Biography of Anne Boleyn 1475-1556

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1534. 14th May 1534. Vienna Archives. 662. Chapuys to Charles V.

It is over 15 days since the Scotch ambassador came to communicate to me the articles mentioned in my letter of the 22nd ult., of which I send the two principal in a bill joined to this. Among other things he told me that he believed they would conclude the peace with England, both because they were so much stimulated to it by them and also for the necessity the King his master was in in order that the English might not invade him while he was almost destitute of aid, — a thing the French would not be sorry for, but would rather tacitly suggest in order to reduce the King his master to necessity and compel him to take such a wife as Francis and the king of England pleased; and for the King his master to arrive at his object, viz., to obtain the daughter of France in marriage, it was expedient to amuse the English by means of a peace, so that this king might not hinder it, as he had always done hitherto, and this king being assured of the said peace, would have no fear of that marriage. These words I got from him, not without mystery, and he said that whatever peace they made, when an opportunity of war arose they would find only too many lawful grounds for it, and of this he could assure me, and also that they would not treat of anything that could directly or indirectly injure the amity with your majesty's countries or the fraternity caused by the reception of the Toison, and that the English had made several overtures to them of a contrary character, which they had always rejected, saying that they wished your majesty to be comprised in the peace, and that the bishop and he had orders to that effect.

Since then the Scotch ambassadors have been in nearly continual communication with the King and Council, ever since the return of Rochford (age 31) and Fitzwilliam from France, which they seemed to be waiting for to settle matters. After their return, the French ambassador, who had not been present at any of the previous consultations, was summoned, and the English began to speak in a higher tone, demanding certain land which has been adjudged to the Scotch king by innumerable treaties. The English wished that this difference, with others, should be remitted to the French king, but the Scotch refused and proposed the Pope. At this the Duke of Norfolk asked angrily what popo they meant, implying that there were two, one of Rome and one of Canterbury. This gave the bishop an opportunity of speaking of the papal authority and reproving what had been done here against his Holiness. The company were not pleased and the Duke wished he had not spoken.

After much contention, it seems that the English, desirous of peace agreed to what the Scotch wished, and concluded a peace during the lives of the two Kings and four years longer. I have not been able to find out the particulars. Two days ago the ambassador sent to ask when he might come and see me, and though I offered him any time, he has not yet come, having been occupied with the Council in drawing up the treaty. The bishop has also sent to say that he wishes to talk to me for three or four hours, but we have not yet met for fear of suspicion.

Rochford and the Treasurer having returned from France, although the day was extraordinary, the King and his mistress dined in public, and after dinner, in presence of all the guests, the King said he was bound to give thanks to God for having so entirely conciliated to him such a good brother and friend as the king of France, who was always ready to share his fortune and conform to his will, which the said Rochford and Treasurer confirmed, but certainly this unusual publication makes many people suspect that the king of France begins to halt, especially as he has put off the interviews which the King was hastening for July, and some still think that they will not take place, and that the Bishop of Paris or some other great personage sent by Francis will come here in order among other things to "fere lecture desdites entrevues."

Having several times consulted the Queen how to give effect to the sentence, she wrote to me two days since the letter which I send with this, which besides explaining her advice will serve to excuse her from writing to your majesty. She thought, before that when the sentence was given the King would be converted, but now she knows it will be necessary to proceed by other remedies, which she dare not propose, both for fear her letters should be intercepted, and not to contradict what she has already written; knowing also that your majesty understands much better than anyone else what is necessary to remedy matters here. An immediate remedy is necessary, otherwise the case is irreparable. For besides that the King and others get worse every day, this new sect is increasing and gaining strength, and if it once take root even those who have hitherto held for the Queen will change their opinion, believing that what your majesty would do in the Queen's behalf was not on that account but to maintain the Pope's authority, which they call tyranny, and on this pretext the King hopes to have the support, not only of those of his own kingdom, but of a part of Germany. If your majesty knew the complaints daily made of the delay of this remedy, you would be astonished. They have been more frequent of late, since the merchants have been preparing for the coming fair in Flanders, people saying that if they were permitted henceforth to go to Flanders or Spain, all was over.

The Queen has been removed to a house belonging to the heirs of Sir Richard Wingfield, who died at Toledo. She is better lodged than she was, although the house is small. When she was about to remove, the King sent two doctors to summon her to swear to the two statutes lately made, of which I sent a copy on the 22nd; but instead of complying she intimated to the doctors the sentence lately given in her favor. Nevertheless the doctors compelled all the servants of the house to swear. Some days ago the King asked his mistress's [aunt], who has charge of the Princess, if the latter had abated her obstinacy, and on being answered "No," he said there must be someone about her who encouraged her and conveyed news from the Queen her mother. The said gouvernante (age 58), on consideration, could suspect no one except the maid of whom I lately wrote, who had been compelled to swear, and on this suspicion she drove her out, and she has been for some days without anyone to go to or means to support herself. The Princess has been much grieved at this, for she was the only one in whom she had confidence, and by her means she had letters from me and others. The Queen also is very sorry, but still more because the King has taken from the Princess her confessor, a very good man, and given her another who is a Lutheran and a tool of his own. During the last few days the King, perceiving that neither by force nor menaces could he get his way with the said Princess, or for some other reasons, has shown her more honor than usual, and used more gracious words, begging that she would lay aside her obstinacy and he would promise her before Michaelmas to make such a bargain with her that she should enjoy a royal title and dignity; to which, among 1,000 other wise answers, she replied that God had not so blinded her as to confess for any kingdom on earth that the King her father and the Queen her mother had so long lived in adultery, nor would she contravene the ordinance of the Church and make herself a bastard. She believes firmly that this dissimulation the King uses is only the more easily to attain his end and cover poison, but she says she cares little, having full confidence in God that she will go straight to Paradise and be quit of the tribulations of this world, and her only grief is about the troubles of the Queen her mother. I have been told that within these few days the King has shown himself more cheerful than usual. I know not whether it was owing to the peace with the Scots or to the news of the troubles in Germany, which he will encourage to the utmost of his power, until he is given other things to think about.

