Letters. Grants in 1513.

1. Commission of the Peace. See Appendix. Berks.-Knoll, 4 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 1, m. 7d. [3640.]

2. Commission of the Peace. See Appendix. Gloucestershire.-Knoll, 5 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 1, m. 7d. [3641.]

3. John Crossewell, of Odyam, Hants, clothier. Protection for one year; going with Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Del. Knoll, 5 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3642.]

4. William Poullain, clk., and Julian Souchet, natives of Normandy. Denization, for life. Del. Knoll, 5 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3643.]

5. Henry Rowt, chaplain. Grant of the perpetual chantry in the chapel of the manor of Eltham, Kent, vice William Wrigh, clk., deceased. Del. Westm., 26 (sic) Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 14. [3682.]

6. John Wetewod, clk., minister of the Chapel. Presentation to the church of Badisworth, dioc. of York, void by death. Del. Westm., 8 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3644.]

7. John Scotte. To be chief baron of the Exchequer, during good conduct, in reversion after William Hody, who holds by patent 29 Oct. 2 Henry VII. Westm., 8 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3645.]

8. Robert Hall. Grant of the ferry of Paddistowe, with "le Haven Cathe" of the port of St. Ives, Cornw. Greenwich, 30 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 8 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 7. [3646.]

9. John Jenkynson, of Newland, York, butcher. Pardon for killing Th. Megson, of Newland, yeoman, in self-defence; according to inquest before Th. Maners, coroner. Westm., 10 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 7. [3650.]

10. Gaol Delivery.

Gaol of the Abbot of Ramesey.-Commission to Sir Rob. Rede, William Mordaunt, John Woode, Th. Lowth, John Tayllard, William Grace, and Th. Dunholt. Westm., 12 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20d. [3652.]

11. Thomas Emson. Inspeximus and exemplification, at the request of Thomas, s. and h. of Sir Richard Emson, of an Act of Parliament 4 Henry VIII. reversing and annulling the attainder of the said Sir Richard. Westm., 12 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 1. [3653.]

12. [his father-in-law] Thomas Earl of Surrey (age 70), Treasurer of England, [his brother-in-law] Thomas Lord Howard (age 40), Sir [his brother-in-law] Edward Howard (age 37), and Sir Thomas Bulleyn (age 36). Pardon and release of all arrears, from Mich. 23 Henry VII. to the present date, of an annual rent of £292 5s. 4¼d. from Mich. 23 Henry VII., subject to which they hold, by patent 10 Nov. 1 Henry VIII., the possessions of John Grey late Viscount Lisle, and of Joan late wife of Sir Humphrey Talbot, to the use of Sir Thomas Knyvet and [his sister-in-law] Mercella his wife, Viscountess Lisle, during the minority of Elizabeth Grey (age 7), daughter and heir of the said Viscount. Greenwich, 7 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 12 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3655.]

13. Edmund Denny (age 56) and John Smyth, clerk in the office of Treasurer's remembrancer of the Exchequer. Grant, in survivorship, of the office of Treasurer's remembrancer; on surrender of patent, 3 June 20 Henry VII., granting the same to Denny, vice Sir Robert Lytton, dec. Del. Westm., 12 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. (filed on 12 Dec. 1512). Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 10. ii. Warrant to the Lord Chancellor, dated 22 Dec. 4 Henry VIII., to cancel the patent of Jasper Fyloll of the reversion of the above office ("remembrancer of our Tresoury within our Eshequier"), the King being now informed that the said Jasper has not sufficient experience and learning. S.B. (attached to the above). [3656.]

14. Thomas Holden, yeoman of the Queen's chamber, and John Hunt, master-cook for the King's mouth. To be keepers, in survivorship, of the Royal Household in Westminster Palace, with 6d. a day since Michaelmas last. Del. Westm., 12 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. [3657.]

15. John Westowe, the King's gunner (bumbardus), To be, for life, searcher of the port of Bristol. Greenwich, 31 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 13 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 16. [3660.]

16. Thomas Payne of Salisbury, merchant. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Greenwich, 7 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 17 Jan. P.S. (injured). Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3665.]

17. John Bradley, yeoman of the Guard. To be ranger of the Isle of Purbeke, vice Thomas Prichit. Greenwich, 11 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 17 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3666.]

18. John Prowde, haberdasher of London. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Del. Westm., 17 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3667.]

19. George Frauncesse, gentleman usher of the Queen's chamber. To be steward, during pleasure, of the lordship of Orwel, Camb., lately held by William Denton, deceased; and lease of the office of feodary and bailiff of the honor of Richmond, in Camb., Herts, Suffolk, and Essex, from Christmas, 4 Henry VIII., for 30 years, at the annual rent of £20 10s. Del. Westm., 17 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3668.]

20. William Towers, usher of the Hall, and Nicholas Hornecliffe, yeoman of the Vestry. Grant, in survivorship, of the offices of bow-bearer of Arkylgarthdale, under-steward of Middelham and Richemonte, and one of the foresters of Coverdale, co. Richmond, lately held by John Conyers, Gilbert Metcalf, and William Forster. Westminster, 17 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 18 Jan. P.S. (in English). Pat, 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3669.]

21. John Wodlesse, yeoman of the Crown. Annuity of £20 for life. Greenwich, 20 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 18 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3670.]

22. Robert Crumwell or Cromwell, vicar of Batersey. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Greenwich, 22 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 19 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3671.]

23. John Tollas, sherman of London. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot (age 61), Deputy of Calais. Greenwich, 19 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 20 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3672.]

24. Sir Maurice Berkeley (age 46), knight for the Body. To be keeper of the park of Sodbury alias Sodbury, Glouc., with herbage and pannage, and wages of 2d. a day; on surrender of patent granted by Henry VII. to William Denys, esquire for the Body. Del. Westm., 21 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 12. [3673.]

25. John Boston, clk., m.A. Presentation to the church of Milsted, Canterbury dioc., void by death of John Guyllary, clk. Greenwich, 21 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 23 Jan. P.S. [3674.]

26. John Wheler, for services to the Queen. To be keeper of the park of Biflete, Surrey, for life. Greenwich, 20 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 23 Jan. P.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m 14. [3675.]

27. Scotch Commissioners. Safe conduct, at the request of the King of Scots, by letters signed and sealed, for one year, to John Lord Drummond, Sir Robert Lawder of Basse, Sir John Ramsey of Trarinzeane, Sir William Scotte of Balverley. and John Henryson, clerk of justiciary, commissioners of James king of Scots, with 100 persons. Westminster, 24 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Scotch Roll, 4 Henry VIII. m. 12. Rymer, Xiii. 346. [2069, 3676.]

28. Pewterers of London. Inspeximus and conf. of:-

Pat. 19 March, 20 Henry VII., conf.:

Pat. 20 Jan. 13 Edward IV. (p. 2, m. 5). Westm., 24 Jan. [4 Henry VIII.]. Conf. roll 48, No. 8.

29. Roger Salesbury, yeoman of the Guard. To have the fee of the Crown, being 6d. a day, held by John Whityngton, deceased. Greenwich, 27 Dec. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 25 Jan. P.S. (in English). [3677.]

30. Leonard Fryscobalde, gentleman usher of the Chamber. Annuity of 50 marks for life. Greenwich, 17 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 26 Jan. P.S. (in English). Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 14. [3679.]

31. William Porter. Licence to export so much broadcloths, kerseys and other woollen cloths, tin, hides and other merchandise (except wools and woolfells) as will in custom and subsidy yield 1,000 mks., and import as much; custom and subsidies to be payable at the end of six years after shipment. Greenwich, 20 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 26 Jan. P.S. [3680.]

32. Peter Warton and John Ketilby. To be bailiffs, during pleasure, of the lordship of Salwarppe, Worc., from Easter last; with keepership, in survivorship, of the park there, 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 26 Jan. P.S. (fragment only). Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 30. [3681.]

33. Henry Rowte, chaplain. To be priest of the chapel in the manor of Eltham, Kent, with 10 marks a year out of the manor; as held by John Sweteman of Pentriche, chaplain therein Edward III.'s time; on surrender of invalid patent 6 Jan. 4 Henry VIII., granting him the chantry in the said chapel formerly held by William Wright (sic). Del. Westm., 26 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 33. [3683.]

34. Walter Devereux Lord Ferrers (age 25). To be keeper of the park of Nethewode, Heref., for life, with 4d. a day, vice William Thomas. Del. Westm., 27 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 20. [3684.]

35. Sir Robert Brandon (age 53). Wardship and marriage of John, son and heir of John Carewe, dec. Del. Westm., 28 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. S.B. (in margin: "Ad instantiam Karoli Brandon, militis"). [3685.]

36. Commission of the Peace. See Appendix. Herefordshire.-Westm., 28 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 1, m. 7d. [3686.]

37. Edward Guldeford, squire of the Body. Inspeximus and exemplification of Act of Parliament, 3 Henry VIII. [c. xix.], reversing the attainder of Edm. Dudley, and conditionally reinstating John Dudley, his son, and appointing Guldeford guardian of the said John, during his minority. Westm., 28 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 31. [3687.]

