07 Mar 1533. 7 March. Add. MS. 28,585, f. 229. B. M. 208. Mai to Cobos.

"Memorial de lo que pase con los Cardenales Franceses."

Visited the card. of Agramont (Grammont), who has been ill, and the cardinal of Tornon, who lodged near him. Was told by them that they were surprised to hear so much about war, and also at what was now newly published, that the kings of France and England would meet again (que se habian de ver otra vez los Reyes, &c.), for this was the greatest lie in the world. The Emperor should only believe what his Ambassador wrote. Assured them that the Emperor did not believe this, as he considered the French king as his good brother and ally, but there was cause for suspicion, which they could remedy. Referred to his former negotiation with the duke of Albany.

The Cardinals complained of their not having access to the Emperor, while his Ambassadors in France were always well treated. They complained also of Imperial influence in the election of Cardinals, and that the cardinal of Siguenca had said to them that the Emperor would not regard their wishes. They said they spoke in the matter of the Auditor of the Chamber, because they had orders from their King to treat the affairs of the king of England as his own.

Said they might have had a more honorable commission than that, supposing they meant the divorce. They replied they said nothing about that, and Francis did not wish to meddle in it, except that justice might be done; —that he had already endeavored to dissuade Henry, and would still dissuade him as far as possible, from marrying the Lady (age 32), which it is to be feared he will do in fact. Does not believe them.

Endd.: Al Comendador Mayor—de Micer Mai, vij. Março de 1533. Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.

08 Mar 1533. Vienna Archives. 212. Chapuys to Charles V.

I wrote on the 23rd ult. On the 24th I received your Majesty's letters of the 28th Jan. The same day Langez arrived from France, and a French gentleman named Beauvoix from Scotland, who have been, as usual, well received, and dined at the King's table with the other Ambassador the day after their arrival, which was Shrove Tuesday, when the Lady (age 32) took the place usually occupied by the Queen; and there were present the duke of Norfolk (age 60) and other great masters, except Suffolk, although he had been expressly called to come with the order of France. The said Langez and Beauvoix were here but four days, and were every day in Court and in communication with the King and Council, "mays non poinct fort griemant;" and it seems that their hasty despatch was either because Langez could not arrange anything important, or to hasten the settlement of their dispute with Scotland. I think one of the chief objects of Langez's coming has been to take resolution with those here about the Council, which both parties desire to prevent. I am led to think this, because, in talking with Langez, he suddenly said to me that your Majesty had obtained your desire, viz., the said Council, and that the Pope had no mind to refuse you anything since he had been punished by your Majesty by imprisonment and otherwise. And on my declaring to him the displeasure you had felt at his Holiness's imprisonment, and his sudden deliverance as soon as you were informed of it, he intimated that a ransom had been paid for the said deliverance, although it was more honorable and gracious than his Holiness deserved. This I could not allow to pass after declaring the respect you had always felt for his Holiness, and showed that the Pope had done more for his master than for your Majesty, pointing out also the necessity of the said Council, which the Pope must have promoted without being asked. On this Langez retracted what he had said. He told me his master had written to the Pope that a Council was reasonable and necessary, but that two conditions ought to be observed: first, that it must be in a suitable place where all could attend, and if it were held in Italy he should have the right of bringing as many forces as you had brought; and (2) that it should treat of nothing but what concerned the Faith, and enter into no particular quarrels. He did not enter fully into the said conditions, for Brian had just come for him and the other Ambassadors to conduct them to Court, taking no particular pleasure in my conversation with him. Suggests reasons for these conditions; among others, the fear they have lest it should be proposed to restore to the Empire the temporalities now held by the Pope, doubting that your Majesty would grow too great thereby.

Langez proceeded to justify the course he had taken at Paris about the divorce, saying he had not done any bad turn there, as people thought, and that he no more desired the divorce than I did. And he said that last year, when he was in Germany, he had found certain of your ministers very little inclined to the preservation of peace with his master; for that they said that his master had promoted the coming of the Turks. Further, in the course of conversation he said that you had used certain words at an assembly at Ratisbon not honorable to the King his master, stating that when he had been asked for succour against the Turk he had replied that he would not hazard his people.