The secretary of the Vayvode, whose despatch was put off till the return of Rochford and the Treasurer, is still here. I have not been able to learn what he is doing. London, 14 May 1534.Fr., pp. 9. From a modern copy.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535. 25th February 1535. 263. Today the Duke of Suffolk (age 51) leaves secretly for Suffolk, I know not for what purpose. Norfolk (age 62) withdrew to his house 15 days ago very ill-pleased. The day before he left he complained to lord Montague (age 43) that he was held in no esteem, "et par avant avoit nulle choses de la dame du Roy¹." The Marquis has been [word omitted] and only regrets that he has no opportunity of shedding his blood in the service of the Queen and Princess; "sil estoit question de quelque chose il ne seroit des derniers, et unyroit petite suyte²." The young lady who was lately in the King's favour is so no longer. There has succeeded to her place a cousin german of the concubine (age 34), daughter [either [her daughter] Margaret "Madge" Shelton, [her daughter] Anne Shelton or [her daughter] Mary Shelton (age 25)] of the present gouvernante (age 59) of the Princess. The Queen has been informed on good authority that the Waywode's man was seeking the marriage of the Princess with his master; but there is no great probability that he will succeed either in this or in obtaining money. I will inform your Majesty hereafter of whatever I may hear about this and about a gentleman lately come from the Duke of Holstein. I am informed letters have come from Gregory de Casale, who says the Pope told him that if the King would replace matters of the Church as they were, other things could be arranged; but all that is lost labor. So great is the obstinacy and avarice of the King, that he would sooner take back the Queen than restore what is due to the Church, from which he has taken, within the last month, 50,000 ducats, "emolument d'eslus"³.

Note 1. "and before had nothing of the King's lady."

Note 2. if it were a question of something it would not be among the last, and straight small continuation?

Note 3. first-fruits.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535. 25th February 1535. 263. The day before yesterday I called on Cromwell, to whom I reported what had passed between me and the King; and although he had been already informed of it, he showed great satisfaction, commending the dexterity which he said I had used in talking of those matters with the King, who was very well pleased with me. I said that since speaking with the King I had consulted with the physicians, who were unanimously of opinion that the Princess's illness was caused by distress and sorrow, which at this moment could be very easily cured if she were put in some place where she could take pleasure and have exercise; otherwise, remaining where she was, she would be in great danger of her life, which I had told the King would be the most serious thing that could happen in this kingdom, as no doubt his wisdom could well understand. And since the King objected to send the Princess to the Queen, I hoped he would at least send her to some house near her, in order that, both now and whenever necessary, she might be visited by the Queen's physician and apothecary, for he had clearly seen the danger in which she expected to fall, because the King's physician would not undertake her cure except along with the Queen's physician, who was too far off. I hoped he would also send to the Princess some of her old and loyal servants to keep her cheerful, commending [the arrangement] that the present gouvernante (age 59) should have charge of her, as there might be danger in any immediate change, lest someone gave her a slow poison; whereas, so long as she remains under her charge, I suppose she would not do or promise such a thing, on account of the suspicion already entertained of her. Long ago I warned her by a third hand of the mischief which might arise to her if anything happened to the said Princess, and I also took care to get the King's physician to tell her that of late there was a common report in London that she had poisoned the said Princess; which put her in terrible fear, so that she can do nothing but weep when the sees the Princess so ill. Cromwell replied that he knew all that I had said, that my requests were reasonable, and that he had been on the watch for an opportunity to secure more favorable treatment for the said Princess, as he had long ago promised; but matters were rather hard of digestion, and he couldn't yet get his master to chew them, and dared not press the subject for fear of incurring suspicion. It would be necessary to wait till either the King brought forward the subject himself, or some occasion arose tending thereto; and as affairs were beginning to look better, and I had half opened the door, they would enter the more boldly into business. and he hoped at his return from Court he should be able to bring me some news that would give me satisfaction. He was very familiar and confidential in this conversation, and I think he has only to study his conduct as regards the King, who is by nature so very suspicious.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535. 5th May 1535. 666. I forbear to write about the Queen and her affairs, as I presume she is doing so herself. London, 5 May 1535.

P.S.—Yesterday morning, the 7th, I received yours of the 20th ultimo; after which I sent to Cromwell, who is lodged in the country, quite near a lodging I have got, to speak with him; and the hour being late, and he much occupied, he desired to be excused till today. This afternoon, about 3 o'clock, he passed by me on his return from Court, and expressed his great desire to complete the negotiations for a stricter friendship, with which view the King would consent to anything, saving his honor, even to the summoning of the Council, provided you would not have the matter of the divorce treated there. On my making the remonstrances I had done when he came a second time to visit me this Lent, and several others which I need not recite, he confessed that they were true and lawful, and that he would report them tomorrow to the King, and on Monday I should have an answer. After much conversation, he observed that even if it could be proved that this second marriage was unlawful, your Majesty ought to dissemble, because you had fully acquitted yourself to God and to the world, and remit the matter to the conscience of the King, who was a virtuous and Catholic Prince. seeing that by such dissimulation inestimable good would follow. not only to both your subjects. but to the whole of Christendom, to the confusion of heretics and the destruction of the Turk and of his friends near at hand, meaning the French; declaring that the king of France, to recover Milan, would not only bring the Turk into Christendom, but all the devils as well; and he desired friendship between your Majesty and the King to abate the pride of the French. and to steady their lightheadedness. Certainly, when they were in need they were "le plus simple nacion du monde," and the King had not derived a crown's worth of pleasure from all the benefit he had done them. After this he said that many good things were suspended, only for the affection you bore to the Princess, who was mortal and of sickly disposition, and if God would take her your Majesty would have no complaint to make against them: and that he had heard from several quarters, to which, however, he attached no credit, that your Majesty and the king of the Romans had proposed to create schism and dissension in England, and then make the enterprise. which many of those with your Majesty, and in Flanders and Germany, thought easy, necessary, and useful for the most part of the realm. But it must be considered that it was not so easy or inexpensive as they might suppose: and even if your Majesty were to conquer. it would be no great honor to you to have thus treated without cause an old and cordial friend, and that you would not gain the kingdom after his death, having thus conquered it, but the disgrace would remain to you. On this I asked him how he heard that your Majesty had intended to create schism in the kingdom. He answered that it had been proposed "de par dela," to forbid their merchants to have intercourse with your Majesty's countries. in order to make the people rebel. Thus he could not dissemble that that was the true means. I know not how he came thus openly to declare it, and still less how he spoke of the persuasions made to your Majesty to invade the kingdom, which is much more than I have written to you. Cromwell gave me to understand that the day before yesterday. Ascension Day. there had been discussion in the King's Council upon the abovesaid matters; and, notice being taken of the marriage of your Majesty with this Princess, the King had spoken as loudly in praise of your Majesty as could be, and Cromwell had said it would be expedient if the articles delivered by Likerke to their ambassador were authorised by your Majesty. that the King should send you an embassy with ample power to make a closer alliance with you, which could not be done if this last marriage was annulled by a General Council. And on my repeating to him that when the said submission was made, matters might be treated in friendly wise more to the honor of the parties, and meanwhile God might enlighten those who were concerned,—he answered that he would like to see to it beforehand for the better assurance of his master.