38. Invasion. Writs of precept to the sheriffs, viz.:-

Kent.-For the sheriff to make proclamations that all males between sixty and sixteen shall prepare arms and be ready at an hour's warning to resort to such place in the said county as shall be assigned by the King's commissioners, and specially in Kent the Lord Bergevenny, who is deputed to lead the shire to resist the French King, who has prepared "a great and a strong navy" to invade England in February next. Beacons to be in readiness. Westm., 28 Jan. 4 Henry VIII.

Norfolk and Suffolk.-The Earl of Oxford (age 13).

Essex.-The Earl of Oxford and Lord Fytzwater.

Cornwall.-Edward Willoughby, Sir John Arundell, and Sir Piers Eggecombe.

Devon.-Lord Broke.

Somerset and Dorset.-Lord Fytzwaren.

Sussex.-The Earl of Arundell.

Hants and Wilts.-Sir John Lysle and Sir William Sandes.

S.B. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 9d. [3688.]

39. William Rogiers, chaplain. Presentation to the church of Great Bylling, Linc. dioc., void by death of Thomas Harteley. Greenwich, 26 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 28 Jan. P.S. [3689.]

40. John Cristoferson, m.D., native of Scotland. Denization, for life. Westminster, 4 Feb. 1 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 29 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. p.S. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 30. [3690.]

41. Gaol Delivery. Norfolk Circuit.-Commission to Sir John Fyneux, Sir Robert Rede and William Mordaunt. Westm., 29 Jan. York, City and Castle.-Commission to William Fayrfax, John Erneley, Robert Henrison and Th. Stray. Westm., 29 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 2, m. 15d. [3691.]

42. John Bristall alias Burstall, fishmonger, of London. Protection for one year; going in the suite of Sir Gilbert Talbot, Deputy of Calais. Greenwich, 20 Jan. 4 Henry VIII. Del. Westm., 31 Jan. P.S. [3693.]

43. William Hill, of Becclys alias Bexlys, Suff., yeoman. Reversal of outlawry in co. (blank); sued for debt by Roger Dade of Wheybrede, Suff., husbandsman. Westm., 31 Jan. Pat. 4 Henry VIII. p. 1, m. 4.

Letters. 09 Jan 1513. Thomas Spinelly (age 41) to Lewis Maroton. Has received two letters, dated respectively 28th December and 3d January, expressing the impatience of the Emperor for the conclusion of the matter in treaty, with Madame, between himself and the King of England (age 21), who, he thinks, has cooled. If the Emperor had dealt earnestly, it had been accomplished long ago; and the continual diligence of the King's ambassadors for eight months proves the contrary. Reminds him how, at the outset, the King wrote with his own hand to the Emperor. On the arrival of the ambassadors at her Court, instead of a brief expedition of the business that had been promised, the Emperor, after some discussion, demanded 100,000 escus d'or, saying that the Pope and the King of Aragon (age 60) would give him as much,-a point that had never been mentioned before. And, although the treaty was for the interest of the Emperor and the King of Castile, as well as himself, the King, upon the declaration of Sir Thomas Boleyn (age 36), consented to let the Emperor have the 100,000 crowns. But before the conclusion of the negotiations the Emperor left, promising to send his daughter full powers and return in two months. The powers did not come till three months, and then clogged with new conditions, such as that the Prince and his subjects should remain neutral. Even to this the King assented, on certain conditions. Such conduct demands reciprocity on their part. Spinelly (age 41) cannot believe what he is told, that over and above the sum already stipulated the Emperor will be so unreasonable as to demand more; and for his part he would not dare propose it. Begs him to obtain such a commission for Madame as may suffice to make an end without needing other ambassadors. Can think of no cause why the King has not advertised the Emperor of his wish for troops, unless it be that his ambassador, who is to return to him, will explain; and also he may think that what is said to the daughter is likewise said to the father. Malines, 9 Jan. 1512.

Letters. 12 Jan 1513. Spinelly (age 41) to Henry VIII. Wrote last on the 9th. A messenger has since come from the Emperor, and brought the conclusions of the negotiations made in Germany, of which he sends a Latin translation [See 08 Oct 1512]. My Lady has told him of the honorable treaty which the Emperor has made with the Swiss, of which he sends a copy. Madame is advertised from Savoy that the Swiss are not well disposed to the French, and only negotiate with them to obtain money from them and the castles of Lucam and Luca[rno]. Sir Tho. Boleyn (age 36) tells him the better part of the town of Serizee are French. The two brothers (freres) whom Spinelly (age 41) sent to England were among the best of them. Leaves the truth of his words to time. When the Controller of the Household comes, he will know it from the information of Madame and De Berghes. Serizee, in the late rebellions, took part with De Ravestain. Boleyn (age 36) is dissatisfied, because he was not informed of the resolution taken with the said two brothers. Was at Antwerp at the time. The treasurer general of the Prince of Castile has been at Cologne, waiting for an envoy from Gueldres to arrange for a truce between the two. Gueldres has now notified that he can find no personage to send. A messenger has been taken, sent by the Bastard of Gueldres into France to state that if he was assisted he would pillage all the flat country of Brabant. The Hollanders have agreed to raise 1,200 foot for the Duke of Brunswick, and will have nothing to do with Diselstain. The said Duke has now 3,000 foot and 1,000 horse, and continually harasses the enemy. Heda, maître d'hotel of the Duke of Gueldres, has left the Court of France, bringing money and aid to his master. Watch is laid for him. Philip Galteroty is now at Malines. He has great friendship in Scotland, on account of his managing the ecclesiastical matters at Rome. He tells Spinelly (age 41) that some Scotchmen from the Court of France informed him that Jaques Hogby, the resident there, had powers a month past, and made a new treaty between their master and France, binding their master to make war on England, and the King of France to send to Scotland 200,000 crowns of gold, and a certain quantity of arms and gunpowder, and 20 pieces of artillery. Philip says that four vessels of war have gone thither already with arms, &c., but the money does not go till March. Many of the Scotch are dissatisfied with England, and say they have been plundered, and will have revenge. The Secretary of Scotland has lost his cause at Rome, in the matter of the commandry of St. John's in Scotland, through the influence of the Card. of York, at which he is very angry. The Bishop of Murray and the Secretary are omnipotent with the King of Scotland. The King of France has promised the former a Bishopric. Will send to-morrow to De Berghes to learn Scotch news from his son-in-law of Canferre, where the Scotch lodge. On his asking Madame if he should send the maître d'hotel of the Prince of Chimay to Blois, as he did last year, she replied that she expected satisfactory news from the Emperor in six days, and the Governor of Bressa would be sent in quest of the maitre d'hotel in her name, to make inquiries by means of D'Albret. Gave the Governor 100 fl. for the said maitre d'hotel. Wants money. Upon the King's letters, Madame has given a passport to Richard Fermer, to export, duty free, 36,000 rasieres of wheat or flour. The duty would have amounted to 1,£000 gr. Malines, 12 Jan. 1512. Signed.

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter LIII. Sir Thomas Boleyn (age 42) to King Henry the Eighth (age 27), reporting the audience in which Francis the First received the promise of Henry's interest for the Empire. March 14 1519

[MS. COTTON. CALIG. D. VII. fol. 100. Orig.]

Henry the Eighth, when the Imperial throne fell vacant, seems not to have known how to manage the power of which he was really possessed. He clearly promised his support to Francis the First as early as the month of March, as will be seen in the following Letter from his own ambassador: and the assertion is pretty strong in the succeeding Letter that he also promised his support to Charles of Castile; the Letter containing it was referred to by the French ambassador in Spain as in the hands of the bishop of Burgos. Subsequently, Henry sent Pace to the Electors to announce his own pretensions; but finding the Electors pre-engaged, and perhaps being unwilling to vie with his competitors in the distribution of treasure, he soothed his ambition with the reflection that he had solicited too late, and became altogether the dupe of his own duplicity. Pace's Commission to the Electors bears so late a date as May 19 ht 1519.

Unfortunately for the English Historian a large portion of the correspondence which relates to this Election suffered in the fire which has been so /often mentioned; but many a curious scrap remains; nor will even fragments be despised when they relate to an event which formed as it were an aera in the general system of Europe.

The Emperor Maximilian died January the 22 d . 1519. William Knight, writing to Cardinal Wolsey from Wells in Austria, January the 14th , and noticing an audience which he had had, says " but syth that tyme of communication his Grace is so vanquished with sicknesse, which was at first a catarre, and sythens a flux and fever contynuel, that now every man feryth, and almost despayreth of any recovery. I abyde th'ende."

