he founde the porter in a slomber, and his wife with other waking, watchinge a cole. But seing Wyat, they began sodenly to starte as greatly amased. Whist, quod Wyat, as you loue your lyues, sit you still, you shal haue no hurt. Gladde were they of that warrante, pardye. What should thei do, people better accustomed with the tankerd of bere, to passe furth the night, then acquainted with target, and speare too indure to fyght? Wyat & a fewe with hym went furthe as farre as the drawe bridge: on the further side wher The rebels at their wit tes ende. of he sawe the lorde Admirall, the lorde Maiour, sir Andrewe Iudde, and one or two other, in consultation for ordering of the bridge, wherunto he gaue diligent eare a good tyme and not seene. At length conceyued by their talke moore then he could digest, & perceyuynge the great ordinaunce there bent returned sayinge to his mates: this place is to hotte for vs. And when he was come to hys colleges and declarynge vppon his exployte what he had hearde and seene, they then all together fell to a newe counsell what was to be done. Some woulde then retourne to Grenewiche, and so passe the water into Essex, wherby their company as they thought, shoulde encrease, and enter into London by Algate. And some woulde to Kingston vpon Teames, and so further West. And some, of the whiche Wyat himselfe was chiefe, wold retourne into Kent, to meete with the Lorde Aburgauenye, the lorde Warden, the shyreffe, sir Thomas Moyle, sir Thomas Kempe, sir Thomas Finch, that were at Rochester comming on Wyates backe with a great company wel appoynted: falsly persuading hm selfe that he should f ind among them mo frendes then enemies. But whether his desire to returne into Kent grew vpon hope he had to fnde ayde there, or whether it was to shifte him selfe awaye, it was much doubted of his owne com panye. And some of them that knewe him well, excepte they were muche deceyued, reported not longe before their execution, that his desire to retire into Kent was onelye to shyfte hym selfe ouer the sea.
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The Lorde Warden beinge nowe come to Rochester as ye hearde, and verye honourablye furnished with horse and menne well appoynted to no smale numbre, enteringe in consultation with suche gentlemen as were there, for the better procedynge in their seruice, shewed a great desier too accelerate the onset vpon the traitours: least malice shuld impute both his former & present staye, rather to want of forwardenesse, then to good policie. Wherefore he desyred to pursue after theim with all expedition. Wherunto the gentlemen then beinge in armes with hym, sayed. As for your lordshyps contation hetherto, it shalbee weyed, not as fooles by fansye and malice deme, but as wyse menne shall measure it by theyr discretion of wysedom. Wesee not but vnaduised hardinesse & preproperous haste in mooste matters haue these twoo companions: Errour in the beginning, and Repentaunce in the ende. And for thys oure case, whoo so vnderstandeth the same, can not but confesse youre lordships deliberate forbearing to haue proceded of great wysedome, as wherin hast coulde litell preuaile. And wheras your lordshippe is so desirous to pursue after Wyat and hys bande, you see howe they haue lyen in Southwarke and within four myles of London these foure dayes, and yet not medled with by the queenes armie beyng so nere. Which is neither for want of men, nor of forwardnesse in that noble gentleman the earle of Penbroke the queenes leuetenant, but vpon greate policie and further respect, no doubte then we seeme to conceyue.
Wherfore your lordshypp maye do better to pause, and firste to aduertise the queenes maiestie and the lorde leuetenaunt both what youre lordeshyppe vppon graue and deepe consideration hath conceyued in this doubtfull tyme, and also in what readinesse youre lordshyppe is and other gentlemen wyth you, whose pleasures knowen, we maye then happelie procede in seruice bothe with good conten tacion to them aboue, and best suertie for our selues. Otherwyse if fortune shoulde not fauour our iourneye, ther may be thought in vs more impotente wyll to haste, then prouident policie to spede. And daunger hereby can none folowe, our ennemies liynge betwene her gra ces armye and vs, consyderynge withall, that London is so well furnished and so willyng to resist their entrie. Wherevpon the Lorde Warden went in poste to the Queene, leauynge the Lorde Aburgauenye and the rest of the gentlemen with his and theyr bande vntyll his retourne, whiche was verye shortlye after. Whom accordynge to hys firste purpose with the rest of the gentlemen marched furthe towardes Wyat. Whiche who had seene so well oppoynted, and with what wyllinge heartes they went, and hadde knowen withall the fayethfull dealinge of sundrye gentlemen besydes in other partes of the shire, oughte to saye, that notwithstandinge there were manye euyll, yet were there manye worthie gentlemen and honest fayethfull yeomen in Kent free from Wyates conspiracie: & that the same receiued some iniurie at his hande, that takinge vpon him to set furthe anye Cronicle, shoulde name onelye foure gentlemen of thys shyre to bee workers against Wyat. For although euery man pursued him not in the beginninge, manye of them dwelling farre from him: yet were they aswell occupied where they were, and asmuche towardes Wiates confusion, by stayinge and witholding great force throughe their ernest persuasions and labour, that elles woulde haue been with Wyat.
Nowe to retourne to Wyat, whom in this meane tyme Bret & thother captaines espyinge to haue a desire to be gone, dissemblynge the knowledge thereof, wrought all the secrete meanes they coulde deuise, to staye hys going, as hauing the weight of their lyues depending vpon thys enterprise as well as he. One of theim by agremente in theyr consultation sayde to him. You see (quod he) with what difficul tie you kepe your soldiers here not withstanding thei be in a towne where they are in a maner as pent in, & thereby the more vneasie to get away, being so narowly loked to. And now yf you shall leaue the town & retire into Kent, as some of your company suspect you wyll, wherby bothe they and al other shal iudge you to be in despayre of the aide of London (the hope wherof hath been hitherto the greatest occasion of stay of suche as be already here, & the comfort for the comming of other to the increase of youre power) you maye assure your selfe, that such as be here will nat tarye longe after with you, findinge time to escape, as they shall easly inough being at large, nor such as be absent wil haue hast to repayre vnto you, when they shal perceyue you to be in dispaire of London: and so shall you weaken youre selfe to the comfort of youre enemyes, and discomfort of your frends. Bret vnder colour of singular affection to Wyat deuisynge an apte occasion to auoyde suspicion, whiche wanted not among them, required to speake with him aparte, and hauynge him alone, sayde: It shal not be amisse that for your owne suretie you haue in remembraunce the effecte of the seuerall proclamations made at Dartford, the one by master William Roper wherin you were betraytered, the other by maister Appulton whithe as I here, was also made at London and in other partes of the realme, wherein is promysed the inheritaunce of an hundred pounde lande to suche as canne apprehende and present you to the queene.