Cromwell came again to excuse himself that he had not spoken to me sooner on business; and that I must not suppose that it was from any wish to gain time, because they considered that delay was rather in your favour and that of the king of the Romans than theirs; for you increased every day the number of your friends and servants, and that waiting for the result of the diet of Calais did not matter to them a penny. The King had not been able to refuse it, because the king of France had made such [requests] for it, but his master made so little account of that diet that he had not written a single word about it to his ambassador, nor even informed Morette of it; and, as for him, he had got himself exempted from the Commission, and the bishop of Ely ("Yly") would go in his place. He felt almost assured that nothing would be concluded at all, skilful as the French were, who asked of them their daughter for the duke of Angoulême, in order to make their profit of them, while she was under age, and, when they thought expedient, to break all conventions,—which never could last long with them, both by reason of their natural fickleness, and because the French support the Church of Rome, which they will not hear of. In the course of our conversation he said, though he was not commissioned to do so, he wished that, leaving matters as they stood, a marriage could be arranged between the prince of Spain and the little bastard; and that the Princess, if she continued to live, should also have some honorable match provided for her to the satisfaction of your Majesty; in which case the King would give her as large and honorable a dowry as ever was given to Queen or Empress. I replied still that it would be necessary to settle the matter which so greatly touched the honor, reputation, and conscience, first, of the King, his master, and, secondly, of your Majesty. He told me that I should have answer on Monday, and that if I desired to talk with the King at any time and on any subject whatever I should be very welcome. I told him that it would be doing injustice to his good sense and judgment to anticipate the matter which he had in hand, and which he could arrange with the King far better than anybody. Seeing that he spoke so freely against the French, and that he assured me they would not treat with them, I made no mention of what was contained in your Majesty's letter, but only spoke to him of the intelligence they had with those of Lubeck. He acknowledged that the King had lent them a sum, for which he would show me the bond, and said that the Lubeckers were "canailles" and beggars, who had come to seek the King, his master, offering various things, and had then spread reports that the King had sent for them to treat concerning Denmark. It was true the King had given them some audience. Cromwell strongly denied that the King had contributed any money for the restitution of the duke of Wirtemburg, though he consented, at the urgent request of the king of France, to delay payment of his pension for one year, the amount for two terms being 107,000 crs.; which, he says, will give rise to some confusion, for the French have played a trick in making the quittance for the last payment comprise the quittance for terms past. As to what is contained in your last letters about getting away the Princess, my man returned from her this morning, and has reported that she thinks of nothing else than how it may be done, her desire for it increasing every day, especially since the said monks have been executed; for, since then, her gouvernante (age 59) has been continually telling her to take warning by their fate. Till now she has not been able to see how it could be done; nor I either, as the place is unknown to me. Whatever can be devised I will notify to your Majesty.

The good old lord of whom I wrote has sent to me today by one of my servants to say he was going home immediately, and would lose no time for the advancement of the business; and that he intended, if I thought right, to send a gentleman to your Majesty to inform you of everything. He will send the said gentleman to me in a few days, and then I will inform you of everything. London, 8 May 1535.

French, from a modern copy. Pp. 7.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535. [8th October 1535]. 566. You are aware of the quarrel which took place between her and her governess (age 59) when we went to visit her little sister (age 2), and that we have been told how she was put almost by force into her chamber, in order that she should not speak to us, and how it was impossible to appease her and confine her to her chamber till the gentleman conducting us assured her that the King, her father, had commanded him to tell her not to show herself while we were there. You know also the conversations which the same gentleman had with you concerning her, and the charge which the Queen had given him: also that a person has endeavoured to cause her to send her will in writing. If the King (Francis) approved of the marriage it would be to unite two kingdoms, and the King would have the great honor of annexing "les deux Bretagnes" to the French crown. The King has good reason to take the matter up, for the marriage was made by consent of both parents, and half England desires it. If the Pope were advertised of the treaties which the king of England proposes to make with the King, he would suspect that he should lose the money of France, in the same way as he has lost the money of England, if war should take place; and therefore he would induce the Emperor to urge the King (Francis) to accomplish this marriage. I believe the Emperor would help it forward from the love which he bears to his niece. If the Emperor urge Francis the latter can then consult about informing the king of England of the Emperor's intention, and persuading him to consent to it in order to avoid war, seeing that the said Lord (Henry) does not deny that she is his daughter, and knows that the marriage is concluded. If the king of England do not approve because his wife persuades him to the contrary, he will fear to set Francis and the Emperor against himself solely through his affection for his wife, which is less than it has been, and diminishes day by day, because he has new amours (age 26)¹.

Item, to advertise the King of the maladies which are in "la rasse;" and that the Swedes in the King's pay, whom the Lubeckers had drawn into the Danish quarrel, have taken fourteen English ships, among which the Minion of the English king, the mistress of England², has been broken to pieces.

Fr.

*** A translation of this letter is printed by Mr. Froude in his Appendix to "the Pilgrim" (p. 100) as a letter from Dinteville to M. de Tarbes, and dated in Oct. 1534.

Note 1. Margin: "Nota, qu'il ne sera pas paradventure fort malaisé à gaigner le Roy." ie. Note, that it will not be very difficult to win the King. The "new amours" may be a reference to Jane Seymour especially in view of King Henry having stayed at Wolf Hall in Sep 1535 [Map].

Note 2. "Entre lesquelles a este mise en pieces la Mignone du Roy d'Angletrerre, qui estoi la maistresse d'Angleterre." ie. Between which was torn into pieces the Mignone of the King of England, the mistress of England. This is a reference to ship rather than a person!