Upon the Emperor's death, Henry directed Sir Thomas Boleyn, his ambassador at Paris, to sound the intentions of Francis. Sir Thomas saw him in his chamber as he returned from mass, where, having read a letter delivered to him from Henry, he took Sir Thomas to a window, who urged that the two Kings should " take a resolution by common assent." " Whereunto," says Sir Thomas, " he bad me lene out at the window with him, and he would tell me what he had done in it, and his hole mynde what further he intended to doo." This appears in a Letter dated February the 9th.^a

In another Letter of Sir Thomas Boleyn, to Wolsey, dated from Paris Feb. 28 th . detailing a farther conversation with Francis, he says, " I was so famyliar with hym, that I asked hym in ernest if he were Emperour whether he wold make a voyage agenst the Infidels in his proper person, as the voyce went. He tooke me hard by the wryst with the oon hand, and layed the other hand upon his brest, and sware to me by his feyth yf he atteyn to be Emperour, that within three yeares after he wold bee in Constantynople, or he would dye by the way." In talking still further of the enterprise, Francis told him that "his realme was to hym six millions yerely and over that in value;" and "that he wold spend three millions of gold" but he would succeed^b. In another Letter to "Wolsey dated March the 14 th . Sir Thomas represents Francis to have said that now, since Henry and he were of a mind, neither Emperor nor Pope should be made but such as pleased them. This, it is probable, was a speech more especially intended for the ear of Wolsey.

From these notices of conversations, it will be seen that althojigh the promise of Henry's interest for the Empire in favor of Francis, was not formally given till March the 14*. it had been verbally promised from the very time of the arrival of the first news of Maximilian's death.

Pleaseth it your Highnesse to understand that yesterday I delyvered your lettre to the Kyng here with as harty and affectuous recommendacions from your Grace as I cowlde devise. And after he had at lenght and with good laysure read over your said lettre, I declared to hym for my credence, according to the Instructions which your Grace late sent me. First the effecte of your said Lettre. And after I shewed hym how great desire your Grace hath for the increase of his honnor, and what pleasure and consolation your Highnes taketh in the same, consideryng the unfeyned amytie and aliance that is established betwixt you, both which your Grace belevith to bee soo rooted in your hartys that what high honnor or advauncement shall fortune to come to hym, the fructe thereof shuld redonde to your Highnesse, wherfore to advaunce hym to the preferment of this Imperiall dignitie, your Grace, uppon knowledge of his further intent and mynd shalbe glad to employe your self as well by worde and writing as by acts and dedes to the best of your power, wheruppon he may assuredly trust. Whereunto, he, taking of his bonett thanked hartely your Highnesse, and sayd that the great love and favour which he well perceyveth that your Grace beryth towardes him is the greatest comfort that he hath upon erth. And for the great honnor that your Grace shewith to hym in advauncyng hym to th'imperiall dignitie which is his most desire, he sayth he knoweth nat how nor by what meanes he may recompence your Highnesse in doing any thing so moch for your Grace, but he sayeth as long as he lyveth, in any thing that he may doo that shalbe to your pleasure, he shall always bee as redy and as glad to doo vt as he wold be to doo for hvmself, and desireth no thyng moore than to have knowledge wherein he might employe hymself to doo your Highnesse some pleasure. Rehersyng to me that by the reason of the perfecte love and aliaunce betwixt you both he rekeneth your Highnesse to bee of great mygth and power, sayeng that what with your owne puissance and with his help, which he sayeth your Grace shall alwayes have redy at your commaundement, there is nother honnor, dignytie, nor other thing in Crystendome but that your Highnesse shall y . . and ordre yt at your own pleasure, and tolde me that he cowlde not expresse to me with his tonge the due thanks that he t .... ^c to your Grace in his hart for the loving kindnesse that he fyndeth in your Highnesse : *and sayd that, whan ye both mete, which he trusteth shalbe shortly, your Grace shall knowe his hart, no man lyving soner. Whereunto I sayd that your Highnesse thanked hym, specially consideryng that amongs all his other things and great affaires, he is so moch desirous to mete, visite, and see your Grace; and toolde hym of your conformable mynd therunto, shewing to hym the tyme, place, fourme, and maner as is at lenght expressed in th'instructions that I have. Wherunto he sayed that he is determyned to see your Grace though he shuld come but hymself, his page, and his lakaye: and that noo buysenesse shall lette yt : how be it, for the tyme, place, and order of the Meeting he said he wold common with the Great Master, and within ij. or iij. dayes he wold send hym to Parys, wher he shuld make me aunswer of every article concernyng the said Entreview and Meting. And bicause that the Quene here hath been very sycke thies ij. dayes, and in great daunger, as I have more at large wryten of the same to my lord Legat and Cardinall of England, which I am sure woll shewe your Grace thereof, I can as yet have no aunswer what order shalbe taken for the Marchaunts matiers. Beseching the holy Trynyte long to preserve your Highnesse. From Parys this xiiijl h day of March.

[The signature burnt off.]

Note a. MS. Cotton. Calig. D. vin. fol. 8S.

Note b. Ibid. fol. 93.

Note c. f. thinketh.

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter LIV. Sir Thomas Boleyn (age 42) to Cardinal Wolsey (age 46) reporting an Audience from, the Duchess of Angoulesme, March 25th 1519.

[MS. COTTON. CALIG. D. VII. fol. 105.]

[Pleasyth it youre] Grace to understand that the xxj th day of this moneth I wrote my last Lettres to your Grace, and as yesterday, which was our Lady's day, I was at Seynt Germayns, where the Quene and my Lady lyeth; but the King roode on our Ladye's even viij. leges hens, and as my Lady tellyth me it is in a dowte whether he cormyth ageyn before the Quene here be brought in bedde or nay; for she lookyth her tyme every howre. Also my Lady hath commaunded me, now while the great Master is away, that I shuld resorte to her for any thing that I shuld have to doo for the King my Master. And she hath, promysed me that she woll make me pryve of such newes as she shall here of from any place : and toold me that the King her sonne whan he departed willed her to shew me a Lettre that came now streyt out of Spayn from his Ambassadour there, and therewithall she called to her the tresourer Robertet and bad hym shewe me that Lettre, wherein was wrytten by the said Ambassador whose name is de la Roche Beauconot, that the King's Highnesse had late sent a Lettre to the King Catholique advertysyng hym how the King here had desired the King's Highnesse by his lettres to wryte to th'Ellectowrs of th'Empire in his favour, the rather to atteyn the dygnyte of th'Empire; the which the King's Highness hath refused bicause of the Amytie betwixt the Kings Grace and the King Catholique, and how the Kings Highnesse had rather that the King Catholique wer Emperowr than the King here; which Lettre he wryteth is in th'andes of the Bishop of Bourges^a oon of the great Counsell of Spayn. Whan I had redde this clawse in the Lettre sent out of Spayn, I prayed my Lady that she wold gyve noo credence to yt, and shewed her how I thought that the said Ambassador wrote this by Informacion of some maliciouse personne that wold sett discord bitwixt Princes; and that I assured her it was not trew. She toold me that she had soo perfecte trust in the Kyng my Master's honnor that she beleved, nor wold beleve, noo such thing; and no more she sayeth woll the King her sonne: sayeng that whan the King here redde the same clause in the Lettre wrytten to hym by his Ambassadour in Spayn he did but lawgh at it, and gave no credence thereto. And she saied it cowlde nat be trew, for the ... the Kyng's Highnesse desyring him to wryte to th ... th'Empire for hym. So that as farre as I can perceyve neyther my Lady nor the King her sonne gyve noo credence to yt. And as moch as I cowld instaunce her I have desired her not to beleve this nor noo such thing that shuld be contrary to any thing that the Kings Highnesse hath promysed or wrytten to the King her sonne. My Lady also desireth that likewise as I woll make me pryve of every thing that shall touch or arr ... to the Kings Grace to th'intent I shuld advertise the Kings Highnesse and your Grace. She likewise desireth to bee advertised of any thing apperteynyng to the King her sonne. She talked with me also of the Meeting of the Kings Highnesse and the King her sonne (which she moch desireth) wherein I shewed her according to myn Instructions that if it pleased her to m ... the King her sonne that he wold be content after they had mett a horsbak to repaire streyt to Calais where they myght be honourably receyved, well and easely lodged, it shuld be convenient for their estates. Whereto she aunswered that when they had oones mett, she putt noo dowtes but they shuld . . well enough, sayeng that after they had ones seen togyther his Highnesse shuld desire hym to nothing but he wold gyve thereto assent. She sayeng allwaies that it shalbe more .... and triumphant to be lodged in sommer in the fields in tents and pavilions than it shuld be in any Towne. She often ... ^b me of my Lady Princesse and of hir helth, if she hath been syck lately or not. Also Madame la Duchesse the Kings syster, the Duke of Alaunson's wief, lately hath been and yet is very sycke. When I shall have knowledge of any other Newes I shall ... to your Grace of them : beseching the holy Trinite long to preserve your Grace. From Poyssy a leege from Saint Germains this xxvj^th day of March.

Yowres m ...

Th ...

Note a. Burgos.