Now what fantasies may grow in the heades of your owne felowes for the sauegarde of them selues, of whome you haue had alreadie some experience, it is to be doubted. Or what mai grow in the heades of youre souldiours, when fayling of the ayde of London they shall be in dispair of your enterprise, it is also to be doubted. On the other parte, when suche of Kent on whom it semeth you repose some truste, shall here of your retire, their disposition perhaps wyll be muche chaunged. And therfore it standeth you in hande to looke to the matter substaunciallye.
Wyat hauing the same confidence in Bret, that Bret wolde Wyat to haue had in other, remembring his moste deceitfull treason to the queene, contrary to the truste reposed in him for the conducte of the whitcotes, and feling his greife doubled, and his desier to conuey himselfe awaye so muche the more increased by Brettes secret talke with him (as the striken deare) wandereth aside, all alone com playning with him self his most vnhappie fate. And soone after callynge Thomas Isleye vnto him, sayde: Ah cosyn Isleye in what extreme miserye are we? The reuolte of these captaines with the whitcotes semed a benef ite in the beginning, & as a thing sent by God for our good, and to comfort vs forward in our enterprise, whiche I now fele to our confusion. Ah cosin, this it is to enter suche a quarrel, which not withstanding we nowe se must haue a ruthful end, yet of necessitee we must prosecute the same.
Wyat as desperate finding other to accorde with Brettes opinion vpon his conference with them, by whom for direction of his trayterous iourney he was cheifely aduised (althoughe for his shyfting awaye there were other whom he better trusted) marched the tewesdaye beyng Shrouetewsdaye out of southwerke to Kyngston vpon Thames, ten myles distaunt, where thei arriued about .iiii. of the clock in the afternoone. And finding xxx. foote or there aboute of the brydge taken awaie, sauing the postes that were left standing, practised with two mariners to swim ouer to conuey a barge vn to him. Which the mariners (tempted with great promises of preferment) did. Wherein Wyat and certain with him were conuaied ouer: who in the tyme that the numbre of the souldiours bayted in the towne, caused the bridge to be trimmed with ladders, planckes and beames, the same tyed together with ropes and bourdes, as by ten of the clocke in the night was in suche plighte, that both his ordinaunce and band of men mought passe ouer without peryll. And so about xi. of the clocke in the same night, Wiat with his band without either resistence or peril marched ouer the bridge towardes London, hauing such a louyng heart in his body to the quene, as before dai he ment to haue ben at the court gate. Which he could neuer haue atempted hauing any sparcle of that good zeale in his brest to the quenes suretie as to further his treason, he outwardly pretended to the world, conside ring the daunger that mought haue growen by the feare therof to her grace. But as god wold partly by werines of his souldiours, & partlye by breache of the wheles that caried his ordinaunce, it was nine of the clocke of the day folowing, beyng Ashewednesday before he came so far as Hide parke. Where his courage (being tofore as ye haue heard not very lusty) began now vtterlye to die, beholding as it were before his face the present bane & confusion, whervnto his malicious entent was shaped. Yet de speration being his leude guyde, he marcheth forward & commeth within the power of sir William Herberd earle of Penbroke being that day the quenes leiuetenant general in the fielde. Who yet with diuers other noble men and faithfull subiectes (beynge then in armes with hym, preste and readie to receyue so impudent a race of traytourous rebels to their deserued breakefast) vnderstandyng partlye by sure spial, partly by their owne vewe, that the rebels exceded not the numbre of foure thousande, and most of them naked, voyde of all policie and skill, con sidering with al, that they could not set vpon Wyat & his whole band but great effusion of bloud shoulde folowe, the queenes armie being so gredie to be reuenged, & the other so impotent to resist, determined rather by pollicie to atcheue the victorie, then by bloude shedde to confounde the rebels. Wherin they should please God, aunswere the queenes mercifull expectation, and purchase vnto them selues moste renowne and honour of that dayes seruice. Vpon these resolutions they permitted Wyat with the fore part of his bande to passe quietlye alonge, and throughe betwene the queenes maiesties horsmen, the lord Clinton being marshall of the f ielde and captaine of the barbed horses and dimilaunces on the south side, Iacke of Musgraue beinge captayne of the lighte horsmen on the Northside: The great ordinaunce beinge charged to shote full vpon the breast of the rebels comming eastwarde: The earle of Penbroke with the maine battell or fotemen aswel for handgunnes morishepikes, bowes and byls, standyng in goodly aray on the Northeastsyde, behinde the said great ordinaunces, ready to set vpon the rebels in the face comming towardes Holborne: Wyat comminge in the forefront of his bande perceiuinge that he was thus beset with horsmen on bothe sides, the great ordinaunces and the fotemen before his face Northeastward, so that he coulde no wayes escape, but necessarilye muste fal into their handes, althoughe for policie he was suffered, and a greate part of his men to passe so farre quietly and without resistaunce through the horsmen, he sodenlye forsooke hys waye entended thorowe Holborne, & with might & maine as faste as they coulde, he and his mates ranne downe vnderneth the parke wal of bricke, adioynynge to the Queenes manour house called sainct Iames. The lorde Clinton obseruinge his tyme, fyrste with hys dimylaunces brake their araye, & deuided Wyates bande in .ii. partes. Then came the light horsmen, who so hardly persued the taile of his band, that they slewe manye, hurte more, and toke most of them. Whiles the sayd horsmen were thus in fighte with the taile of his bande, Wyat him selfe and v.C. men or there about peked on styll all alonge vnder sainct Iames parke wall, vntyll he came to charinge crosse, where diuers of the quenes housholde seruauntes and others fought with them, and in the ende killed xvi. of the rebelles. Neuerthelesse Wyat hauinge escaped with a part of his company merchinge alonge in battaile raye entred into Fletstrete, & came ouer Fletebridge toward Ludgate. And although no man resisted his passage throughe the streetes thus farre, yet when at length he perceiued that he had no helpe of frendes at London, and the suburbes as he loked for, lefte his men standinge styll in battail araye, and rode backe as farre as the temple barre gate, with a naked sword in his hande the hiltes vpward (as some report) at whiche gate he woulde haue gone throughe towardes Charinge crosse to the residue of his men, but he was then stopped by force of the Quenes true subiectes, who wolde not suffer him to passe without temple bar. At the length cam one sir Mor ryce Barkley knight vnto him, & requyred him to consider that he coulde not preuaile in thys wicked purpose, and that his men were all taken and slayne in the filde, and therfore willed him to cease of from any further occasion of bloude shed, exhorting him to yelde him selfe prisoner, & to stande to the queenes mercie. Whiche to doe Wyat refused, and saied that he woulde rather be slain then yelde to any man. And yet neuerthelesse (as it chaunced) there came a Harrold of armes immediatlye ryding in the quenes coote armour to this place: to whose cote short lye after Wyat submitted hym selfe prisoner, & so went to the court at Westminster, and ther was brought before the priuye Counsell, & shortlye after with in one houre sent from thense to the Tower of London prisoner.