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535. 13th October 1535. 594. Cromwell having several times written to me that on his return from Court we should discuss matters of the Queen and Princess, I have waited two days since his return to see what show he would make of doing so, and finding none, I sent to him to ask at what hour I might speak with him. He excused himself for two days on account of business, and did so again yesterday, the third day, saying, however, to my messenger, that he would be here this morning; as he really was. After congratulation of the Emperor on his glorious victory and his arrival in Sicily, and thanking me on the part of the King and himself for the news I had sent them from time to time he replied about the Princess according to what he had written to me, which was to the effect that the King, his master, was good and wise, and that he would take good care, and better than any other, to treat his daughter well; that it was unnecessary to remind him of his duty, whether it were to change her gouvernante (age 59), to get her better companions, or to place her again with the Queen (age 49), her mother. As to the arrears due to the Queen, it was true he had several times promised to get her prompt payment, and if it was only a question of presenting her with the sum due he would do it at once very willingly; but he knew the disposition of the King, his master, was such that if he meddled with it he fell under suspicion of taking the Queen's part, which might cost him his head, and said the King might well give the Queen any sum she could demand, if she would undertake to maintain her own household; and on doing so, he would give her perfect liberty to keep what servants she pleased. This bargain, I think, she will never accept, as it would in some degree prejudice her position; moreover, I think Cromwell threw out the suggestion more by way of compliment than otherwise. After this, Cromwell mentioned that the King was informed from France, Italy, and elsewhere, that your Majesty intended to prepare an army against him and his countries in favour of the Pope, whom he sometimes called bishop of Rome and sometimes idol, but not without begging me to pardon him, and that to stir the fire, some bishop and legate had already come to Flanders; and that the King, his master, notwithstanding the said rumours, which might have been propagated by ill-disposed people, could not well believe that your Majesty, considering the great friendship and repeated alliances between you so solemnly ratified and sworn, would attempt any such thing, especially when there was no cause; for, as regards disobedience to the Pope, the King did not think he had said or done anything to any Christian prince inconsistent with the law of God, and he believed that the Christian religion was not better regulated and reformed in any country in the world than in this kingdom; and the King requested that I would add to the other good offices I had done by notifying this to your Majesty. Cromwell added that, perhaps the King might send you a very honorable embassy, provided he thought that you would give favorable audience to it, both to represent these and other matters, and to promote amities and confederations; on which subject the King wished to have my advice. I replied that I was not so rash as to put myself forward in giving counsel to such a Prince lest I should give him occasion justly to reproach me, as was done without occasion when the earl of Wiltshire was at Bologna with your Majesty; but I fully believed that if such an embassy were sent to your Majesty it would not only be kindly received and heard, but would obtain what it asked for, provided it were a thing that your Majesty could rightly grant according to reason and conscience; and otherwise I would neither advise nor dissuade its despatch, for the above reason. He made no reply to this, and I think, from the way he spoke of the said embassy, there has been no suggestion of it among them, and that he spoke only of himself. He then said I must be already informed that the bishop of Winchester (age 52) was going to France, and the bishop of Atfort (Hereford), formerly the King's almoner, into Germany. He told me nothing more, and I asked if he, who was going into Germany, was to go further than Saxony? He said he did not know where he was going to; and he said the same to a merchant of whom he desired a letter of exchange of 1,000 crs. for the said Bishop, in case he should have need of them, which he did not expect, because he was taking plenty of money with him, and Cromwell wished the said letters to be general for the principal cities of Germany. Cromwell has confessed that the bailly of Troyes had made request for the marriage of the Princess with the Dauphin, and also that he brought the brief of which I before wrote.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535. 22nd November 1535. Add. MS. 28,588, f. 47. B. M. 873. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.

Wrote on Sept. 1 and 8 and Oct. 24. The Ambassador in England wrote on the 14th Oct. that the Queen and Princess were well, and sent a servant of his here, who left on the 5th to go to the Emperor. He brought letters from the Queen, which she said she sent as her last testament, because, considering her present state and the orders made in the Parliament of this November, it appears likely that she and the Princess (age 19) will be sentenced to martyrdom, which she was ready to receive in testimony of the Holy Faith, as the cardinal of Rochester and other holy martyrs had done. She only grieves that her life has not been as holy as theirs, and she is in great sorrow for the multitude of souls who are daily condemned.

The Princess with only three women is in the same house as the daughter of the Wench (age 34) ("la Manceba"), under the charge of the Wench's aunt (age 60). Formerly the Ambassador was allowed to send to her two days a week, but now this leave has been taken away. When she asked to be allowed to live with her mother she was refused, because it would make her more obstinate in disobeying the statutes, which was not safe in consequence of the penalty imposed by them. The King told his mistress that while he lived (viniere, error for viviere?) the Princess should not marry. She has told the King several times that it is the Princess who causes war, and that it will be necessary to treat her as the cardinal of Rochester has been treated. She has often said of the Princess "She is my death and I am hers; so I will take care that she shall not laugh at me after my death." When the Ambassador asked for certain money due to the Queen from the time she held the lands "de sus arras," it was refused, and he was told that he should see if the Queen would consent to live at less expense, and that the King bore her expenses.

Letters and Papers. 21st January 1536. At the request of the Princess, who has twice written to me about it very warmly, I have again this morning asked leave of the King to visit her. Cromwell has sent word in reply that the King will grant it as soon as she is removed from where she is, which will be very shortly. I cannot tell, however, what to think of it considering the promises I have formerly received, seeing that notwithstanding that the King, since I spoke to him, gave me leave to send one of my servants thither every week, and Cromwell also had granted it to me two or three times, yet the gouvernante (age 60) refused the day before yesterday to let my man speak to the Princess, telling him she was forbidden to let anyone speak with her without bringing a letter or token from the King; yet she offered for my sake to let my man see her, provided he promised not to say anything of it to anybody, but she did not dare to allow him to converse with her; and this courtesy the gouvernante showed in consideration of some little presents, which I have heretofore made her by advice of the Princess. The latter, hearing from her oratory the conversation between the said gouvernante and my man, and finding she would have no opportunity of speaking with him. called out loud to the gouvernante to let him go, and that, please God, she would nut see him or any other to the displeasure of the King, her father. Perhaps they do not wish anyone to speak to her until she has received the said summons. I do not know if it would be good that your Majesty should send some personage to see her who should make the necessary representations to the King for the amendment of her treatment; which, as she has sent to tell me this morning, grows worse and worse. That would be a comfort to her, and would encourage this people in hope while the remedy was preparing there. But it would be convenient if your Majesty's affairs would allow, that whoever should come should adopt rather a high tone, otherwise it would be no use; for, as the good Queen used to say, these men show themselves sheep to those who appear like wolves, and lions to those who show them some respect, and she always forecast that the gentleness used towards them owing to the exigence of the common affairs of Christendom would be the cause of her destruction; and if no one shows resentment at the death of the said Queen, it will encourage them to put an end to the other (d'achever Pautre, i.e., the Princess). And though it may not be advisable to make mention of poison, yet there is good ground for speaking otherwise of the rigour and illtreatment shown to her. Several of them confess, and even keep on saying that grief was the cause of her death, to exclude suspicion of anything worse. Seeing, therefore, that the grief of the Princess is now more dangerous, especially as it is increased by her mother's death, there is good occasion to insist upon her better treatment. "Sire, l'amyte et compassion de ceste bonne dame me fait passer lymites; je supplie a vostre majeste le me pardonner et l'attribuer a ladite compassion."