Note b. asked

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter LVII. Sir Thomas Boleyn (age 42) to Cardinal Wolsey (age 46) upon the Christening of the Duke of Orleans, afterwards King Henry the Second of France. June 7^th 1519.

[MS. COTTON. CALIG. D. VII. fol. 121. Orig.]

In a Letter of Sir Thomas Boleyn, dated Poissy, April 9th 1519, he says, he inquired of Francis the First when the Christening of his son should be, who answered " after Easter," because the child had a disease in his eyes: " and he sayeth, all his children have, shortly after they be borne; sayeng also yt was my lady his Mother's mynd, that the chyld shuld bee clene hole of any dysease afore the crystenyng; whos advyse he seyd ht should folow therein."^a

In a succeeding Letter, Sir Thomas Boleyn gives an Account of a solempne procession at Court on April 15^th "where went in the same the King, the Lady his Mother, with all the lords and ladys of the Court. The cause of this procession was, for to honnour the holy cordon or coorde that Our Lord was bounde to the Pyller with, and many other relyques, which wer sent to the Quene here from an Abbey in Poytow, and from dyvers other places, now when she was last delyuered of chyld."^b

Pleasith yt youre .Grace to understand that the first day of this moneth I wrote my last lettres to your Grace; and on Sonday last past about x. of the clocke at nyght, the Kings yong sonne whos title is Henry of Seynt Germayn Duke of Orleans, was crystened, the Duke of Alaunson was the second godfather, and the duchesse of Denamours the god mother. And bicause York, this berar, was there present who can shewe your Grace all the maner and order of the crystenyng I leve to wry te to your Grace of the same; saving that according as your Grace hath here a fore tyme wryten to me I presented to the Quene here in the name of the Kings Highnesse the Salt, the Cuppe, and Layar of gold, which was very much praysed; and also the Quene and my Lady gave to the Kings Highnesse for the same their loving and harty thanks. And after all was doon the King came to me and sayd he thanked the King's Highnesse of the great honnor that he had doon hym in crystenyng of his chyld, sayeng that when so ever yt shall fortune the Kings Highnesse to have a Prince he shalbe glad to doo for hym in lyke maner, and that he is mynded after his said sonne shall come to age and be able to ... he purposyth to send hym to the Kings Grace into Englande to doo hym service.

And the hundreth pounde that your Grace sent to gyve in reward, is bistowed as folowith. First the Noryce, oon hundreth crownes; to iiij. rockers of the yong Dukes chamber, ij. hundreth crownes; to iij. gentlewomen of the Quenes Pryve Chamber called femmes de Ret . a hundreth and fyfty crownes; and at the Offryng xx nobils, which amounteth in all to the some of oone hundreth pounds sterling and xv. crownes over. All which money was paid and delyvered by the hands of York this berar and Richmount, which can shewe your Grace well inough therof.

Furthermore, as this berar can shewe your Grace, there hath been with me at my lodging the Kings Porters, the T ... and Officers of Arrays which with importune manner asked reward saying that the Duke of Urbyn at the crystenyng of the Dolphyn rewarded them, and wyth the best answer that I could make them nothyng given they went away miscontent. Neverthelesse it is ... by honorabull folks here that the gyftes to the Quene, and the money that is gyven in rewardes was sufficiently honorable, and largely inough for the Kings honnor.

I have also laid out xj^li. xij^s. in sendyng dyvers tymes myn own folks and other that I have hired to your Grace in to England, and to Calais, with Lettres in post and otherwise, the which xj^li xij^s. and xv. crownes that I have layd out now more than hundreth poundes that your Grace sent me by York to gyve in reward, is owing me. And forasmoch as the last money that your Grace sent me for a hundreth dayes ended the xxviij^th. day of May last past I besech your Grace both to send me such dyett money as shall best please your Grace, and that the said xj^li xij^s. and xv. crownes that is owing me may be also delivered to my prest which shall attend upon your Grace for yt.

Also I receyved yester evyn from your Grace, a Letter dated the xxviij^th. day of May, concernyng the Marchaunts matiers and divers other things, whereof after I have spoken with the King, my Lady, or the Counsell here I shall wryte to your Grace such answer as I shall have of them with diligence.

Here is moch speking in the Court and more at Parys of many straunge bouts, whereof this berar can shewe your Grace by mowth as he hath hard, and as I have shewed hym. Besechyng the Holy Trinite long to preserve your Grace. From Poyssy this vijV 1 day of June

Youre ....

To my moste especial and singular Lord; my Lord Legat Cardinall, Chauncellar of England.

Note a. MS. Cotton. Calig. D. vn. fol. 108.

Note b. Ibid. fol. 110.

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter LV. Sir Thomas Boleyn (age 42) to King Henry the Eighth (age 28), announcing the Election of the Emperor Charles the Fifth. 04 Jul 1519.

[MS. COTTON. CALIG. D. vii. fol. 140. Orig.]

Pleasith yt your Grace to understand that the first day of this moneth I wrote my last Lettres to your Grace, and as yet the King is nat retomed from Melun, there as he hath been almost thes fortenyght a huntyng. But hither is come Lettres with great dylygence to the King Catholiques Ambassadour from Frankford, and from my lady of Savoye, specefieng how the King his master the xxviij. day of the last moneth, at x. of the clocke afore noon, by th'assent and hoole voyce of all the Electours was chosen Emperor. And bicause there is yet noo lettres commen out of Almayn to the King nor my Lady here of this matier my Lady marvayleth moch, and sayth she feryth that Mons^r. L'admiral is letted or evyll intreatyd bicause she hath no word from hym, or elles their Post with lettres is taken or stopped by the way. Neverthelesse my Lady sayth yf this be trew seyng the King her sonne may nat be Emperor she is ryght glad that the King Catholique is chosen. Sayeng that though the Kyng her sonne is nat Emperor, yet it is a comfort to her that the King her sonnes son in lawe is Emperor. How be it the trouth is that both the King and my Lady, and all this Contre had rather any other had been chosen Emperor than the King Catholique. My Lady tellyth me that she is assured it hath cost hym a greyt good to atteyn to this Empire; in so moch she sayth she knoweth for a trouth oon of the Electours hath had of hym two hundreth thowsand crownes, and namyng hym of Coloigne. She sayth also that the Electours amongs them all hath not had of the King her sonne past a hundreth thowsand Crownes, and moch she ma ... and fereth lest the Admirall be nat well, and sayth that the Letter that she had from hym was wrytten the xx vj. day of the last moneth, wherein by his wryting he had as great trust that the King here shuld be Emperor as ever he had. And now Mons^r. le Bastard and they of the Counsell here say yt is a good torne for the King here, and a great weale for his reaulme that he is not Emperor, for they say yf he had been it shuld have putt hym to an infante busyness, and impoverychyd and undoone his subgietts. Here is also of late a new Ordenaunce made by the King and his Counsell, and gyven to all them that have any horses for Posts or Currors^a, both here at the Cort and at Parys, that payn of their lyves they delyver no horse nor horses to any man, ambassador or other, except at the Court he have a bill from Robertet in Parys from the first President there. I have been, too, assuryd by my Lady that this is nat doon for any Lett of L .... that goyth in to England, but as farre as I can knowe that resortyth in and owt of Spayn, and my lady hath . . whan so ever I woll depeche any lettres by Post. I shall stre . a Bill of Robertett and of the first President of Parys . . whan I woll.

Besechyng the holy Trinite long to preserve your Grace from Poyssy this iiij th day of July.

Yours

T ....

Note a. Couriers.

Letters and Papers 1519. 6 Sept. [1519] Calig. D. VII. 148. B. M. 446. Boleyn (age 42) To Wolsey.

Wrote his last on the 14th Aug. The King tells him that he has heard from his ambassador that the king of Castile will go next summer into Flanders, thence to Frankfort. He thinks Charles will go to Rome to be crowned, and must pass through France or the Venetian territory; but neither the Pope nor the Venetians wish him to go to Rome. He thinks also the Emperor will not be able to pay for his coronation. Had a long talk with the King's mother respecting Don Ferdinand and his prospects. She thinks it will be a long time before his brother Charles can have children; and Madame Charlotte, the King's daughter, is only three years old. She said she heard he had few folks of honor about him, "and said how Bouton was put to him." Her son will be this winter at Lyons, near the king of Castile, the Swiss and the Pope, the Venetians and Milan. The King has been curious to know what sort of a man the English ambassador in Spain is. The Queen will, in the course of a fortnight, send a gentleman to England with a token to Queen Catharine, and another from the Dauphin to the Princess. The Venetian ambassador is on his return here from England, of which he gives a good report. The Pope's legate and the ambassador of Venice have more communication than usual with the King, and the Spaniard less. William Pa[wne] has been despatched with a letter to Loogis, governor of Tournay, commissioning the latter to buy such material of him as may be needful for the repair of the castle. Seigneur Marcantoyn de Coloigne (Colonna) is here, in great favor with the King, "and is of the order of France." He is sick, but not dangerously. The Admiral is still sick. The Legate will have the Bishopric of Coutance. The cardinal of Roussy died lately at Rome. Great sickness reigns here. Blois, 6 Sept. Signature burnt off.