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Amongest other thinges this is to be remembred, that whiles the sayde Wyat, and certein of his men (as aforesayde) were comming thus towardes Flete strete, a certein Captaine of the saied rebels with diuers of hys souldiours returned from Cha ringe crosse, downe to the court gate at whytehalle, and gaue a larume before the gate, and shotte diuers arrowes into the sayde courte, the gate beyng open, in so muche that one maister Nicolas Rockewod beyng a gentleman of Lyncolnes inne, and in armour at the said court gate, was shotte throughe hys nose with an arrowe by the rebels. For the comminge of the saide rebels was not loked for that way: but thought that the Queenes Armye shoulde haue ioyned battell with them in the feld, according to promise made by the sayd Wyat on his hehalf, who promised that he would come to the quenes fotebattel, & f ight with them pyke against pyke and man to man. Which when it came to the verie point, he refused & shranke a bye way by saint Iames parke walle, for his refuge, as you haue heard before, where many of them were slain by horsemen, so that they came not nie the quenes power of the fotebattel. Which increased some desperate boldnes in the despairing rebelles, not without great discomfeture to all the court, & the citie of London, perceiuing that he was himselfe and so many re bels with him come through the quenes armye thus farre. Wherupon grewe great admiration amongest them that knew not their doinges in the fielde, how for po licie and to auoide muche manslaughter Wyat was suffered purposely to passe along. In so muche diuers timerous & colde hearted souldiours came to the Quene criyng, all is lost, away, a barge, a barge: yet her grace neuer chaunged her chere, nor woulde remoue one foote out of the house, but asked for the lord of Penbroke, in whom her grace had worthely reposed great con f idence. Answere beinge made that he was in the fielde: Well then quod her grace, fal to praier, & I warant you we shal heare better newes anone: for my lord wyll not deceaue me, I knowe well: yf he would, GOD wyll not, in whom my chiefe trust is, who will not deceaue me. And in dede shortlye after newes came all of victorie, howe that Wyat was taken.
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This daye the Iudges in the commen Place at Westminster satte in armoure. The Maior, Aldermen, and the housholders of the Citie, by .iiii. of the clocke in the morning, were in armor: The lorde William Hawarde, highe Admirall being emongest them. Who (as I haue tofore said) was by the Queenes maiestie appointed Captaine generall & Liuetenaunte for the tyme, to conferre in counsell, and ioyne in execution with the lorde Maioure, & his brethren for the sure and spedie gardinge, and warding of the Citie, to the preseruation whereof the Queenes grace had speciall regarde. The gates were diligentlye watched euery gate with .C. men, Moregate being closed vp and rampired. Thus was this wylie heretike, and open traytour Wyat and hys complyces brought to their confusion, and to the ende, which neuer missed al suche ma licious disposed wretches: Part lye by the wysedome and policie of him that was armed in the filde, the worthie Earle of Penbroke: but chieflye by the mightie hand of God, at the con templation of her highe merites, and vertues, who remaining in the closet of stedfast hope, & con f idence, beinge appointed with the armour of faith, fought with ardent and continuall prayer, in perfecte deuotion, vnder the banner and ensigne of God: who in dede alone gaue thys victorie, and alone with out pollicie & might of man ouerthrewe her enemies. Yet so that he therwith declared his special fauor & plea sure towardes his seruaunt that noble knight the Earle of Penbroke, in appointing hym chiefe champion thys daye to defende hys chosen and electe Virgin, whose faieth hathe not bene wa uering in his catholike religion, nor his truth & seruice doughtfull at anye time towardes hys prince. Wyat, as is said, was co mitted to the Tower. So were diuers other gentlemen, as sone after was Henrye Graye duke of Suffolke & hys .ii. bretherne: the duke beinge so hardlye pursued by the lord Hastinges earle Huntingdon was by him appre hended in Leyceter shire: wherby he declared him selfe as well in honour and vnspotted loyaltie, as in parentage, & patrimonie to succede hys great grandfather the lord Hastinges: whose f idelite and stedfast trueth towardes kinge Edwarde the fourthe, and hys chyldren, the Cronicles reporte, to hys immortall honoure.
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Of the common people there were suche a numbre taken in the chase by the Earle of Penbroke, that besides the vsuall gailes sundrie churches in Lon don were made places for their sauegarde, tyl order was taken for their enlargement.