In consequence of their hurry to go to Court, I had no leisure to treat with the gentleman who returned from Scotland. Conversation with Langez on the peace there, who professed ignorance of what this gentleman has done. Asked Norfolk (age 60), but could get no information. He told me that Langez had talked to the King and his Council, as he had done to me, but did not say much, as Suffolk and Wiltshire (age 56) were standing by while he had to go to the King, who had sent for him already three times. I hope I shall find out some of the particulars of Langez's charge. As to the other, I have learned that since the Scotch king received the Order (of the Golden Fleece) from your Majesty, the Scots are no longer inclined to France, and have proceeded so far as to beat down the arms of France, and put up the Imperial arms in their room. On being informed of this, the French king had sent him to James, explaining that he had not put off giving his daughter in marriage to him. To which the Scotch king made a gracious and prudent answer, expressive of his affection for France; and as to the reception of the Order, he had merely acted in conformity [with your liberality], of which he could not repent; and he spoke much in praise of you.

11 Mar 1533. R. O. 228. Cromwell's Accounts. A "declaration" of receipts and payments by my master, Thomas Cromwell, to the King's use, from 22 Nov. 24 Henry VIII. to 11 March following:—

i. Receipts.—From "suppressed lands." of John Tyrrell, for Dame Elyns, belonging to Christchurch, London, 30s. William Bretton, farmer of Wykes, £4 6s. 7d. William Werley, for the spiritualities of the late monastery of Sandewall, £4 10s. Ant. Cave, receiver of the late priory of Tykford, £40 Dr. Bentley, for the parsonage of Tottenham, belonging to Christchurch, £9 10s. William Laurence, for priory of St. Peter's, Ipswich, £20 Francis Harryson, for parsonage of Alveley, belonging to mon. of Lyses, £5 John Purdon, receiver of Walyngforde, £44 16s. 7½d. Anne Knyght, executrix of John Knight, receiver of Ramston, £32 The prioress of Halliwell, for tithe in Donton, belonging to mon. of Wallingford, 46s. 8d. John Hall, receiver of Horkesley, £6 13s. 4d. Mr. Saynte Jermyn, for parsonage of Maryborne, belonging to Blakemore, 13s. 4d. William Laurence, out of the box of Our Lady of Ipswich, £24; and for pensions of Romberow, £18 9s. William Cavendysshe, for lands of Christchurch, £42 13s. 4d. Alice Pemsey, for lands of Lesynge, 46s. 8d. William Laurence, on determination of his account, £4 17s. ½d. Richard Stretie, for goods of Calwyche, £30 William Cavendysshe, for farm of Walcomstowe and parsonage of Bexley, belonging to Christchurch, £11 14s. 5d. Simon Momfort, for late mon. of Canwell, £6 13s. 4d. Duke of Norfolk, for parsonages of Felixstowe and Walton, belonging to late Cardinal's College, Ipswich, £13 6s. 8d.

For restitution of temporalities.—Abbot of Holme, £50 Prior of Huntingdon, £25 Minister of St. Robert nigh Knaresborough, £10 Abbot of Walden, £50

Money due by obligations from Dr. Blyth, executor to the Bishop of Chester, £100 The Duke of Norfolk, 200 marks. The aBishop of York, £200 Peter Lygham, clk., £66 13s. 4d. ABishop of Develyn, £200 Sir Thomas Seymor, 500 marks. Bishop of Hereford, £200 Bishop of Bath, £133 6s. 8d.

Of Martin Bowes, goldsmith, for crown gold molten out of chains, at 41s. 4d. per oz. of Rob. Draper and John Halalie of the Jewel-house.

Vacations of Bishoprics.—Of Richard Strete, for Bishopric of Chester, £612 18s. 1d. ½ q. Executors of the late aBishop of Canterbury, £1,000; and for "a mounte," £100 of the Monk Bailie of Westminster, for the abbot's portion, £666 13s. 4d.

Farms.—Prior of Shene, for parcel of the manor of Lewsham, £3 Edward Shelley, for manor of Fyndon, £16 0s. 2d. William Cavendisshe, for part revenues of Honesdon, 29s. 9d.

Money granted by last Convocation.—Of the executors of the late aBishop of Canterbury, for the first fifth, £242 2s. 3½d.