Mutilated, pp. 3. Add.

Letters and Papers 1519. 16 Nov. [1519] Calig. D. VII. 158. B. M. 514. Boleyn (age 42) To Wolsey.

Wrote his last on the 31st Oct. Yesterday se'night the King and Queen came hither from Amboise. On Wednesday Mountpesat arrived from England, praising his entertainment there. My Lady told him that Mountpesat had informed her "how the King my master had put off his beard, and axed me if I knew not of it. I said that Mountpesat had been with me at my lodging, and towlde me likewise; and further said that, as I supposed, it hath been by the Queen's desire; for I told my Lady that I have here afore time known when the King's grace hath worn long his beard, that the Queen hath daily made him great instance, and desired him to put it off for her sake." Thinks that she had taken some offence at him because he had shown a letter from Wolsey of the 28th of July, in which the King promised to wear his beard till the meeting. She also "axed" him "if [the] Queen's grace was nat awnte to the king of Spain." Boleyn answered he was her sister's son, but that the king of England had greater affection for her son than any King living. She was well appeased, and said, "Th[eir love] is nat in the berdes, but in the harts."

Next day the King asked him if he had heard any news from England. On his replying in the negative, Francis "laid his hand on his breast, and said, By the fay[th] of a gentleman, that, but for the very trust he had of the said meetin[g and] entrevieu, he would have been at this day at Myllan."

There is a talk of the duke of Albany going to Scotland; but my Lady assured Boleyn he should not, though he was much desired there. He is now in ... with his wife, but at the court no one is so familiar with the King. The Pope's legate, who had received the Bishopric of Coutances and great presents, has returned to Rome. If the Pope die it is thought Francis will help the legate to the papacy. An ambassador is expected from Denmark for new aid for the adventurers th[at went] thither this last summer. Many of them are in prison. The king of Denmark detains their captain, brother of the seneschal of Normandy. The bastard of Savoy has been made Grand Master. He perceives by Mountpesatt, that French gentlemen are much better treated in England than Englishmen in France. Blois, 16 Nov. Signature burnt off.

Mutilated, pp. 3. Add. Endd.

Letters and Papers 1519. [Dec 1519]. Calig. D. VII. 161. B. M. 530. Boleyn (age 42) To Wolsey.

Wrote his last on the 22d Nov. Received on the 27th a letter from Wolsey, another in French for the King, and a certificate signed by the Cardinal of the losses sustained by the English merchants in the affair of La Fontaine. It has been referred by the King to the Admiral. Boleyn has pressed the latter to send the money at once, but is answered the Treasurer is out of the way. Yesterday, was assured that the money should be sent shortly; that the Admiral does not know "whether Marynyx, which came yesterday, shall carry yt with hym whan he goyth into England, or that he shall cawse marchaunts, being there, to pay yt; for he and the treasourers be styll abowt the same to depeche yt." He then retired with him and Robertet into a secret chamber, and told Boleyn that, on his departing from England, he promised to inform the King of anything he heard detrimental to the alliance of the two crowns; that when he went from Paris to Almayne to secure the election of his master, La Bastye had been told that England had promised all the aid it could to the cause of Francis; but when Master Pace went as ambassador to Almayn, "he was with the marques of Brandingborow in the town of Mayance, in the said Marques lodg[ing] ayenst the great chirch of Our Lady, where he was behind a tapett; [and] there he sayth he hard Master Pace, in his oracion that he made [unto] the said Marquis, desire that noone might be accepted to the digni[tee] imperiall that was [not] of the nacion or tong Germanique, but rath[er] to be preferred oon of their own princes of Almayn, and finally he hard hym speke for the advancement of the King Catholic, which he thought straunge; and further said that, forasmuch as he made [this] request, which he hard, to the marques of Brandingborow, he is [sure] that he made semblable to all other of the Electors." Mar[ynyx] will state more of this when he comes to England. Robertet finds great fault with Bouton's being allowed to stay there. The King still expresses great anxiety for the meeting. The cardinal of Bourges is dead. The King's confessor will have his Bishopric, and the legate of France the abbey of Fécamp. Seynt Marsault is lately come from the Pope, and the talk is that the King will go to Lyons; the King himself says to Coygnac, before Christmas. The four eldest hostagers in England are to be replaced by four others. Signature burnt off.

Mutilated, pp. 3. Add.

Letters and Papers 1520. 8 March. [1520] Calig. D. VII. 178. B. M. 666. Sir Richard Wingfield (age 51) to [Wolsey].

On ... [day] last arrived at this town. Was met within half a league by La Battye, Saintmesmes and Poytou. Was asked to dinner by the Admiral, and there met Lottreke and Dorravall. Delivered to the Admiral the King and Wolsey's letters, which were "greatly to his comfort." He carried Boleyn (age 43) and the writer to the King's dining chamber, where Wingfield delivered his letters to Francis, who expressed his great and sincere pleasure at their amicable terms. Boleyn (age 43), on his return, will explain more. On his withdrawing the King took Wingfield apart, when he delivered Wolsey's letter. The King expressed his joy at the Cardinal's good convalescence,—said he had put his life and safety into his hands, and had made such arrangements for the interview as he understood by the bailly of Caane would be most acceptable to England. He stated that he should always be anxious to recompense Wolsey for the cares he had taken; and if there were anything in his realm elsewhere which might do the Cardinal pleasure, he might be assured thereof. He trusted that no malice of any prince in Christendom might "impeach" the intended interview.

Leaves Boleyn (age 43) to report what he stated of the jousts and tourneys. Francis spoke incidentally of his voyage against the ... and told Wingfield to resort to his chamber at all times, as he used to do to his m[aster]. Then came the duke of Bourbon, and would have conversed longer with him; but the Admiral took him away to the Queen, and then to the King's mother, to whom he delivered his letters. La Batye has not omitted to speak of his noble entertainment in England. All the ambassadors resident in this court are ordered to Angoulesme this night or tomorrow, to be at the funeral service of the King's father. Thinks he shall not see Francis till Tuesday or Wednesday. Withholds for the present the article concerning Buttun, as also that "for obtaining of the King's letters here of promise to condescend to none other meeting." Will use his judgment as to the fitting time to press them. Cognac, 8 March. Signature half burnt.

Mutilated, pp. 6.

Ellis' Letters S1 V1 Letter LVIII. 02 Jun 1520. Sir Thomas Boleyn (age 43) to Cardinal Wolsey (age 47) respecting the Interview with Francis the First. A. D.

[MS. COTTON. CALIG. D. vii. fol. 104. Orig.]

This Letter, and the three which immediately follow it, relate to the preparations for the Interview between Henry the Eighth and Francis the First, which at last took place, within the English pale, between Guisnes and Ardres, on June 7^th 1520. The manner of meeting, and the regulation of the ceremonial were confided by both Monarchs to Wolsey ; to whom three of these Letters are addressed.

Hall's account of this Interview in his Chronicle, and he was personally present at it, was drawn up by Henry's command. Another Journal of the Occurrences was also drawn up by order of Francis. This last was pub. lished by Montfaucon in his Monumens de la Monarchic Frangoise; together with a third Narrative by Robert de la Mark Mareschal de Florenges.

Francis was so gratified with the splendor of this Interview, that he ordered the cavalcade of the Monarchs at their first meeting on horseback, to be carved in Basso Relievo on five marble tables, and to be placed in front of the house of the procureur general at Rouen, where they still remain.

Henry directed the Interview, with its attendant circumstances, to be represented in a Picture, formerly at Windsor, but which by the munificence of his late Majesty now ornaments the Meeting Room of the Society of Antiquaries.

Barklay the black monk, who wrote "The Ship of Fools," was engaged by Wolsey to supply the mottoes and devices on the occasion.

The manner in which the nobility of the two countries vied with each other in this scene of grandeur, is described in warm colours. It appears to have been by far the most costly ceremonial known to our History. The English were said to have carried their manors, the French their forests, upon their backs : and the very plain on which the monarchs met, from the richness of the tents and pavilions, was thenceforward called Le Champ De Drap D'or.

Hall's description of the person of Francis the First, as he left the tent in which the monarchs had embraced, is worth transcribing. He was " a goodly Prince, stately of countenance, merry of chere, brown coloured, great eyes, high nosed, big-lipped, fair brested and shoulders, small legges, and long feet."