The duke was arrayned by his Peires, and by verdit founde giltie of treason before the duke of Norff. beinge lorde Cunstable, and that daye his Iudge. Both he and hys brother Thomas, at seuerall dayes made their ende at Tower hyll by losse of their heades. Sundrie other of Wyates complices beinge arrained and condemned vppon their confession of treason, suffered in diuers partes of the shyre: as Henrye Isleye knyghte, Thomas Isleye hys brother, and Water Mantell at Maydston, where Wyat firste displaied his standerde. Antonye Kneuet, William hys brother, with another of the Mantels at Seuenocke. Bret at Ro chester hanginge in chaynes.
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The Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke. Baker was a secular clerk from Swinbroke, now Swinbrook, an Oxfordshire village two miles east of Burford. His Chronicle describes the events of the period 1303-1356: Gaveston, Bannockburn, Boroughbridge, the murder of King Edward II, the Scottish Wars, Sluys, Crécy, the Black Death, Winchelsea and Poitiers. To quote Herbert Bruce 'it possesses a vigorous and characteristic style, and its value for particular events between 1303 and 1356 has been recognised by its editor and by subsequent writers'. The book provides remarkable detail about the events it describes. Baker's text has been augmented with hundreds of notes, including extracts from other contemporary chronicles, such as the Annales Londonienses, Annales Paulini, Murimuth, Lanercost, Avesbury, Guisborough and Froissart to enrich the reader's understanding. The translation takes as its source the 'Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke' published in 1889, edited by Edward Maunde Thompson. Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.
And of the common sorte verye fewe were executed, saue onely Wyat ar raigned. Wyates wordes at his arraig ment. of the white cotes that (to saye trueth) deserued it treble. Wyat him selfe last of al was arrained at Westminster (the Earle of Sussex, sir Edward Hastinges, & sir Thomas Cornewalles being his Iudges). Where and be fore whome he moste earnestlye craued lyfe, not by plee of hys matter, or iustifying of him self, but by earnest suite in humble submission for the queenes mer cye. It semeth not amisse here to make reporte of suche special wordes as by him were vttred at his arrainement, whiche I my selfe hearde standinge not tenne fote from him at that time. By the whiche wordes maye appeare both what he him selfe thoughte of his doynges, howe much he misliked the same, and also howe penitent and sorowfull he was therfore.
Certeine wordes procedinge from Wyat at hys arraynemente.
My Lordes, I muste confesse my selfe giltie, as in the ende trueth muste inforse me to saye, and that I am iustly plagued for my sinnes, which moste greuouslye I haue committed agaynst God, who hath suffered me to fal into this beastlye brutishnesse and horrible offense of treason. And loe in me the like ende, as all suche that haue attempted like enterprises from the beginning haue had. For peruse the Cronicles through out, and you shall finde that rebellion neuer from the beginning prospered. For the loue of God all you gentlemen that be here present remembre, and be here taught by the examples paste, and also by thys my present infelicitie and haynous offense. O moste miserable, mischeuous, brutishe, and beastlye furious imagination of myne. For I thought that by the mariage of the Prince of Spayne, thys realme shoulde haue been in daunger. And I that haue liued a free borne man shoulde with my countreye haue been brought to bondage and seruitude by aliens and straungers. Which brutishe beastlines then seemed reason, and wrought so farre, and to suche effecte, as it ledde me to the practise and vse of this committed treason, that nowe vnderstandyng the great commoditie, honour, and suertye, which this realme shall receyue by this mariage, if it shal please the Queene to be mercyfull to me, there is no man liuing that shalbe more trustie, and fayethfull to serue her grace, no nor more readie to die at her hyghnes fote, what so euer the quarell be.
[11th April 1554]. Thus farre touchinge Wyates (age 33) wordes at hys arraynement, I thought not superfluous here to reporte, to the ende that all other blindly fallen into the same errour, woulde by the example of Wyat, rise also with him to repentaunce, aswel confessinge to the worlde with open voyce their detestable mischiefe, as also frome the verye heart with teares detesting the same, as in vtteraunce of the former wordes he plentifullye did. He [Thomas Wyatt] lost his head at Tower hil, & his bodie deuided, was set vp in diuers partes about London. Other poore men being taken in Wyates bande and kepte a time in diuers Churches and prisons without the citie, knelinge all with halters aboute their neckes before the queenes highnes at whithalle, her grace mercifully pardoned to the numbre of vi.C. whoo immediatlye thereupon with greate shoutes casting their halters vp into the ayre, cried: GOD saue youre grace, GOD saue your grace. Howe be it sundrie of them that dyd weare halters afore the Queenes hyghnes were after by meanes called before the Iu stices in the countrey to be arrayned. But her grace beinge moued thereof by the shyriffe, woulde them to bee no further vexed.
Thus haue ye heard of Wyates ende, and some of his complices, by whose lamentable tra gedie and others of lyke sorte that happened in oure age, not onely we, but suche as shall suc cede vs maye be abundauntlye taughte, to forsee what it is to entre into rebellion. For neither could Wyat with hys stoutnes nor yet with the pretence of hys quarrell coloured with a meaninge to defende hys countreye from ouerrunninge by straungers, nor yet throughe the ayde of sundrie conspiratours of great power, ne by anye other policie preuayle. Sixe of the gentlemen that were offenders were pardoned goinge to their execution by the quenes clemencie at Rochester, as were also all the other of the whole Kentishe gen tlemen remitted, a fewe of the rankest excepted, that onelye for example suffered.