John Judd, for revenues of the Hamper, £300

Money received out of the King's coffers of Thomas Alverd, and from the Tower of London.

Loans repaid by Edm. Pekham and James Moryce, the Duke of Richmond's receiver.

Revenues of Rice Griffith's lands in Emelyn, Abermerles, and Perottes lands, of Thomas Johns; of the manor of Newton, from Sir William Thomas; and for a balinger of the said Griffith of Richard Tanner.

Total receipts, 20,£567 6s. 3½d. ½ q. Whereof—

ii. Payments.—To John Whalley, for the King's works at the Tower, £831 0s. 9d. To Benedict, the King's tomb-maker, £38 9s. 9d. To Averey, yeoman of the crossbows, for livery coats. To Thomas Warde, harberger, for reward, £20 To Steph. Vaughan, £46 13s. 4d. Dr. Lee, for his diets in Denmark, £60 To the post of Denmark, £11 13s. 4d. Mons. Beauvays, the French ambassador, £23 6s. 8d. My Lord of Rocheford (age 30), £106 13s. 4d. Dr. Benett, by Ant. Bonvice, 1,000 marks. Sir George Lawson and others, to convey the King's money to the North, 13,£584 9s. 4d. Paper and ink, 14s. 4d. Money paid to the King's coffers, [for the aBishop of Canterbury's] vacation and mounte, 1,£100 Silks and velvets bought of Richard Gresham and William Bo[try]. Carriage of copes and other stuff, late of Christchurch. Delivered to the Earl of Rutland (age 41), £200; and to [the executors of the] aBishop of Canterbury, £1,000

Payments to Ant. [Bo]nvice for Philip Wylde. To Martin Bowes. To Cavendish, for costs at Christchurch. For my master's fee for the receipt of extraordinary receipts, £150 To Mary Henyngam, late prioress of Wikes, £5 To Richard Riche, for the purchase of lands of Thomas Roberts, nigh Copthall, £220 To Thomas Alverd, for the King's works at Westminster, £2,000

Total payments, 21,£240 12s. "And so in superplusage, £673 5s. 8d. ½ q. Ayenste the whiche—

"Received of Thomas Alverd, 4,£000 Whereof—"

[Delivered to] Fowler, for [works] at Calais, 4,£000 Paid to Draper and Halalie, 18 March, £15 To the landgrave of Hesse's servants, £9 6s. 8d. To Roger Elys, clk., £40 To Sir George Lawson, 1,£000 To John Freman, for plate given to Mons. Momepesarte, £173 2s. 11½d. To Dr. Lee, for the rest of his diets, £32 To the king of Denmark's ambassador, £23 6s. 8d. To Mr. Speaker of the Parliament, £50 To Benedict, £7 9s. To the King's coffers, 1,£000 To the duke of Bever's (Bavaria's) servant, £23 6s. 8d.

Grand total of payments, 27,£614 3s. 11½d.

Large paper, pp. 5. Mutilated.