Pleasith it your Grace to understond that the xix^th. day of this Moneth I wrote my last Lettres to your Grace. And as yestereven the Great Master supped here with me at my Lodging ; and this day he is ryden out of this Towne onward on his journay to Mount pelyer ward ; and this day or he tooke his hors, he sent for me to dyne with hym, and after dynner at my taking leve of hym, he first willed me, till he commyth ageyn, for all matiers that I shuld have to doo for the Kings Highnesse that I shuld resort all way to the King hym self, or els to my Lady, or to Robertet, and to non other. He also prayed me that I wold humbly and hartely recommend hym to your Grace, and willed me to wryte to you that as touching th'Entrevieu and Meting betwixt the King's Highnesse and the King here, though the King here commeth nat to Calais at the first, accordyng to the Kings Grace desire, wherin I have often spoken to hym according to myn Instruccions, he besechith your Grace that ye woll soo shew it to the King's Highnesse that it may be takyn in good part, and that it is for no mystrust nor diffidence that the King here hath to come to Calais, but he thinketh it is convenyent that they both (tyll the tyme of their meting) kepe somwhat to theymselfs, beyond and further, than that is agreed by there Counsells, to shewe more love, trust, and kindnesse ech to other, sayeng to me that he thinketh veryly after that both the Kings have mett and spoken to gyther, that the King here, within a day or two woll come secretly to Calais to doo the King's Grace more pleasure, or forther into England if the Kings Highnesse will desyre hym. He willed me also to wryt to your Grace of the great love, favour, and confidence that the King his master hath in your Grace, and the great desire that he hath to doo you pleasure ; and toold me it had not bee seen nor hard of oon man, being a Cardinall, to bee in soo great estime, trust, and reputacion of both the Kings of Englond and of France, as your Grace is. Wherfor he thinketh it is in your Grace to employe them both, after your wisdome, in any thing at your owne pleasure. He shewed me also for his part, that, if ther wer any thing that he may doo your Grace pleasure or service in, he will as gladly doo it, and with as good will and diligence as for any brother he hath : and that ye shuld well perceyve and know by th'experience whan so ever it shuld please your Grace to prove hym. He toold me furthermore that in any thing that shalbe owther treated or concluded ther as he goyth now, your Grace shalbe advertised of it, sayeng also that if their matiers framyd well betwixt Mons r . de Chieuvres and hym, he thought he shuld goo and see the King Catholique at Parpinyan. He hath with hym a great Trayn, so that he maketh his rekenyng to bee above a thowsand horsys : and hath with hym a garde of xxx li . archers in goldsyths work uppon their cootes both before and behind.

I send your Grace herein inclosed a Papir in French of his devis ...^b the Meting and Entrevieu which Robertet hath delivered me by the ... ^c Master's commaundement ; and an other papir signed with Mons^r. de F ... hand conteynyng the Articles of th'order for the redresse of the ma ... according to the forme of them your Grace wrote to me in Inglyshe : Whereto all the Counsell here is fully agreed as your Grace shall presently perceyve by the same Paper in French. Also where your Grace hath deputed the Master of the Holies and the Vice Admirall to examyn the Inglysh marchaunts robbed and spoyled in September and October ... they have deputed alonly Mons^r. de Frayn here for thexaminacion of French men robbed within the said ij. monethes.

Also the Great Master hath advised me that incontinent, after his departure, I shuld make myn abode at a Vyllage called Poyssy, half a league from the Court. And so I purpose to goo thider to-morrow ; beseching the holy Trinitie long to preserve your Grace. From Parys this xxi l . h day of March.

Youres most bounden

Thomas.

Note a. Hall, edit. 1809. p. 610.

Note b. devise for.

Note c. Great.

Letters and Papers 1528. 30 Jun 1528. R. O. 4442. Sir William Compton (age 46).

Will of Sir William Compton, made on 8 March 1522, 14 Henry VIII. Desires to be buried at Compton Wynyates [Map] in Warwickshire, beside his ancestors: That is if his wife (age 28) die before he return home from his journey, she be afterwards brought to Compton and buried there. Bequeaths to his wife (age 28) movables at Bettyschorne, and at the great park of Windsor, and the plate which belonged to Francis Cheyny, "my predecessor." If his wife be delivered of a son, bequeaths to him all his household stuff at Compton, with the plate which was given him by the French king in a schedule. His wife to have the control of it till the child be of age. If he have a son, bequeaths to each of his daughters 1,000 marks for their marriages, and 100 marks in plate. Wills that 40 pair of vestments be made of one suit, to be distributed to the parish churches in the counties of Warwick and Worcester, adjoining to Compton. All his apparel to be used in making vestments and other works of charity. Bequeaths to the abbey of Winchcomb his wedding gown of tynsen satin, to make a vestment that they may pray for the souls of his ancestors. Wills his executors to release to the monastery of Denny all the debts they owe him, and bequeaths to them £10 for an obit. Bequeaths goods to the value of 200 marks to be distributed to poor householders, and to the marriages of poor maids in the counties of Warwick and Worcester. Wills that a tomb of alabaster be prepared for his father, with his arms graven upon it. Bequeaths to the [his future son-in-law] King (age 37) his little chest of ivory with gilt lock, "and a chest bourde under the same, and a pair of tables upon it," with all the jewels and treasure enclosed, now in his wife's custody; also "certain specialties to the sum of 1,000 marks, which I have of Sir Thomas Bullen (age 51), knight," for money lent to him. Wills that his children have their plate on coming to their full ages; i.e., on the males coming to the age of twenty-one, and the females to the age of eighteen.

Bequests to his sister [Elizabeth] Rudney, and his cousin John Rudney, her son. Wills that his mother's body be taken up and buried at Compton Wynyates [Map]. Bequest to the daughter of his aunt Appulby. £20 to be put in a box at the abbey of Winchecombe, to make defence for all such actions as may be wrongfully taken against his wife or his executors. Two chantries to be founded in his name at Compton Wynyates [Map], to do daily service for the souls of the King, the Queen, my Lady Anne Hastings (age 45), himself, his wife and ancestors. The priests to be appointed by the Abbot of Winchecombe, or, failing him, the Abbot of Evesham. 5 marks a year to be paid to the parson of Compton to keep a free grammar school. £100 a year to be paid to his wife during her life, for her jointure, besides her inheritance in Barkeley's lands. Bequests to the monasteries of Evesham, Hayles, Winchecombe, Worcester, Croxton, the charterhouses of Henton and Coventry, for obits; to Sir William Tyler, Sir Thomas Lynne, Thomas Baskett and George Lynde; to his servants who happen to be with him this journey; to John Draper, his servant, and Robert Bencare, his solicitor; to Griffin Gynne, now with Humphrey Brown, serjeant-at-law, for his learning; and to Lady Anne Hastings (age 45). Executors appointed: Dame Warburgh my wife (age 31), the bishop of Exeter (age 66), Sir Henry Marney, Lord Privy Seal, Sir Henry Guildford (age 39), Sir Richard Broke, Sir John Dantsy, Dr. Chomber, Humphrey Brown, serjeant-at-law, Thomas Leson, clk., James Clarell and Thomas Unton. Appoints my Lord Bishop of  Canterbury (age 78) supervisor of his will. Gifts to the executors.

3. Bargain and sale by Sir Henry Guildford (age 39), Humphrey Brown, Thomas Hunton and Thomas Leeson, as executors of Sir William Compton, to Sir Thomas Arundell, of certain tenements in St Swithin's Lane [Map], [London,] lately in the possession of Lewis... and Humphrey... as executors of Sir Richard Wingfield.

4. Inventory of the goods of Sir William Compton in his house in London.

Ready money, gold and silver, 1,£338 7s. 0½d. Jewels of gold and silver, £898 6s. 2d. Gilt plate, £85 5s. 3d. Parcel gilt plate, £31 12s. 2d. White plate, £90 0s. 3½d. Silks, £210 13s. 6d.=2,£654 4s. 5d.

5. Names of the officers upon the lands late Sir William Compton's.

[Note. Lots of names of Steward and Bailiffs and values.].

6. Inquisition taken in Middlesex on the death of Sir William Compton, 20 Henry VIII.

Found that Richard Broke, serjeant-at-law, [Walter Rodney] [Names in brackets crossed out], William Dyngley and John Dyngley, now surviving, with [Sir Rob. Throgmerton and William Tracy,]* deceased, were seized of the manors of Totenham, Pembrokes, Bruses, Daubeneys and Mokkyngs, with lands in Tottenham, Edelmeton and Enfeld, to Compton's use; and that George Earl of Shrewsbury (age 60), Henry Earl of Essex, [his brother-in-law] John Bourchier Lord Bernes (age 61), [Sir Rob. Ratclyf,]* Rob. Brudenell (age 67), justice of the King's Bench, Richard Sacheverell (age 61) [and Thomas Brokesby],* now surviving, with [Sir Ralph Shyrley,]* deceased, were seized of the manor of Fyncheley and lands in Fyncheley and Hendon to his use. His son, Peter Compton (age 5), is his heir, and is six years old and over.

7. Citation by Wolsey (age 55), as legate, of Sir William Compton, for having lived in adultery with the wife (age 45) of Lord Hastings (age 41), while his own wife, dame Anne Stafford Countess Huntingdon (age 45), was alive, and for having taken the sacrament to disprove it.