The Queenes hyghnes not longe after sent oute her commission to sir Thomas Moyle, sir Iohan Guildforth, sir Thomas Kempe, Warram Sentleger, Thomas Roydon, Christopher Roper, George Dorrell of Calehil, George Fane, Iohn Tucke, Iohn Robartes, Thomas Louelace, Iohan Leonarde Esquiers, with others, not onelye to bayle and sette at large suche as were in prison in the countree for that offense, beinge of no smale numbre, but also to compounde by their discretion with the offenders accordinge to the qualitie of their offenses. Which maner of order being not hard of in the like case, or at the least verye rarelye, declared a singular clemencie and benignitie in the queene, that being folowed so cruelly, would yet be so moued with pitie as to vouchsafe to aunswere them with suche lenitie, in the executinge of so fewe in comparison to so great a numbre & so large a cause, beeing all in her graces mercy to dispose at her plesure, & beside suffre the rest to escape with so smale abashement of their countenaunce after so hainous offense. He that shall peruse this storye diligentlye, and consider al partes therof exactlye with remembraunce of thinges past, sithence the beginning of the Queenes mooste happye raygne, must of force recognise of what condition so euer he be, the magnificence, mercie, and fortitude of thys mooste noble princesse, as from time to time with such pacience to indure so greate malice of her owne subiectes, with suche lenitie to forbeare the reuenge of so intollerable outrage, with suche mercie in the ende to pardon and remit so haynous and great offendours. Happie was it with those haynous offendours, that her graces most worthie and ho nourable counsell were so agreable to her vertuous inclination, as inclined rather to pursue mercifull pardon for continuaunce of life, then to prosecute reuenge by execution of death. It is to be wished by all good men with one assent, that prouoked with so greate clemencie these degenerates reforme them selues, and forbeare thus to attempte so gracious a princesse, vnto whom by gods authoritie the sworde is not vaynely com mitted, leste thereby they procure to them selues damnation in sekinge by suche outrage theyr owne deathe and confusion.
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From the desire wherof we see by a numbre of euidente argumentes, the Queenes highnes and her honourable counsell to be soo farre as (by all meanes they can imagine) they seeke to eschewe that they by moste wylfull and malicious meanes folowe to their subuersion.
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The Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke. Baker was a secular clerk from Swinbroke, now Swinbrook, an Oxfordshire village two miles east of Burford. His Chronicle describes the events of the period 1303-1356: Gaveston, Bannockburn, Boroughbridge, the murder of King Edward II, the Scottish Wars, Sluys, Crécy, the Black Death, Winchelsea and Poitiers. To quote Herbert Bruce 'it possesses a vigorous and characteristic style, and its value for particular events between 1303 and 1356 has been recognised by its editor and by subsequent writers'. The book provides remarkable detail about the events it describes. Baker's text has been augmented with hundreds of notes, including extracts from other contemporary chronicles, such as the Annales Londonienses, Annales Paulini, Murimuth, Lanercost, Avesbury, Guisborough and Froissart to enrich the reader's understanding. The translation takes as its source the 'Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke' published in 1889, edited by Edward Maunde Thompson. Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.
An earnest conference with the degenerates and seditious, for the serche of the cause of theyr greate disorder.
Here I purpose to shut vp this tragicall treatise touchinge the displayinge of Wyat and his aduenture, and yet not to ende my trauell concerning the same, but shall gladlye debate and conferre with thee louyng countreman suche speciall and necessarye matter, as further riseth therof, tending as well to our mutuall comfort presently, as also to a generall doctrine to indure to oure posteritie, not withoute presente terror to the wicked race: whose hertes broile in desire to rebel. Al which poin tes this present storie doth plenteouslie performe to him that listeth to learne. Wherby firste the good & godly may be comforted, as by this experimente, to consider howe God alwayes defendeth his chosen and electe vessell, our moost gracious and mercifull princesse, against the malicious and cruell assaultes of her enemies, be they neuer so craftie, neuer soo stronge.
And secondlie a generall doctrine therewith taughte, or rather by newe experience renued, so many times taughte before, that the ineuitable end of rebellion is certeine confusion to the rebell. Of these two the third necessarely springeth, as a terrible prohibition in the heartes of the wicked neuer after to attempte the lyke villanie againste Gods anointed, whereof they can at no tyme skamble other part then f inal confusion, lynked to perpetuall infamie. And to make perfite impression herof in your heartes, you degenerates, that can not satisfie your selfes with so vertuous a princesse, but thus from tyme to tyme moleste her highnes with seditious rumors vprores, and rebellion, I here appeale to you chiefly, & require you to enter into the secret closet of your owne hearte, and to ponder with me in egall ballaunce of due consideration the incomparable vertue, mercie, and benignitie of this most wor thy princesse oure queene, with your owne mischiefe, crueltie, and intollerable malice. And then let truth giue sentence, whe ther this disorder groweth of a lack in the head, or of a malicious corruption in the membres. Can ye imagine any thinge to be required of God, to be in a princelye Magistrate, either for the aduauncement of his publike weale, wherof he is accompted the lyuing soule, or for the contentation or commoditie of the polytike body his people, wherof he is reputed the principall heade, which is not plenteouslie founde in this our moost gracious maistres? Can you wish her to haue any thynge touching vertue, or vertuous ornament worthy her royall person, whiche she alredy hathe not? Whose honourable name for the singular vertues, and rare qualities, naturallye grafte in her most royall person euen from the cradell, as well the ample theater of the whole world hathe in admiration, as also malice, and enuie it selfe in such veneration as neuer durst raise any sinister, or contrary report of her vertuous life to this dai. Is there any thing on the other syde that ye can wisshe to haue for your owne commoditie that by her you enioy not? Hath ther ben at any time, any prince in the order of his publike regimente more carefull for the aduauncement of his subiectes to welth, or for the preseruation of them in tranquillitie and suertie, then her grace is? Can you doubte of this, that haue had experience & triall therof, so many waies? Haue you not seene euen in the verie beginning of her most hap pie raigne, all suche bloudie and laqueous lawes, by her royall assent repealed, and the rigoure of those taken awaye, as haue or herafter mighte decaye, and weaken the noble and faithfull membres of her realme? Could you require greater prouffe of incomparable clemencie, fauor, & loue towardes her people ingenerall, then this? Haue you not sene her fre repaire of many noble houses by her graces liberal restitution, or rather giftes of stately Castelles, honours, Ma nours, and Lordshippes, which by her lawes withoute offense of iustice her gighnes moughte haue reteined, the same being inuested in her graces noble progenitours by the due order of the lawes? Can you require any greater token of princelye pitie then this? Haue you not sene her highnes not onely forborne all demaundes of Subsidies or taxes, but also freelye dispense with great paimentes of money due to her by former graunt to her predecessours, not withstan ding the large and diuers occasions her highnes hadde to require aide, as well for the great debt she founde this realme in, as for large expenses she hathe susteined in resisting the rebellion of her owne people? Could you haue a greater euidence of loue towardes her subiectes then this? Haue you not seene & daily may see diuers eskape by pardon mercifullye remitted, and suffered to lyue in theyr accustomed wealth and pleasures that deserued once twise to dye, as open ennemies and traitours? Could ye desire greater mercie & lenitie in her grace, then this? Haue ye forgot howe her grace at the beginninge of her happie raigne did, and styll dayly doth call vppon all and singular her magistrates hauinge any iudiciall authoritie to se the lawes so egally distributed thorough out her realme & dominions, without respecte to the persons, that none moughte haue iuste cause to complaine of wrongful vexation, or oppression? Could ye desire playner demonstration of her highnes equite & iustice then this? What haue you then to allege for your excuse that practise suche malice & spite against so gracious, so mercifull, so liberal, so iuste, and so louing a princesse? What shoulde moue you thus vnkindlie & vnnaturally to rayse rebellion against her grace, to the molestation of her royall personne, and perturbation of the whole realme, and finally to youre owne confusion? What fault fynde you in her, whome the whole worlde iudgeth to be moste perfyte and sounde? Can you not loue her, whome the whole worlde hath in admiration for her vertues? Can you not forbeare forciblie and traiterouslie to molest her whome euery good and godlye man findeth him selfe bound in conscience with expense of bodie and goodes to defende?