11 Mar 1533. R. O. St. P. VII. 427. 230. Instructions for Lord Rochford (age 30), sent to the French Court.

Is to present Francis with the letters written by the King's own hand, and express the delight he feels in his friendship and offers of service made by De Langeais, especially with regard to his asking the King's advice concerning the marriage of the duke of Orleans with the Pope's niece. Has declared it already by De Langeais at his return; which Rochford is to enlarge upon, touching on the low extraction of the lady (age 32), which the King thinks is a great obstacle. Is to tell Francis that, according to his advice given at their last interview, and from his anxiety to have male issue for the establishment of his kingdom, he has proceeded effectually to the accomplishment of his marriage, trusting to find that his deeds will correspond with his promises, and that he will assist and maintain the King in the event of any excommunication from the Pope. That, in full consideration of the friendship of Francis, the King has opened to him his mind entirely, and asked his advice from time to time; and, considering he is now following the French king's counsel, he hopes that he will, as a true friend and brother, devise whatever he can for the establishment of the said marriage, preventing any impediment to it, or of the succession, which please God will follow, and which, to all appearance, is in a state of advancement already, as the King himself would do for Francis in like case. That, considering the Pope, in the violation of the rights of princes, has unjustly appointed a day for the King to appear before him (to which he does not intend to submit, it being dishonorable to his royal dignity, especially as the Pope refused to admit the excusator), if kings and princes were to allow this, he would extend his usurpation over all the rest, to their great dishonor. Ought a prince to submit to the arrogance and ambition of an earthly creature whom God has made his subject? Ought a King to humble himself, and pay obedience to him over whom God has given him the superiority? This would be to pervert the order which God has ordained, and would be as prejudicial to Francis as to Henry himself. The King will therefore be glad if Francis will despatch an agent to the Pope to intimate to him the following points: —1. That if he refuses to admit the King's excusator, and proceeds against the King, Francis will not allow it, but both will resist it to his great disadvantage; but if he will maintain the King's privileges, and not intermeddle in the cause, he will find us his true friends; otherwise, we will never enter into any alliance with him. 2. That he will never consent to the marriage of the Pope's niece with his son, except, without delay, the Pope admits the King's excusator, as he is bound to do. Furthermore, if any one, as is likely to be the case, should endeavour to alienate him from our cause, notwithstanding that we are assured of the alliance between us, and that such attempts would be fruitless, we hope he will excuse us for suggesting that if such a case arises he should reply that he considers our cause to be just, seeing that we are so straitly allied with him in amity and friendship, that, if it were infringed, it would turn to his dishonor, and give the world occasion to suppose that the friendship of princes is nothing but dissimulation.

11 Mar 1533. R. O. St. P. VII. 427. 230. We think it right to advertise Francis of the affairs of the Scotch, which are to be explained to him by Rochford and Wallop, that on the requisition of his ambassador De Beauvois, who begged of us on his return from Scotland to abstain from invasion, notwithstanding the injuries we have received from them, we did, at his request, command our subjects to make no manner of invasion there.

Nevertheless, the earl of Murray and other Scotch earls are prepared, to the number of 6,000, to invade our country, and certain Scotchmen have carried off prisoners and cattle. He will not, therefore, be surprised if we refuse to put up with this injury, and treat them as they have deserved. As this marriage (the King's) cannot be long unknown, and certainly not beyond Easter, the King would rather it were made public by himself than by any one else, and he would feel highly displeased if it were known at Rome or elsewhere before the time when he thinks fit to declare it. And then he will be obliged to Francis if he will order his Ambassadors at Rome to join with the King's in persuading the Pope and the Cardinals to be satisfied with what is done, and not attempt to contravene it; or, in case the Pope should attempt it, will be glad if Francis will gain over as many Cardinals as he can for the King's support. The Ambassador is to tell the Grand Master and the Admiral that the King has great confidence in them, and appoints them protectors of his cause in the Court of France, and he is to deliver them the letters herewith sent. Also, they shall make what interest they can for him there. They shall assure Francis that there is no prince or personage on whose support and comfort he relies so much, and that his kind words and promises are a great consolation to Henry, especially as he vows never to abandon the King in this cause, but aid and maintain him in his succession, declaring that he will hold all that trouble him or condemn his proceedings, whether it be Pope or Emperor, as his adversary. The King will study to recompense him, and desire nothing but what shall be agreeable to him. He will always be glad to hear from him. Signed at the head. French.

R. O. St. P. VII. 435. 2. Copy of a letter enclosed in the preceding, which Henry proposed should be written by Francis I. to the Pope, urging the King's divorce on account of the scruples which he entertains in consequence of his pretended marriage with Catharine. Francis is to say that he has written several times that his cause is agreeable to the Divine law, and can be no longer delayed. Francis wishes it to be determined in the way that Henry suggests, which he considers so just and reasonable that, if the Pope refuses to comply, he will show himself very ungrateful for the respect which the King has always shown to his person and to the See Apostolic. Though he cannot doubt that his Holiness will obey the request of two such princes, if he suffers himself to be diverted by the influence of other persons, it may happen that they will be obliged to have recourse to other ways and means, which would not be quite agreeable to the Pope.

Apostiled in the margin in Wriothesley's hand, evidently at the King's dictation.

Headed: Copie of the letter to be sent to the Pope.