Letters and Papers. 21st January 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Now the King and Concubine (age 35) are planning in several ways to entangle the Princess in their webs, and compel her to consent to their damnable statutes and detestable opinions; and Cromwell was not ashamed, in talking with one of my men, to tell him you had no reason to profess so great grief for the death of the Queen, which he considered very convenient and advantageous for the preservation of friendship between your Majesty and his master; that henceforth we should communicate more freely together, and that nothing remained but to get the Princess to obey the will of the King, her father, in which he was assured I could aid more effectually than anybody else, and that by so doing I should not only gratify the King but do a very good office for the Princess, who on complying with the King's will would be better treated than ever. The Concubine, according to what the Princess sent to tell me, threw the first bait to her, and caused her to be told by her aunt, the gouvernante (age 60) of the said Princess, that if she would lay aside her obstinacy and obey her father, she would be the best friend to her in the world and be like another mother, and would obtain for her anything she could ask, and that if she wished to come to Court she would be exempted from holding the tail of her gown, "et si la meneroit tousjours a son cause" (?); and the said gouvernante does not cease with hot tears to implore the said Princess to consider these matters; to which the Princess has made no other reply than that there was no daughter in the world who would be more obedient to her father in what she could do saving her honor and conscience.From what the Princess has sent to tell me, it seems probable that the King will shortly send to her a number of his councillors to summon her to give the oath. She requested me to notify to her what to reply, and I wrote that I thought she had best show as good courage and constancy as ever with requisite modesty and dignity (honesteté), for if they began to find her at all shaken they would pursue her to the end without ever leaving her in peace; and that I thought they would not insist very much on her renouncing her right openly, nor abjuring the authority of the Pope directly, but that they might press her to swear to the Concubine as Queen, alleging that as the Queen was dead there could be no excuse for opposition. I wrote to her to use every effort to avoid any discussion with the King's deputies, beseeching them to leave her in peace that she might pray to God for the soul of the Queen, her mother, and also for His aid, and declaring that she was a poor and simple orphan without experience, aid, or counsel, that she did not understand laws or canons, and did not know how then to answer them; that she should also beseech them to intercede with the King, her father, to have pity on her weakness and ignorance; and, if she thought it necessary to say more, she might add that as it is not the custom to swear [fealty] here to Queens, and such a thing had not been done when her mother was held as Queen, she cannot but suspect that it would be directly or indirectly to her prejudice; also that if she (Anne Boleyn) was Queen, her swearing or refusing to swear did not matter, and likewise if she is not; and that she remembers well one thing,—that in the Consistorial sentence by which the first marriage had been declared valid, this second marriage was annulled, and it was declared that this lady could not claim the title of Queen, for which reason she thought in conscience that she could not go against the Pope's command, and that by so doing she-would prejudice her own right. I also suggested to the Princess that she might tell her gouvernante it was but waste of time to press such matters upon her, because she would lose her life ten times before consenting to it without being better informed and her scruple of conscience removed by other persons than those of this realm whom she held "suspects," and that, if the King, her father, would give her time till she came "en eaige de perfection," from which she was perhaps not far removed, God would inspire her to devote herself entirely to him and enter religion, in which case she considers her honor and conscience might be preserved; or she might be meanwhile otherwise informed;—that this delay could be no disadvantage to the King, her father, but rather the contrary, for if she came to consent to matters the act at such an age would be of more validity. This I wrote to her, not as a positive instruction, but only as matter for consideration. I will think more at large of other means for putting the matter off in case of extremity, but if they have determined to poison her (luy donner a manger), neither taking the Sacrament nor any other security that can be invented will be of much avail.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st January 1536. Wien, Rep. P.C., Fasc. 236, No. 3. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 35).

Now that the good Queen is dead, they are trying in various ways to catch the Princess in, their net, and make her subscribe to their damnable statutes and detestable opinions; so much so that the other day Cromwell, in conversation with one of my men, was not ashamed to say that there was no reason to mourn so much at the death of the Queen, which after all must be considered as most advantageous for the preservation of the friendship between Your Majesty and the King, his master, since in future he and I might communicate and talk more frankly on the subject; that it only remained for us now to induce the Princess to accede to the King's will and wishes; which end he (Cromwell) was sure that I could, if I chose, promote move efficiently than any other living man; and that it was necessary that I should do my best for the accomplishment of that object, as, besides the pleasure I might give the King by doing so, the Princess herself would be greatly benefited through it, since by submitting to the King's will she would be much better treated than ever she had been.

A, bait of this sort has already been thrown out, for, according to a message received from the Princess, the concubine (age 35) has lately sent her word through her own aunt (age 60), under whose keeping she still is, as I have informed Your Majesty, that should she consent to wave her obstinacy, and be obedient, like a dutiful daughter, to her father's commands, she (the concubine) would at once become her warmest friend, and a second mother to her, and that, if she wished to go to Court, she should be exempted from being her train-bearer, and might walk by her side. And I aim also told that the governess is continually begging and entreating her in the warmest possible terms to reconsider these offers. Nevertheless, the Princess' answer has always been that no daughter in the world would be move obedient to her father's wishes and commands than she herself is prepared to be, provided her honour and conscience are safeguarded.

According to another message received from the Princess, the King says that he will shortly send to her certain of his Privy Councillors for the purpose of summoning her to swear to the statutes; and she asks me how she is to answer the summons in case of its being made, which is most likely. My answer in writing has been that, in my opinion, she ought to show greater firmness and determination now than ever, more courage and persistence, coupled with the requisite modesty; for if these people once believe her to be the least shaken in her purpose, they are sure to go on persecuting her to the end without leaving her a moment's peace. I fancied (said I to her) that they would not now insist upon her renouncing openly her rights, nor directly disowning the Popes authority in Church matters; they, most likely, would press her to swear to the concubine as Queen, alleging that her own mother being dead, there could be no excuse now for opposition on that head. I have, therefore, written to her to avoid as much as possible entering into conversation or dispute with the Kings deputies, if they should go to her, to request them to leave her in peace, praying God for the soul of her deceased mother, as well as imploring His help in her present situation, she being a poor orphan without experience, aid, or counsel. She was to tell the deputies that she herself knew nothing of civil or canon law, and was unable to answer and meet their arguments, and therefore begged and entreated them to intercede with the King, her father, to have pity on her ignorance or incapacity. If, moreover, she chose to go on with, her excuses, she might add that, considering it was not the custom here, in England, to impose oaths upon queens—that ceremony not having taken place when her mother was married to the King, her father—she could not help thinking that the whole of this had been planned to do her injury. That were she to become in future a queen, her present renunciation of her rights would he invalid; she would inherit the Crown all the same. One thing she recollected, which was that in the consistorial sentence respecting her father s marriage, it was fully stated that whilst his first marriage was declared good, valid, and legitimate, his second was pronounced null and void, it being expressly stated, that lady Anne could never assume the title of queen. Lastly, it seemed to her as if she could not conscientiously contravene the Pope's commands, for were she to do so, and derogate from other articles in the sentence, she would evidently impair her own rights.