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What esteeme you her grace to be? Is she not youre lawefull queene, whome Gods expresse commaundement bindeth you to honour and obeie for conscience sake? Hath she not in her handes full authoritie to commaunde, and power to compelle? What esteeme you youre selfes to be? Are ye not subiectes by the like commaundement of God bounde to serue, loue, and obeye?
Finally, is not her grace such a one, in whome God by sundry tokens and dayly experimentes declareth himselfe to delite and to be well pleased, thus continuallie protectinge and defendinge her wyth the ouerthrowe and shame of her enemies. Alas contrey men, what wicked spirite possesseth your entrayles, that can not be satisfied with suche a gouernesse, worthie all duetie and reuerence? What euil ghost hath plunged your heartes in suche straunge malice, that notwithstandinge so manye and great benefites employed by her and receaued by you, you can fynde in youre heartes to assaulte her with rebellion, or in any wise suffer any one euyll motion to enter into your thoughtes against her? Yf you can not denye but she dayly and hourely careth for you and yours, as a most carefull princesse why then shoulde you not answere her princely zeale with faythe and duetie, as it becommeth trew subiectes? God sayeth, you shall not resiste youre prince, yf you doe, you resist me (sayeth he) with present peryll to your soules. Man saieth, you can not rebell against your soueraigne, but my lawes muste condemne you for traytours.
Experience proueth vtter confusion & perpetual infamie to be the fatall & ineuitable end of rebellion. What advantage then are you in hope any waye to fynde by rebellion, when thereby you haue heaped the coles of vengeaunce vpon your heades at Gods hand, you haue receaued mans iudgement to youre perpetuall shame and reproche, and in the ende you are assured by infallible experience, confusion to bee youre guerdon? Maye not you of all other thinke youre selues most infortunate to enuie this noble Queene for her vertue, whose fame reacheth so farre? Or are ye soo fonde to thynke that you can obscure the same by rebellion, whiche is illustrated and set furth by youre malicious attemptes, no otherwise then golde is tried by fyer?
No the whole worlde muste of necessitie wondere at you for your intollerable euyll and restles malice, and extoll her grace, for her incomparable pacience and endles mercie. What, can you not like her noble mariage? Is the misliking therof, the cause of this youre degenerate misorder? Mighty God, do you cha lenge such singular knowledge in Gods worde, suche speciall influence of the holy spirite, demyng all other in respecte of you & youre colleges, to be blinded, voide of al trueth: and thus directly against knowledge, against Gods expresse trueth against the suggestion of the good sprite rebelliously styrre against your natural princesse, faining that your quarrel, which you your sel ues knowe to be against God & nature, as to bridell your soueraigne in the franke choise of ma riage, the fredom wherof was ne uer denied to the meanest subiect in the world? Alas countrey men, hath blinde malice soo bleared, the eyes of your common senses that you see not how manifestlye you bewraye aswel the brutishnes of your heartes, as also the hoped fruite of your religion? In hope of your reconciliation, I coulde finde in my hearte to debate further with you of this weightie matter. But as you be iustlie condemned of arrogan cie in faininge a quarrell in the person of the realme, for that which the wisdome of the same by common consente, for the manifolde commodities growen therby hath allowed for a benef ite, so shoulde not I auoide the note of much folie, if I woulde take in hande to defende by argumentes (as a doubtfull matter) that soo manye wise men haue allowed. Yf then your soueyaigne ought without youre interruption to enioye that you can not endure to be denied to youre selues (I meane the free choise of mariage) yf also the same be confirmed by them, vnto whome for their authoritie you are bounde to geue place: It followeth that as this ought not to be the cause of youre vnnaturall outrage, euen so it can not be otherwyse, but that (accordinge to the vniuersall sentence and opinion of other christian realmes conceaued of you) the inordinate desyre to retaine false religion, so farre abuseth you, that you forget duetie to God, your prince, and your countrie. O blinde and malicious ignoraunce, do you not see how by youre vnlawfull practice it plainlie appeareth bothe what you be, and frome whome this goodly Iewell (for the whiche you do so striue) commeth: Can you be thought any other then ingrate, arrogant, degenerat, & deuilish, hauing a disposition to rebell? Wherein you folowe the Deuil authour of malice, strife, and diuision, and forsake God who is delited in peace, sufferaunce, and obedience? Can your irreligion be thought other then a mere illusion proceding frome the Deuil, which the authours and followers haue euer sithence soughte to supporte with falsehode, sedicious rumours, rebellion, and tirannye? Merueill it is that any man wylbe so wylfully blinde, or so sottishe, as to beleue that to be of God, which neuer by integrite of life entred: neither by pacience, and tolleration was persuaded: ne yet by miracle confirmed. Did Christe him selfe at anye tyme rebell to stablishe his religion? Yea did he not patiently suffer moste pitefull death rather then he would resist? And yet you must graunt me, that beinge God & man, he lacked not power to haue ouerthrowen whom he liked. But it was contrarie to the nature & vertue of his true religion, which by much pacience, & not with violence, by tolleration, & not rebel lion was first persuaded & established. Did any of the apostels the folowers of Christe and his true religion, notwithstandinge manye times, & in many places they were refused with theyre doctrine, persecuted, and cruelly pursued, did they at anye tyme rebell? What then shall I esteme you that be open rebels, or what geare shal I mesure your religi on to be, whiche alwayes is not otherwise supported then by rebellion, treason, and tyrannye? Will you here of me what your selues are ashamed to discouer? Came not this your religion by a fleshely and carnal meane into this realme? Were not the fruites that came in there with manyfest contempte of magistrates, licentious and dissolute liuing, oppression or rather open roberye of the pore, dissolution & breach of godly order, lawes, and ceremonies, whereby the people were kepte in due feare, and loue towardes God and man? Further was it not here settelled and mainteined by manifest tiranny in the innocent bloude of many wyse learned Martyrs, and nowe in the ende, by you defended with open rebellion against your natural & lawefull quene? Mercifull God howe cometh it to passe, that anye man hauinge the vse of hys commen senses shoulde not perceiue what thys illusion is, and whence it came? Nowe as you haue hadde your eares open to here me in thys discourse, open also youre mouthes and saye to me, whether this religion thus grounded vppon suche foundation as you knowe, expressed in fleshely lyuing, continued with suche blou dye practise, defended with suche malicious and vngodly rebellion is to be indured in any Christian region, or in anye wyse to be thought to procede from God. Giue sentence your selfe of what degre so euer you be, I seke noo other iudge.