15 Mar 1533. 235. I received the day before yesterday your letters of the 3rd inst., and took occasion to go to court, to learn not only about the affairs of Scotland, and of the German, of whom I last wrote to your Majesty, and also of the charge of lord Rochford (age 30), who left here in post two days ago to visit the king of France, with the intention, as some say, to get him to take in hand the affairs of Scotland, with which they are already marvellously troubled; for there is no lord or other who would willingly go in the said enterprise; and the earl of Wiltshire has today confessed to me that the King, his master, would be glad of. peace if he was asked for it, because the other is his nephew, and moreover that it was a costly war, very injurious to the English, from which no good could be expected, and further that the Scots had taken seven or eight of their gentlemen. He would name no more, but the common report is that there were about 25, all men of some mark. Among other reasons for believing that Rochford was despatched for this cause is that two days before his departure the King held a great council, to which were summoned the brother of the earl Douglas and another captain, who had just returned from the Borders. Others think that he has gone to know if the King would like to come here as he promised at Boulogne; and they build upon the rumors current both at Boulogne and here as soon as the King returned, and the orders issued by the King to put his parks in order, revoking all licenses that he had given to hunt,—a sign that he means to give this pastime at the meeting. To ascertain the truth, I have had today some conversation with the King about the French king's journey to Compiegne, which was in order to approach near here; but he would not enter on the subject, only saying it was an ordinary removal of the King for his amusement. I then began to extol the last meeting at Calais, and the causes which had taken him there; but, for all that, he would not speak of the second. Notwithstanding, it escaped him that the said assembly has been formed chiefly to feast together, and to testify their mutual amity. I think he said this to me because I had told him I had seen the treaty, which was very clumsily forged in the said assembly, and that it did not deserve to have the reputation of having caused that assembly. At last I said to him that they had had such great pleasure and pastime together that they might some day repeat it. He told me it might be so, and that the confidence between himself and the French king was so great that they could visit each other without any ceremony. But he spoke in such a frigid way that I do not think their affairs have gone quite so far, though I think he would vastly desire the said coming of the king of France, especially as he wishes to accomplish his marriage.

15 Mar 1533. 235. I was with him two hours this morning, walking and talking in his garden. To tell you all that passed would be great fatigue to you. I omit, therefore, the less important details. I spoke to him of the league of Italy, and hoped he would take the news in good part, as he had always been a mediator in Christendom. He did not show any gratification at it; and after thinking awhile, he told me it was not general, and that neither the Venetians nor the duke of Ferrara were included in it. I said I would not insist on the contrary, but on a matter which I thought would be more agreeable to him, viz., the departure of your Majesty from Bologna. At which he was pleased, and asked me, more than four times, the reasons of your going into Spain. He said that your long stay with the Pope, and the great humility you had shown to him, had much irritated Germany, which you had left in great disorder, and the world was astonished at it;—that you had left without coming to any resolution. When I justified your conduct, I asked him what more you could have done for the affairs of Germany than you had done. He said he was not wise enough to give you advice; and when I told him he was fully informed of affairs in that quarter, from the time that there was an intention of creating the king of the Romans, which I put forward in order to set him bragging, and push him to say more, he told me that without him your Majesty would never have been Emperor; saying that Germany was very much discontented that you had promised a General Council, and there was no appearance of it, and the Pope would never consent to it, whatever brief he may have written. When I told him of the conversation I had had with Langez of his master's willingness to summon a Council, he laughed to himself, and said that things were not yet ready; and that the Pope, seeing the ugly bastinadoeing he would be sure to incur, would keep himself from any such Council. On this he began to speak of the wrong you had done him in his great affair, repeating to me the same things over and ever again; to which I replied pertinently and gently, without losing temper, showing him that the Queen, his people, and almost all the world, blamed you very much, for that, being twice with the Pope, you had not finished this cursed affair. He replied that if you had used such language to any great personage (meaning the Pope), he would have told you that neither you nor the Queen had any right to complain of the delay, for whenever sentence was pronounced the Queen must be condemned. Then I told him he did ill in not allowing the said sentence to be delivered, since he was so certain of gaining it; and that you desired, as reason and justice required, that this should have been done long ago; and, if such had been the case, that your Majesty, I thought, would have been very anxious to withdraw the Queen your aunt, and place her with the Empress, and would have been very glad to have had so virtuous and pious a lady with her. I gave him this tag (atache), knowing that one of the great fears he has is that if he make this marriage the Queen will retire into Spain; and I added, beside that, it would be a marvellous good thing for you and your countries, for if it happened that you returned into Germany or Italy for the Council, you might take the Empress with you, leaving as gouvernante the Queen, who was so much beloved that she was absolutely adored; and that I was informed by very good authorities that if your Majesty required any good assistance for the affairs of the Queen, that all Spain would put at your disposal their wives and their children. I thought right to tell him this, seeing the danger, and as a rebuff to what he had said on another occasion, that Spain did not care for this matter. These remarks set him thinking.