4443. Sir William Compton.

Inventory of the goods of Sir William Compton at his places in London, Compton, Bittisthorne, the Great Park of Windsor, Sir Walter Stoner's place. Total of moveables, 4,£485 2s. 3½d. "Sperat dettes," estimated at 3,£511 13s. 4d. "Chatell Royall," £666 13s. 4d.

Wards.-One ward that cost £466 13s. 4d.; another of 500 marks land; the third, "Sir George Salynger's son and his heir." There is at Windsor Great Park plate embezzled to the value of £579 2s. 6d., as appears by a bill found in Sir William's place at London. Desperate debts estimated at 1,£908 6s. 8d. Debts owing by him estimated at £1,000

Letters and Papers 1529. 18 Sep 1529. 5945. Even if I had not the above occasion to ask for my recall, I should be obliged to press for it for another cause. Since my brother's departure the plague has broken out among my household; and, in spite of repeated changes of lodging, my principal servants being dead, I have been unable to refuse leave to the others to go home, so that I am now quite alone. Considering the intercourse I have already had with people, I am in no great fear, but you may consider yourselves as having no ambassador here at all. Besides, I was told yesterday by the Grand Esquire (Boleyn) (age 52), who is to leave in 15 days, with the dean of the chapel (Stokesley), to go to the Emperor, that he does not think the King his master will let me speak to him for two months. It would be well, therefore, to send over at once him whom I suppose you have already chosen, with an answer to the despatch of my brother, and that he may come in post, and find me here, letting his train come after him, so that I may put him in the way with the King, and perhaps introduce him to some of the Council, if there are matters to discuss; which, however, I do not imagine, considering the assurance Wolsey has again renewed to me. The new ambassador need be in no fear of the plague, for the danger has much diminished, except in this neighbourhood, and I expect in 15 days it will have altogether abated. I have been this morning with the Emperor's ambassador, who has given me as good a reception as I could have asked for. I had previously asked Wolsey's advice about it. If his master conducts himself towards Francis in as honorable a manner as the ambassador promises, it will be well. London, 18 Sept.

P.S.—Enclosed is a memorandum of the sums furnished by this King, which he wishes to have declared in the despatch which he asks for, through my brother; in addition to which there is the part touching the fleur de lis, which they would like put with the others.

Fr. Add.

Hall's Chronicle 1532. [25 Oct 1532]. While the King of England, lay thus at Boulogne, the Frenche King to show himself loving to the noble men of England, the twenty-fifth day of October, called a Chapter of the companions of his Order, called Saint Michael, of whom the King of England was one, and so there elected Thomas Duke of Norfolk, and Charles Duke of Suffolk, to be companions of the said Order, which were brought into the Chapter, and had their Collars delivered to them, and were sworn to the Statutes of the Order, their obeisance to their sovereign Lord, always reserved: which Dukes thanked the French King, and gave to the Officers of Arms two hundred Crowns apiece. All this season the French King and his court were fresh, and his guard were apparelled, in frocks of blue crimson, and yellow velvet. With the French King, was the King of Navarre, the Dauphin of Vien, the Dukes of Orleans, Angouleme, Vendome, Guise, Longueville, the Earles of Saint Panic, Nevers, Etampes, Laval, and many other Earles and Barons and the Prince of Melsse, four Cardinals, and eleven bishops with their trains and escort, which surely was a great company: so continued these two Kings at Boulogne, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, and on Friday the twenty-fifth day of October, they departed out of Boulogne to Calais: the French King’s train was twelve hundred persons, and so many horse or more, and without Calais two mile, met with them the Duke of Richmond, the Kings bastard son of England, a goodly young Prince, and full of favour and beauty, with a great company of noble men, which were not at Boulogne, so the Duke with his company, embraced the Frenche King, and so did other noble men, then the Lords of England set forward, as the Dukes of Richmond, Norfolk and Suffolk, the Marques of Exeter, the Earls of Arundel, Oxford, Surrey, Derby, Worcester; Rutland, Sussex, and Huntingdon, the Viscounts of Lisle, and Rochford (age 55), the Bishops of London, Winchester, Lincoln, and Bath, the Lorde William Howard, the Lord Maltravers, the Lord Montacute, the Lord Cobham, the Lord Sandys, the Lord Bray, the Lorde Mordant, the Lord Leonard Grey (age 53), the Lord Clinton, and Sir William Fitzwilliam knight, treasurer of the King’s house, and Sir William Paulet, Comptroller of the same with a great number of knights, beside the lusty Esquires and young gentlemen. These noble, personages and gentlemen of England, accompanied the French Lords to Newnam Bridge, where as Thomas Palmer, captain of the fortress, with a fair company of soldiers saluted the Kings and so they passed towards Calais: where at their coming, that what out of the Town and the Castle, and what out of Rysbank [Map], and the Ships in the Haven, the French men said they never heard such a shot: And when they were entered the Mill Gate, all the Soldiers of the Town, stood on the one side, apparelled in Red and Blue, and on the other side of the streets, stood all the serving men of England, in coats of Frenche tawney, with their Lords and Masters devises embroidered, and every man a scarlet cap and a white feather, which made a goodly show: there were lodged in Calais that night, beside the town dwellers, eight thousand persons at the least. The King of England brought the French King to his lodging, to the Staple Inn, where his chamber was hanged with so rich verdure, as hath not been seen, the ground of it was gold and damask, and all over the tufts and flowers, were of satin silk and silver, so curiously wrought that they seemed to grow, every chamber was richer, and other: the second chamber all of tissue, with a cloth of estate of needle work, set with great roses of large pearl. The third was hanged with velvet, upon velvet pearled green and crimson, and embroidered over with branches, of flowers of gold bullion, and garnished with arms and beasts of the same gold, set with pearl and stone. If the Frenche King made good cheer to the King of England, and his train at Boulogne, I assure you he and his train, were requited at Calais, for the plenty of wild fowl, venison, fish, and all other things which were there, it was marvel to see, for the Kings Officers of England, had made preparation in every place, so that the Frenchmen were served, with such multitude of diverse fishes, this Friday and Saturday, that the masters of the French King’s household, much wondered at the provision. In likewise on the Sunday, they had all manner of flesh, foul, spice, venison, both of fallow deer and red deer, and as for wine they lacked none, so that well was the English man that might well entertain the Frenchman: the Lords of France never fetched their viandes, but they were sent to them, and often time their proportion of victual was so abundant, that they refused a great part thereof.

Letters and Papers 1533. 10 Jan 1533. R. O. 32. The King's New Year's Gifts.

Account of plate received of the following goldsmiths, and given away in New Year's gifts, 1 Jan. 24 Hen. VIII.:—

Of John Freman.—In gilt cups, &c. to Master Norres, lady Sandes, Sir Nich. Caroo, the bp. of Bath, the bp. of Lincoln, the abbot of Ramsey, the earl of Sussex, the bp. of Ezeter, Sir John Aleyn, Ric. Gresham, the King's Almoner, the lady of Salisbury, the bp. of Durham, the bp. of York, the Lord Steward, the bp. of Carlisle, the earl of Northumberland, the Princess, Master Sydnour, the earl of Westmoreland, Master Comptroller, the abbot of St. M. Abbey, the earl of Worcester, Sir James Bulleyn, lord Darcy, the duke of Norfolk, the Lord Chamberlain, Sir Ric. Paige, Sir Will. Kyngeston, Sir John Gaige, Sir John Russell, Sir Geo. Lawson, Sir Thos. Nevile, lord Curson, lord Mountague, lord Zouche, lord Stafford, lord Powes, the old duchess of Norfolk, the Princess, the "lady marques" of Exeter, the countess of Worcester, Sir Edw. Seymer, Sir John Nevile, lady Fitzwilliam, lady Russell, wife of Sir John Russell, Dr. Lupton, lord Dawbenney, the old lady Guildford, the countess of Huntingdon, the "lady marques" of Dorset, Master Crumwell, lady Outhrede, Becket the King's master cook, lady Lucy, the earl of Northumberland, the countess of Westmoreland, lady Stanneope, the bp. of Exeter, the Lord Chamberlain, lord Awdeley, lady Nevile, wife* of Sir Thos. Nevile, lady Kyngeston, lady Calthrop, lady Russell of Worcestershire, Geo. Lupkyn,—Lee, gent, usher, lady Verney, the countess of Derby, Borrein Myllyner, the earl of Huntingdon, lord Morley, lady Mountegill, Master Treasurer, — Parker, of the Robes and his wife, — Hubbert of St. Katherine's, Luke Liark, gunner, Mayon Sagbut, Christopher Myllyner. Total, 1,550 oz. at 5s. 2d. the ounce, = 400l. 8s. 4d.