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O Englande Englande, yf thou hadest wordes to speake, as thou hast greife to complayne: If thou couldest as well strike our eares with thy lamentable voyce, as thou doest perce oure heartes with thy great and incomparable sorowes, wouldest thou not, if sobbinge teares letted not thye vtteraunce, speake in this sorte and these wordes?
A Prosopey of Englande vnto the degenerat Englishe.
O you seditious and degenerat, know you what you doe, when you thus moleste and vexe her to whome I wholy am owne and due: and you of duetie bounden to obeye and serue? Can ye eyther purge your selfes before God, who pla gueth suche disobedience with eternall damnation, or excuse you before manne whose lawes adiudge rebellion to shamefull death? Are ye so desperate that you feare not to offende them for their power, whose sharpe punishementes ye can not auoyde? Be you so farre from all humanitie, that you can not honour, loue, and obey her for her knowen vertues, the brandishinge beames wherof, might melte the rage of the forren ennemies? Be you so vnwyse to thynke that your malice towardes her toucheth onely her person, and not me, onelye molesteth her & not me? O you wicked children, if I may nowe call you children: Is thys the fruit of the new profession? Doth the suggestion and influence of this your newly imbraced learnyng worke suche vngodly motions in your brestes, thus sediciously, and rebelliouslye to disturbe her, whom duetie bindeth eche godlye subiect to obey: thus vnnaturally to vexe, & hassarde me, whome nature stirreth eche natural borne child to preserue? Be you content to haue the frui tion of my commodites, to repe the fruites of my pleasures, and thus to vexe me, thus to molest me, thus to indaunger my condition in her, whose carefull studie is onely to reforme both you and me, to bringe vs bothe to that auncient and blisfull state whiche thoroughe you, and the lyke was loste & brought to extremitie? Suppose you to haue your comodities by me, when I by you am made bonde, and seruile? Thinke you to escape mise rable seruitude, when I by your disorder & sedition am made thral to forren enemies? Be you so mad to iudge your selfes to be in suertie when youre seditious riot hathe wroughte my confusion? AmI not the common parente out of whose bowelles you wer born: In whose lappe you were receiued: with whose sustenaunce you were norished: In whose armes you were fostred? Haue you any continuaunce of welth quiet, honoure, or dignitye, that by me was not receyued, through me is not mainteyned, and in me finallye continued? Was not I carefull for you or you were borne, to prouide clothes to couer your naked membres: to produce sustenaunce and foode to drawe furth life begon in you: To preserue frendes vnto you: and reserue habilitie to them that might attende, companye, and comforte you? What haue you but by me? And what are you in hope to haue without me? Andwyll you thus requite my tender loue and kindnesse, with suche hatefull rebellion? What so euer I haue done for you, I haue done the same for your progenitours, frendes and kinsmen. And can neither their cause styrre you, nor your owne case moue you to be good to me, by whome you all stande? You haue been the occasion, at the least, the mischiefe, whiche you with mischiefe striue nowe to defende, that these manye yeres The earle of Huntley. I haue lost manye and diuers of my liuelye and sounde membres, being cruelly cut from my politike bodie, and haue also susteyned the great contempt and breache of godlye and wise orders deuised for preseruation of mine estate, and conseruation of my membres in their dewe and ordinarie course. Whereby how odible I haue sithence been to my selfe, and hateful to all christian realmes, aswell the generall voice of all forren countries daylye strikinge your deafe eares doeth witnesse, as also the playne speache vttred not longe ago by a moste faiethfull & true membre of my sister Scotland the earle of Huntley confirmed. Who beinge here, and hearynge some here either for bragge or prayse, tellinge howe manye Scottes in Scotland English souldiours hadde slaine: What great maistrie haue you done, quod then that good Scottishe earle, when with armie royal ye come into Scotland, & ther kil a fewe Scottes, and one abiect Scotte without armes or pollicie commeth home to youre owne houses, and distroyeth ten thousande Englishe people in a daye both bodye and soule with heresie? The same beinge afterwarde moued to become English, and to be sworn to me and my lawes: No, quod he, I am a trew christian Scotte borne, and so I wyll remayne. For as I am I knowe no enemie but the Englishe man, but beinge once sworne Englishe, where shoulde I assure me of one sure frende, that haue nowe but one knowen enemye? For be you out of doubt, althoughe ye Englishe men haue not warre with all forren princes christian, yet assure your selues to be in perfite peace with none: but when time shall serue, to haue the whole world in armes agaynst you, if ye procede as yet ye doe, rather like to become Turkes then to continue Christians, whose religion ye dayly refuse, and sette furth heresye. In the meane time, the whole worlde wondereth at youre blindnesse, that you see not your own madnes and impietie. I speake thus in this sort not as a Scotte to an Englishe man, but forgetting all priuate quarrels as one christian to another, lamenting in my heart to behold the wretched condition and present face of thys your realme, whereof I heard muche or I came here, and here I finde trewe muche more then I heard.