I have likewise written to the Princess that, if she thought it advisable, she might say to her governess that it was time lost to press such affairs on her at the present juncture, for she would rather lose ten lives, if she had them, than submit and consent to what they wanted of her, without being better informed, thereupon. She might add, that in order to enlighten and instruct her on the subject, people abroad could be found—for those in England she thoroughly mistrusted—to impart the requisite information and doctrine on such delicate points; and that should the King, her father, grant her a respite until she was of age, which was not now far off, perhaps God would inspire her with the wish of entering into a religious house and devoting herself entirely to Him, in which case she thought her conscience would be completely safe-guarded. Should the King grant this respite, she might perhaps acquire more solid information on the subject than she now possesses. The delay asked for could in nowise prejudice the King's interests, but would, on the contrary, be beneficial to him, for were she now to accede and consent to what is wanted of her, the act, when she was of age, would still be more valid and efficient. This much I wrote to the Princess, not in a resolute manner and by way of advice, but merely for the sake of argument, to be used if convenient. I shall consider the matter over and over again, and look out for other means of parrying the impending blow, or at least averting it for some time. If, however, the King and his concubine have decided to make her swallow poison, neither the tender of the oath itself, nor any other thing we might think of, would be of any use.

I will think more broadly about other possible means to deal with the matter in case of extreme necessity; but if they have decided to give her [poison] to eat, not to give her the sacrament, nor anything else that could be invented here, it would serve very little.

"Je penserar plus largement dessus a autres moyens possibles pour differer la matiere en cas d'estremite; mais silz ont delibcre luy donner a manger [du poison] ne prester le sacrement, ne autre chose que lon sçaist (sçut?) inventer yçi, y serviroit bien peu."

At the Princess pressing request—for she has written to me twice in the warmest possible terms, and also sent several messages; the last of which came this morning—I have applied for leave to visit her. The King has sent me word by Cromwell that as soon as she is removed from her present abode, which will be shortly, the King will be glad to grant the permission applied for. I do not know, however, what to think of this, for the same promise was made some time ago, and when I myself went to the King about it I was told that I could not see her then, but might send weekly one of my own servants to her. This I have done two or three times running, having previously asked Cromwell's permission to that effect; but no later than yesterday my man returned from the Princess without having been able to speak to her, as her governess refused giving him admittance on the plea that, according to orders lately received from Court, no one was to see or speak to the Princess without express orders or some countersign or other from her father. It is true the said, governess said to my man that she would, for my sake, allow him to enter the house and see the Princess, provided he promised not to mention it to anyone, but that she could in nowise let him speak to her. I must observe that this courtesy on the part of the governess was due to a few small presents, which I have lately sent her from time to time by the Princess' advice, who, having from her oratory heard the conversation, and perceiving that there were no means of communicating with my man, said aloud, "You had better let the ambassadors man go; for on no account would I speak to him or to anyone whomsoever without my father's consent." Perhaps they do not want her to be spoken to until they have intimated to her the King's will, as above stated, and therefore I should consider it desirable for Your Majesty to send from your Court some great personage to make the necessary representations, and remonstrate about the treatment of the Princess, which, as she herself has sent to inform me this very morning, is getting worse than ever it was. That would be both a comfort and a consolation for her in the midst of her troubles, and would at the same time inspire these people with courage and hope whilst a remedy coming from these parts is prepared. But it would be most desirable for that purpose that Your Majesty's affairs should then be in such a prosperous condition as to enable the said personage—should Your Majesty determine to send him—to speak boldly, as otherwise all the business would be spoiled; for as the good Queen used frequently to say, by way of prediction, with these people, who are sheep when in face of the wolf, and lions towards those who treat them respectfully, the mildness and moderation occasionally used for the sake of Christendom at large will inevitably cause the ruin and loss of the Church. To this may be added that those who have shown no sorrow and regret at the mothers death will now take courage to finish with the daughter, since, without having recourse to poison, the rigorous treatment to which the Princess has been, and is still, daily subjected will be a sufficient cause for her death. Indeed, many courtiers assert, and have already spread the rumour, that the Princess' sorrow and regret at the loss of her mother, the good Queen, are likely to cause her own death. This is, no doubt, said for the purpose of avoiding suspicion; for certainly it must be said that the pitiful condition in which the Princess has been for some time past is considerably aggravated since her mothers death. There is every reason, as I say, and a good opportunity just now, for the said personage to come and protest against the ill-treatment of the Princess. The pity and affection I feel for the latter has perhaps carried me beyond the just limits of my charge. If so, I beg Your Majesty to forgive me, and excuse the expression of sentiments entirely caused by commiseration.

Since my despatch of the 9th instant no courier has left this capital by whom to write to Your Majesty. Immediately after the death of the good Queen I despatched one of my own men [to Kimbolton], in order to ascertain what had occurred after my departure from that place, to console the poor servants of the Queen's household in their affliction, and see what could be done for them, as well as with regard to the funeral, in case the Queen had made any dispositions in that respect. My man came back three days ago, and informed me that two days after my departure [from Kimbolton] the Queen seemed to improve considerably in health, and that in the afternoon of the Epiphany she herself without the help of any of her maids, combed and tied her hair. That next day, about midnight, she inquired what time it was, and whether it was already near dawn. This enquiry the Queen made several times, for no other purpose, as she herself afterwards declared, than to be able to hear mass and receive the Holy Sacrament: and although the bishop of Llandaff, her confessor, offered to say mass for her before four o'clock in the morning, she would not consent to it, alleging and citing several authoritative passages in Latin to prove that it could not be done. At dawn she heard mass, and took the Holy Sacrament with the greatest fervour and devotion that could be imagined; after which she went on repeating various prayers, begging those who were present to pray for the salvation of her soul, and that God would pardon and forgive the King, her husband, for the wrong he had done her, inspire him to follow the right path, and give him good counsel. After which the Queen received extreme unction, she herself replying distinctly to all the questions of the ritual in a clear audible voice.

