The History of King Richard the Third by Thomas More. Of these two, the one had a sermon in praise of the Protector before the coronation, the other after; both so full of tedious flattery that no man's ears could abide them. Penker in his sermon so lost his voice that he was glad to leave off and come down in the midst. Doctor Shaa by his sermon lost his honesty and soon after his life, for very shame of the world, into which he dared never after come abroad. But the friar cared not for shame, and so it harmed him the less. However, some doubt and many think that Penker was not of counsel of the matter before the coronation, but after the common manner fell to flattery afterwards; namely, because his sermon was not immediately after it, but at Saint Mary's Hospital on the Easter after. But certain is it that Doctor Shaa was of counsel in the beginning so far forth that they determined he should first break the matter in a sermon at Paul's Cross, in which he should, by the authority of his preaching, incline the people to the Protector's ghostly purpose.

But now was all the labor and study in the device of some appropriate pretext for which the people should be content to depose the Prince and accept the Protector for king, for which diverse things they devised. But the chief thing, and the most weighty of all that invention, rested in this: they should allege bastardy, either in King Edward himself, or in his children, or both, so that he should seem unable to inherit the crown by the Duke of York, and the Prince by him. To lay bastardy in King Edward sounded openly to the rebuke of the Protector's own mother, who was mother to them both; for in that point could be none other color, but to pretend that his own mother was one adulteress, which, not withstanding, to further his purpose he omitted not; but nevertheless, he would the point should be less and more favorably handled, not even fully plain and directly, but that the matter should be touched upon, craftily, as though men spared, in that point, to speak all the truth for fear of his displeasure. But the other point, concerning the bastardy that they devised to surmise in King Edward's children, that would he be openly declared and enforced to the uttermost. The color and pretext whereof cannot be well perceived but if we first repeat to you some things long before done about King Edward's marriage.

After King Edward the Fourth had deposed King Henry the Sixth and was in peaceful possession of the realm, determining himself to marry, as it was requisite both for himself and for the realm, he sent over in embassy the Earl of Warwick with other noble men in his company unto Spain to entreat and conclude a marriage between King Edward and the king's daughter of Spain. In which thing the Earl of Warwick found the parties so toward and willing that he speedily, according to his instructions, without any difficulty brought the matter to a very good conclusion.

Now it happened in the meanwhile that there came to make a suit by petition to the King, [his daughter] Dame Elizabeth Gray, who was after his Queen, at that time a widow born of noble blood, specially by her mother, who was Duchess of Bedford before she married the Lord Woodville, Elizabeth's father. However, this Dame Elizabeth, herself being in service with Queen Margaret, wife unto King Henry the Sixth, was married unto one John Gray, a squire, whom King Henry made knight upon the battlefield where he had fought on Shrove Tuesday at Saint Albans against King Edward. And little while enjoyed he that knighthood, for he was at the same field slain. After he had died, and the Earl of Warwick being in his embassy about the before mentioned marriage, this poor lady made humble suit unto the King that she might be restored unto such small lands as her late husband had given her during their marriage. Whom when the King beheld and heard her speak, as she was both fair, of a good favor, moderate of stature, well made and very wise, he not only pitied her, but also grew enamored with her. And taking her afterward secretly aside, began to enter into talking more familiarly. Whose appetite, when she perceived it, she virtuously denied him. But that did she so wisely, and with so good manner, and words so well set, that she rather kindled his desire than quenched it. And finally after many a meeting, much wooing, and many great promises, she well spied the King's affection toward her so greatly increased that she dared somewhat the more boldly say her mind, as to him whose heart she perceived more firmly set than to fall off for a word. And in conclusion she showed him plain that as she knew herself too simple to be his wife, so thought she herself too good to be his concubine. The King, much marveling at her constancy, as he that had not been wont elsewhere to be so stiffly told nay, so much esteemed her continence and chastity that he set her virtue in the place of possession and riches. And thus taking counsel of his desire, determined in all possible haste to marry her. And after he was thus resolved, and there had between them an agreement been assured, then asked he counsel of his other friends, and in such manner, as they might easily perceive it remedied not greatly to say nay.

Archaeologia Volume 29 Section X. The following account of Edward's marriage is taken from MS. Lansd. 210. The date of this occurrence is unfortunately not known, nor have I been able to supply the deficiency:—

In thys same yer kyng Edward sent hys trusty frende, the Erle of Warwyk, and other imbasseturs into France to conclowde a maryage for hym with the lady Bona, that was syster to the French quene, a lady of excelent bewté, wech he concludyd in the kynges name, the wech besenys afterward dyd cawse cevylle war and moch meschef; for Kyng Edward had changyd hys mende, or the Erle cam whom agayn, and was maryed to the lady Elsabyth Gray, dawter to Rycharde Lord Revers, woch was maryd befor to Ser John Gray, knight, by whom she had ij. cheldren, Thomas and Richard."

It will be recollected that Queen Margaret visited France to obtain succour for King Henry. The following very curious narrative, which is taken from MS. Lambeth, 448, throws great light on the way Edward was made acquainted with her designs:—

Blyssyt be God! diverse of owre adversaryes be owrethrowyn, and we undyrstond the prevyte and fals ymaginacions of the French party. Also ther is oon callyt John Worby, of Mortlond, a spye, in the county of Herteford, servaunt to Sere John Russel, in the county of Wyscetre, takyn be the Lord Suthwell, and the seid a spye ther takyn, hath confessyt that Kyng Herry, late Kyng of England, in dede but not in ryth, and sche that was Queyn Margarete hys wyf, and Edward hyr son, the duk of Brytayn, Edward the Duk of Burgoyn, Syr Wylliam Taylbos, the Lord Roos, Sir Richard Tunstall, Thomas Ormond, Sir W. Catisby, Thomas Fytze Harry—thes lordes and knytes be in Scotlond with the Scottes. The Duk of Excetre, Erl of Penbrok, the Baron of Burford, John Ayne—thes schal lond at Bumeryes be the appoyment of Robert Gald, Captene of the Duk of Burgoyne. Duk Herry of Calabere, the Lord Hungyrford, the Lord Mortone, the Duk of Somersete, with lx. m¹. men of Spayn, thes schal londyn in the coost of Norfolk and Suffolk. The Lord Lewys, the Duk of Spayne, Herry the Dolfyn of Franch, Ser John Fosbrew, Ser John Russel of Wycetre, Ser Thomas Burtayn, the erlys brothere of Denschyre, Ser Thomas Cornwaylys; thes lordes and knytes schal londyn at Sanewych by the appoyment. Than comyng after thes lordes and knytes byfore wryten to assiste them with al the powre possibille they may make; the Kyng of Fraunce with a c. m'; the Kyng of Denmarke with xx. m1; the Kyng of Aragon 1. m'; the Kyng of Slavern with xx. M!; the Kyng of Cesyl with xxv. m'; the Kyng of Portyngale with x. m'; the whych be appoyntyt to enter the reme of Inglond.