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All About History Books
The Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke. Baker was a secular clerk from Swinbroke, now Swinbrook, an Oxfordshire village two miles east of Burford. His Chronicle describes the events of the period 1303-1356: Gaveston, Bannockburn, Boroughbridge, the murder of King Edward II, the Scottish Wars, Sluys, Crécy, the Black Death, Winchelsea and Poitiers. To quote Herbert Bruce 'it possesses a vigorous and characteristic style, and its value for particular events between 1303 and 1356 has been recognised by its editor and by subsequent writers'. The book provides remarkable detail about the events it describes. Baker's text has been augmented with hundreds of notes, including extracts from other contemporary chronicles, such as the Annales Londonienses, Annales Paulini, Murimuth, Lanercost, Avesbury, Guisborough and Froissart to enrich the reader's understanding. The translation takes as its source the 'Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke' published in 1889, edited by Edward Maunde Thompson. Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.
Of rendlye, wise and moste trewe saying, ful of counsel and witte, yet spoken to suche in whose stonie heartes it coulde make no impression, whereby hath followed not onelye subuersion and shameful confusion to diuers of them to whome it was spoken, but also my daunger euer sithence more and more encreased.
And nowe that it hath plea sed the highe GOD of his vnspeakable mercie to appointe so vertuous a gouernesse ouer me, at the sounde of whose heauenlye and manifolde vertues, as he hathe hitherto compounded my quarrels abrode, and as it were holden forrene handes backe, beynge wyllinge to pursue me, and to make example of me by shameful ende, as I was example to the whole worlde of all disorder, impietie, and heresie: so now by her ministery and authoritie, he meaneth mercyfully to cure and heale my mangled bodie, to repayre myne abased state, to restore my good and wholsome lawes, to reforme my disordered membres. Whiche her noble grace accordinglye pursuinge with all her might and authoritie, findinge also like disposition in my principall membres her highnesse honourable and noble subiectes, nowe you, onelye you, I saye, sporne agaynste Goddes mercifull worke, and as moste enemies to my prosperous estate, cease not to hinder, what God hathe ment to me, & what his chosen instrument, this most vertuous lady doeth attempte to compasse for me: deuisinge daye by day sedicious, false and traiterours brutes, rumours, & tales to molest and trouble her, to confounde and derstoye me. And rather then ye wyll be reduced from erroure to trueth, and refourmed frome disorder to better gouernaunce, by the callinge and persuasion of gods true instrument and chosen ministresse, ye wyll beleue what that most vile and deuelishe rable of Antichristes ministers by their pestilent bokes teache you in corners, as that by gods law ye maye rebell againste youre head. O cursed and hellishe generation. I beseche you consider bothe me and youre selues. You haue been the cause of my greate griefes, and yet you enuie me the remedie. You knowe if I perishe you can not florishe, yet disdaine you to be refourmed, that I maye bee confirmed in myne auncient and blisfull state. You resiste to be subiect to good gouernaunce, that my benefites might be perfourmed in you, to youre great furtheraunce: and contrarye too your allegeaunce, contrarye to nature, wil thus vexe and trouble me. Yea, by youre dede, although not by your wil perhaps deliuer me into the handes of them that bee my fooes, but in dede moste enemies to youre selues. I saye no more but referre you to consider what I haue sayde, and waye with your selfes in what case I stande, and wherunto I was broughte by thys illusion, whiche hathe so deformed meand bewitched you. And further by my sister Boheme, consider what I maye come to, and am like to be, if you ceasse not this your wilful and desperat outrage. Finallye doe not forget the strange diseases, sundrie plages, great dearthe, whiche I haue longe suffered, as cleare tokens of Goddes ven geaunce to bee bente ouer you and me, and the blessing of hys mercifull handes to bee taken from vs. So now ponder with your eares my wordes, that I haue spoken, that my sorowe may reache your heart. And if you thinke me worthie whome you shoulde vtterly destroy and bring to hateful confusion, then maye you lawefully mainteine that you haue taken. Ponder I beseche you louinge countreemen, what our commen parent and natiue countree Englande hathe saied. Call therewith to your remembraunce what shee myghte saye in waye of iuste complainte: and then see if by anye meanes you can either excuse your selues as not acquain ted with the cause of her greiffes, or accuse her, as causeles complayning afore she hathe nede. I suppose you not to bee so grosse and so blind, that you see not your disorder: nor so impudent and shameles, that you acknowledge not your knowen malice, nor yet so desperate and so vtterlye destitute of grace, that you wyll not hereafter refourme your selues, partly discomforted by the manifolde euils folowinge such vnnatural practises, partly allured by the high merites and incomparable mer cie of so gracious a princesse as God hathe appointed nowe to gouerne ouer vs. I here wyll end, as one pitiyng your former case, and yet not despairinge your better gouernaunce here after.
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