Knowing that in England no woman surviving her husband can make a will, the Queen, for fear of infringing the law of the land, would not dispose of her property otherwise than by way of supplication and, request to the King. She accordingly begged her physician to draw out a paper with certain testamentary clause, which she ordered to be brought to me immediately after signing it with her own hand. In that paper, in which she gave directions for certain small sums of money to be distributed among the servants living with her at the time, the good Queen declared that she wished to be buried at a convent of Observant Friars of the Order of St. Francis, to which she bequeathed her robes and dresses to be used as Church ornaments. The furs she had, she reserved for the Princess, her daughter, to whom she likewise bequeathed a necklace with a cross, which she herself had brought from Spain. Such were the good Queens testamentary dispositions. With regard, to her burial and donation to the Observants, Cromwell said, to one of my men whom I sent to him for the purpose, that it was quite impossible, inasmuch as there was no convent of that order then existing in all England; but that any other bequest to the Princess, or to her own family servants would, be complied, with as completely and honourably as I could wish.

The day after I sent my man [to Greenwich] to inquire from Master Cromwell what the Kings wishes were on the whole, and beg that the late Queen's physician (Lasco) and apothecary (Soto) should be sent to the Princess' abode. And, although Cromwell promised to introduce my man to the King's presence, that he himself might convey my message and speak in my name, nothing was done about it, save that Cromwell sent for him and took him to a room of the Royal palace, where the ambassadors from Scotland, now returning to France, happened to be at the time, and there kept him long talking to him, all the time inquiring after my health, asking whether I took exercise in the mornings, and so forth; all this being done, as I imagine, to make the ambassadors there present, believe that mighty matters were then being discussed between us two, and that I had sent my man thither for the purpose. Cromwell at last answered, in a colder manner than the preceding day, as if he were answering in his master's name, that before granting my application with regard to the Queen's bequests the King wished to see those robes and furs of which I spoke, and that if the Princess wished to possess what her mother had bequeathed to her, she was first to show due obedience to her father, the King, adding that it was for me to persuade her to that course. With regard to the late Queen's physician there was no difficulty at all. If my man called at his (Cromwell's) own residence, he would furnish him with proper letters of introduction for the governess. When my man went next day to ask for the letters, he was put off till the day after, and then Cromwell told him that a gentleman, the same who had accompanied me to Kimbolton on my visit to the Queen, would call and explain his views on the subject. He also begged my man to try and induce me not to refuse or avoid giving audience to the gentleman in question.

The gentleman himself came, and began by telling me that it was true that Master Cromwell had promised my secretary to give introductory letters to the physician and apothecary of the late Queen, directing them in the King's name to repair at once to the Princess' quarters; but that since then, having pondered over the matter, and talked with the King about it, the latter had been of opinion that the said physician and apothecary, being both Spanish subjects, and not his own, might make less difficulties about obeying letters coming from me than from him (Cromwell), and that I had best write to them direct. Should they, however, make any difficulties, or should the case be more urgent than it really was—for he did not consider the Princess to be ill—he himself would write to them in a fit manner. With regard to the place of burial, the King, said Cromwell, has already spoken his mind; and as to the robes bequeathed to the Franciscan convent, it was an unnecessary and vain bequest,—one which could not really be carried out, inasmuch as there was a superabundant quantity of ecclesiastic robes and ornaments in the churches of England. Instead of that, some endowment might be made to the abbey in which the Queens body would be interred, which would be, a more suitable donation and one far more worthy of notice than that of her own robes and vestments. The abbey in which she is to be buried, added Cromwell, is one of the most honourable in all England, distant only 16 or 17 miles from the place where she breathed her last; its name is Piterbery (Peterborough). As to the late Queen's servants, no one is better qualified or bound to attend to them, and reward their good services, than the King himself, who had appointed them, and he was ready to act most honourably in that respect. As to the Princess herself, it was in her hands not only to receive and possess everything her mother had bequeathed to her, but likewise to have whatever she might ask for, provided she showed herself a dutiful daughter, obedient to her father's commands.

On this last point the gentleman in question and I disputed for a time; but I have my reasons to believe that he himself regretted having broached the subject, for he knew not what to reply to my arguments, save that the King must needs be obeyed, and that a daughter ought not to presume to be wiser or more conscientious than her own father. Upon which I remarked to him that, in my opinion, the arguments and threats the King had used at various times in order to persuade her were only intended as the means of inducing the Queen, her mother, on whom everything depended, to accede to the King's will; and, moreover, that now that that cause no longer existed, I could not conceive what motive there could be to importune the Princess—especially at a time when she had so much reason to be afflicted and in despair, from which state of despondency and grief, illness, and perhaps also death, might ensue,—an irreparable loss, from which no good could possibly result. The gentleman's answer was that not ribulation or sorrow, no excuse whatever of that sort, ought to prevent the Princess obeying the King's commands; that on no account and for no consideration whatever would the King abandon the line of conduct which seemed to him just and reasonable with regard to his daughter, whatever might come of it afterwards; and that èven if the Princess should die at present that would not be, after all, so great a misfortune as people might think, for the King had, no doubt, by this time well pondered in his mind all the inconveniences and rumours that might rise therefrom, and was, sufficiently prepared to meet all charges.

This same language had the said gentleman held to my secretary as he accompanied him from Cromwell's residence to my own. Your Majesty will easily conceive by these details what the state of affairs here is.

Letters and Papers. 21st January 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

It was reported here that the King, intending to go or send some good personage to console her, had ordered the death of her mother to be kept secret from the Princess; but it was no use; her gouvernante (age 60) told her the news four days after the Queen's death, before which time I had already written a consolatory letter for her, and had sent it to one of her ladies to present to her, which letter gave her great cousolation. Soon afterwards she wrote me in reply a very good letter, well written and well worded, in which, besides infinite thanks for all the good I had done her, she begged me to intimate to the King, her father, that if he took her away from the company in which she was she thought it would be fatal to her, and that following my counsel she would endeavour to show such constancy as I wrote to her, but in any case she would prepare herself to die. On the evening of the same day she begged her gouvernante to write to the King to have the physician and apothecary of the Queen, rather, as I think to hear particulars of her mother's illness and death than for any need she had of their services; and, on the King replying that any illness she might suffer must be from worry (facherie), and that she had no need of a physician, she wrote me another letter, begging me, among other things, to press for the said physician and apothecary, which I did, as your Majesty will have seen above. I sent the day before yesterday to the Princess the letters your Majesty wrote to the Queen, her mother, and also that the Queen Regent in Flanders wrote to her, from which she received inestimable comfort, as she wrote me by a letter of hers, which I received half an hour ago. She has written to me since she heard the death of the Queen more frequently than she did before, and this, I think, to testify the good heart and constancy to which I continually exhort her, in which certainly she shows great sense and incomparable virtue and patience to bear so becomingly the death of such a mother to whom she bore as much love as any daughter ever did to her mother, who was her chief refuge in her troubles.