15 Mar 1533. 235. He then turned to discuss his own affair, saying that the Spanish prelates who had written to the Pope in favor of the Queen had not shown any great regard for their honor, for they had contradicted the constitution made at the synod of Toledo five years ago, which they ought to have maintained; and that if the Pope would not remit the cause here he would do him the greatest wrong in the world, for which he would find a remedy; and it was a greater wrong in not admitting his excusator, not only to himself, but also to you and all Christian princes, who would be compelled to appear personally at the discretion of the Pope; and that he would like to see the said excusator removed by interlocutory, for then there would be a fine to-do with the king of France and himself, who would make their solemn protestations against the Pope, to tie his hands and prevent him attempting anything against them,—I do not know whether he meant in this affair only, or in all others also. I showed him several strong arguments why the process should not be treated here, which would occasion doubts in future, sooner than if it were despatched at Rome; but all to no purpose. He remained as obstinate as ever, saying he knew well what he had to do, and that he did not think that on his doing what he knew he could do quite well, you would break the treaties last made with him, which his good brother and he would observe inviolably, and defend themselves against any one who attacked them. I said he might rest assured that your Majesty had no more thought of making war against him than Lycurgus had of punishing parricides, holding it impossible that he could give your Majesty any occasion. To which he replied that occasions sometimes presented themselves to the minds of those who wished to break treaties, and that he thought that nothing could justify a rupture, except the causes expressed in the treaty. Perceiving that he wished to insinuate that his marriage would not be a sufficient cause, I told him that there were several causes and considerations comprised in most treaties, as, not to do anything against reason or justice, and to the dishonor or injury of the party. He answered that if that was the case he had good occasion to complain of your Majesty for having procured what you had done against him, meaning the last brief; and that your Majesty not only solicited, as I alleged, that justice should be done, but wanted everything to be done according to your own appetite. This I would not allow to pass, and I got him to soften these expressions, using, however, all courtesy.

31 Mar 1533. Vienna Archives. 296. Chapuys to Charles V.

As I wrote before, the King was only waiting for the bulls of the archbishopric of Canterbury, in order to proceed to the decision of his marriage; which having arrived within these five days, to the great regret of everybody, the King was extremely urgent with the synod here for the determination of his said affair, "tenant Passistance se de que," so that those present could scarcely eat or drink, and using such terms to them that no one dared open his mouth to contradict, except the good bishop of Rochester. But his single voice cannot avail against the majority, so that the Queen and he now consider her cause desperate. It is expected that the new marriage will be solemnised before Easter or immediately after, for all the necessary preparations are already in order, the royal estate of the lady is already made, and nothing remains but to publish it. Everybody cries out "au murdre" against the Pope for the delay he has used in this affair, and also because he has not delayed the despatch of the said bulls until after the definitive sentence, because he was warned of the great danger of granting them; and there is not a lord in this court, either on the King's side or the Queen's, who does not say publicly that his Holiness will betray your Majesty. But the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk speak of it with more assurance, saying they know it well, and could give good evidence of it; though I believe their words proceed rather from hatred than from truth. His Holiness will be among the first to repent this, for he will lose his authority here, which will be not a little scandal to Christendom, and prejudice to the Queen. For among other things contained in the libel exhibited in Parliament against the Pope's authority, it is expressed that no one shall appeal from here to Rome on any matter, temporal or spiritual, on pain of confiscation of body and goods as a rebel; and that this statute is to be valid not only for the future but even for processes already commenced, which clause directly applies to the Queen; and I have been informed, though I cannot believe it, that if the Queen persist in her appeal the King will deprive her of her dowry (dot et douaire).