Letters and Papers. 17th February 1536. Vienna Archives. 307. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Informed His Majesty of the arrival of lord Rœulx's man by his last letters of the 10th. Has communicated his charge to the Princess by the man in whom she trusts. Late yesterday the said man informed him that it was not necessary to acquaint her with the plan, as she trusted entirely to Chapuys' discretion. She thought it would be easy to escape from the house if she had something sent her to drug some of her women with. She would have to pass her governess's window; but once out of the house could easily find means to break or open the garden gate. She is so eager to escape from all her troubles and dangers that if he were to advise her to cross the Channel in a sieve she would do it; but this desire makes it seem easier both to her and to her confidant. Thinks it would really be much more difficult, as she has no person of sense or experience about her, and if she has been lodged in a place so convenient for escaping, it may be a trap to tempt her. She does not think that she is guarded; but still she may very probably be so without knowing it, as last year at Greenwich. The ports also may be warned. The house where she is at present is much more inconvenient for the enterprise than the former one. In the first place, it is 15 miles further from Gravesend, where lord Rœulx intends her to embark. His shipmaster says that he dare not come any higher, and therefore it would be necessary to ride 40 miles on horseback. It would be impossible to do this without relays, and even with them it could not be managed with such rapidity as to prevent discovery. There are a great many people and horses in the village where she now is, and she would now have to pass several large villages, where she could be easily detained. The former house was free from these dangers; there were no horses or men near it, and it would have been unnecessary to pass through any place where six or eight harquebus men on horseback could not have kept things quiet¹. If the Princess could be brought below Gravelinghe (Gravesend), as the shipmaster wishes, all would be right. If she embarked nearer, it would have to be about two miles from here, which would be very dangerous, as one could not be sure of the tide or of not being stopped on the river. The master says he dare not conceal men in the ship, everything is so carefully searched. They might, however, be put in different boats (?) (charrues) as sailors or passengers, and disembarked beyond Gravesend. The Princess thinks it certain, and others say the same, that she will be removed about Easter, probably to the house in which she last was or nearer, which would be very convenient. Although the Princess very much desires to escape from all her troubles, still she would prefer, as surer and more profitable, the general and total remedy so necessary for God's service to rescue innumerable souls from perdition; for even if she were to escape, the matter would not end there, but the King might fortify himself where he is at present weak, and the case would be still more difficult. Thinks, for his own part, that if she were once out of England, and in the Emperor's power, Henry would not kick against the pricks. She is continually asking him to beg the Emperor to hasten the remedy, which she fears will be too late for her, for which reason she is daily preparing herself for death. She wished Chapuys to send a messenger to the Emperor, unless the late Queen's physician had any mind to go thither; but Chapuys dissuaded her from doing so by showing her that it implied distrust in the Emperor, and by assuring her of the diligence and vigilance which would be used. Will take care that the physician does not go to Spain or elsewhere, as the Princess dare not trust any one else. Although he has not yet been retained as her physician, orders have been given to her gouvernante (age 60), by Chapuys' request, since the Queen's death, to allow him to visit her whenever necessary, which will be a great comfort to her if it continue, and will make matters easier. If the King is going to add to her suite, as is reported, some of her mother's old servants, and one who served the late Queen as master valet of the apothecary, could be got as her valet de chambre, the enterprise would be much easier, as he would be a fit man to assist in it, especially if she were removed nearer London, or to the place where she last was, which, as I said, is expected about Easter, when the season will be more suitable, as the King generally leaves the neighbourhood about that time, and the sea would be more navigable for vessels with oars, which De Rœulx ought to have provided. Moreover, it appears by a letter which the concubine wrote to her aunt, Madame Shelton, the said Princess's gouvernante, shortly before the said concubine's miscarriage, of which I enclose a copy, that the Princess's case is by no means so urgent as it was before. I know not if the said letter was a ruse, of which there is some fear, seeing that it was left by the gouvernante as a thing forgotten in the Princess's oratory, who, having transcribed it, replaced it where she found it.

If the affair is carried out, it will not be to His Majesty's honor for Chapuys to remain here, as nothing will make Henry believe that he had no share in it, and consequently nothing could deliver him from death, for in this as in other things the King would show that he has no respect or fear of anyone in the world. Nor would the concubine restrain him from doing so, for she bears Chapuys no good will, any more than the King does himself, for having always shown him the truth against his inclination. Proposes, when everything is ready, to find some honorable excuse for going into Flanders with two or three of his men; for, having discussed the matter with lord Rœulx's man, it would be very difficult for him to take any part in the enterprise without being discovered; and possibly when he is gone, they would pay less regard to it, especially if he were to pretend that when in Flanders he might solicit something in their behalf. Desires instructions what to do. Does not wish the Emperor to suppose he hesitates for want of good will or for fear of death, which in His Majesty's service he would think a glory.

Note 1. "Sy ne convenoit passer par lieu que six ou huit arqueboutiers a cheval neussent pu rebouter et fait tenir quoy."

Letters and Papers. 17th February 1536. Vienna Archives. 307. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Two days ago some Gueldrois arrived, and came to the King. Will endeavour to discover the cause, and inform His Majesty both of that and of what takes place at this Parliament, in which nothing has yet been done that is worth writing. London, 17 Feb. 1535. Fr. From a modern copy¹; pp. 5.

ii. Copy of the letter of the Concubine to Madame Chelton, her aunt.

[Before 29 Jan 1536]. Mrs. Shelton (age 60), my pleasure is that you do not further move the Lady Mary (age 19) to be towards the King's Grace otherwise than it pleases herself. What I have done has been more for charity than for anything the King or I care what road she takes, or whether she will change her purpose, for if I have a son, as I hope shortly, I know what will happen to her; and therefore, considering the Word of God, to do good to one's enemy, I wished to warn her before hand, because I have daily experience that the King's wisdom is such as not to esteem her repentance of her rudeness and unnatural obstinacy when she has no choice. By the law of God and of the King, she ought clearly to acknowledge her error and evil conscience if her blind affection had not so blinded her eyes that she will see nothing but what pleases herself. Mrs. Shelton, I beg you not to think to do me any pleasure by turning her from any of her wilful courses, because she could not do me [good] or evil; and do your duty about her according to the King's command, as I am assured you do, "et le devez estre aussi (qu. assuré?) que me trouverez vre. bonne dame quil ne (qu. quelque?) chose quelle face." Fr. From a modern copy, p. 1.

Note 1. There is another modern copy in Rymer Transcripts, Vol. 145, No. 6, but some important passages are omitted in it. A translation of the greater part of the letter will be found in Froude's "The Pilgrim," p. 108.