Of Corneles.—To the earl of Wiltshire (age 56), Thos. Hennage, the bp. of Ely, Sir John Daunce, Sir Francis Brian, — Heywood, lord Dacris of the South, the earl of Oxford, the bp. of London, the bp. of Rochester, — Layland a priest, Dr. Buttes, the bp. of Llandaff, lord Mountjoye, lord Hussey, the prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, Sir Edw. Nevile, Sir Ric. Weston, Fraunces Weston, Sir Edw. Baynton, John Sowle, of Smithfield, Thos. Warde, the marquis of Exeter, Master Tuke, Thos. Alverd, Master Crumwell, Roger Radclif, the earl of Essex, the earl of Wiltshire (age 56), Master Crumwell, Dr. Rawson, lady Wingfeld, Jenyns Jueller, the dean of St. Stephen's, Sir Edw. Guldeford, lady Broune, Anth. Cassidony, lady Powes, old lady Brian, Anne Joscelyn, Anth. Toote, graver, — Vincent, clockmaker, Vincent Wolf, painter, — Rawlyns of Calais, — Blaknall of the Crown, — Skydmor, gent, usher, the abbot of St. Albans, Master Hennaige, Sir Anth. Broune, the French queen, the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Derby, the abbot of Abingdon, lord Mountegill, Peter Vaune, secretary, the abbot of Peterborough, the abbess of Reading, the duke of Suffolk, the bp. of Hereford, Sir Thos. Palmer, Sir Brian Tuke, the young duchess of Norfolk, the earl of Rutland, lord Windessore, the dean of the Chapel, Master Sullyerd, the French queen, the lord of St. John's, the countess of Rutland, Geo. Ardison, the countess of Kent, Anne Savaige, Mistress Margery, lady Shelston, Thos. Alverd, Richard the King's "pullicer" of stones, the abbey of Westminster, Anth. Antonyes. Total, 1,5603/8 ozs. at 5s. 2d. the ounce, = 403l. 1s. 11¼d.

Of Morgam Wolf parcels. (fn. 11)

To the Jewel-house, Sir Hen. Wiat, Master Norres, lord Lisle, [his son] lord Rochford (age 30), — Hasilwood of the Receipt, the young lady Guldeford, Sir Arthur Darcy, Gorron Bertinus Italian, to the christening of Sir Will. Pounder's son in May. Total, 3483/8 ozs. at 5s. 2d the ounce, = 89l. 7s. 0¼d. Of Will. Davy.—Parcels to Will. Lokke, Basterd Fawconbrige, John Cavalcant. 76½ oz. at 5s. 2d. the ounce, = 19l. 15s. 3d.

Parcels of plate new made and amended between the last day of Dec. 23 Hen. VIII. and the 1st of Jan. 24 Hen. VIII. by the King's goldsmiths, viz., (1). By John Freman, received out of the scullery, the pitcher-house; of Sir Francis Brian, the King's vessel that the arms of the said Sir Francis may be taken out, and the striking the same vessel with the arms of Master Wallop, who was deputed ambassador to the French king in April last; of the ewery, the cellar, the "chaundry," the jewel-house; for taking the Cardinal's arms out of plate and striking the King's arms in the same; for burnishing, &c. of plate given to the lady marques of Pembroke, received of Hen. Collyer, clerk of the Jewel-house. Received by the said Henry, for the Princess, of the said John Freman, a gilt cruse with a cover. Due to the said John Freman for a cruse silver and gilt, given by the King's command to Anthony, one of his minstrels, and not entered in the warrant of the New Year's gifts. Total of the same John Freman's parcels of mending stuff, 27l. 16s. 8½d.

(2). By Cornelis, received out of the pantry of the groom porter, out of the ewery, the "chaundry," the pitcher-house, for making a new sword of gold to the George of Diamantes belonging to the King's collar of gold, and garters for the same; received of Hen. Collyer, clerk of the Jewel-house; of the said Henry at the same time a pair of silver snuffers of the Princess; out of the Jewel-house in the Tower, for taking the Cardinal's arms out of various pieces of plate, of which curious descriptions are given, and striking the same with the King's arms; received at the Jewel-house at Calais, for making other plate with the King's arms, for striking the arms of the lady marques of Pembroke on various articles of plate, burnishing, &c. Delivered by the said Cornelis 40 amels of fine silver graven with my lady marques of Pembroke's arms, and set in several parcels of plate, making and burnishing of the same ammelles, &c. Total of Cornelys' parcels of mending stuff, 52l. 14s. 2½d.

Sum total of all the parcels in money, £993 3s. 5½d.; which sum Sir Brian Tuke is commanded to pay to the persons before written upon sight of warrant dated Greenwich, 10 Jan. 24 Hen. VIII.

Large paper, formerly a roll consisting of ten leaves written on one side only.

Letters and Papers 1533. 08 Mar 1533. Vienna Archives. 212. Chapuys to Charles V.

I wrote on the 23rd ult. On the 24th I received your Majesty's letters of the 28th Jan. The same day Langez arrived from France, and a French gentleman named Beauvoix from Scotland, who have been, as usual, well received, and dined at the King's table with the other Ambassador the day after their arrival, which was Shrove Tuesday, when the [his daughter] Lady (age 32) took the place usually occupied by the Queen; and there were present the [his brother-in-law] duke of Norfolk (age 60) and other great masters, except Suffolk, although he had been expressly called to come with the order of France. The said Langez and Beauvoix were here but four days, and were every day in Court and in communication with the King and Council, "mays non poinct fort griemant;" and it seems that their hasty despatch was either because Langez could not arrange anything important, or to hasten the settlement of their dispute with Scotland. I think one of the chief objects of Langez's coming has been to take resolution with those here about the Council, which both parties desire to prevent. I am led to think this, because, in talking with Langez, he suddenly said to me that your Majesty had obtained your desire, viz., the said Council, and that the Pope had no mind to refuse you anything since he had been punished by your Majesty by imprisonment and otherwise. And on my declaring to him the displeasure you had felt at his Holiness's imprisonment, and his sudden deliverance as soon as you were informed of it, he intimated that a ransom had been paid for the said deliverance, although it was more honorable and gracious than his Holiness deserved. This I could not allow to pass after declaring the respect you had always felt for his Holiness, and showed that the Pope had done more for his master than for your Majesty, pointing out also the necessity of the said Council, which the Pope must have promoted without being asked. On this Langez retracted what he had said. He told me his master had written to the Pope that a Council was reasonable and necessary, but that two conditions ought to be observed: first, that it must be in a suitable place where all could attend, and if it were held in Italy he should have the right of bringing as many forces as you had brought; and (2) that it should treat of nothing but what concerned the Faith, and enter into no particular quarrels. He did not enter fully into the said conditions, for Brian had just come for him and the other Ambassadors to conduct them to Court, taking no particular pleasure in my conversation with him. Suggests reasons for these conditions; among others, the fear they have lest it should be proposed to restore to the Empire the temporalities now held by the Pope, doubting that your Majesty would grow too great thereby.

Langez proceeded to justify the course he had taken at Paris about the divorce, saying he had not done any bad turn there, as people thought, and that he no more desired the divorce than I did. And he said that last year, when he was in Germany, he had found certain of your ministers very little inclined to the preservation of peace with his master; for that they said that his master had promoted the coming of the Turks. Further, in the course of conversation he said that you had used certain words at an assembly at Ratisbon not honorable to the King his master, stating that when he had been asked for succour against the Turk he had replied that he would not hazard his people.

In consequence of their hurry to go to Court, I had no leisure to treat with the gentleman who returned from Scotland. Conversation with Langez on the peace there, who professed ignorance of what this gentleman has done. Asked Norfolk (age 60), but could get no information. He told me that Langez had talked to the King and his Council, as he had done to me, but did not say much, as Suffolk and Wiltshire (age 56) were standing by while he had to go to the King, who had sent for him already three times. I hope I shall find out some of the particulars of Langez's charge. As to the other, I have learned that since the Scotch king received the Order (of the Golden Fleece) from your Majesty, the Scots are no longer inclined to France, and have proceeded so far as to beat down the arms of France, and put up the Imperial arms in their room. On being informed of this, the French king had sent him to James, explaining that he had not put off giving his daughter in marriage to him. To which the Scotch king made a gracious and prudent answer, expressive of his affection for France; and as to the reception of the Order, he had merely acted in conformity [with your liberality], of which he could not repent; and he spoke much in praise of you.

Calendars. 15 Apr 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

On Tuesday the 7th inst., having been informed of the strange and outrageous conduct and proceedings of this [his son-in-law] king (age 41) against the Queen (age 47), whereof I have written to Your Majesty, I went to Court at the hour appointed for the King's audience, that I might there duly remonstrate against the Queen's treatment. I took with me Mr. Hesdin, who by the consent of the Queen [of Hungary] is now here to claim the arrears of his pension, in order that he might be present, and hear the remonstrances I had to address the King (age 41), hoping also that if I had to use threatening language the King (age 41) might not be so much offended if uttered in the presence of the said Hesdin. On my arrival at Greenwich [Map] the earl of Vulchier (age 56) (Wiltshire) came to meet me, and leading me to the apartments of the [his brother-in-law] duke of Norfolk (age 60), who had just gone to see the Queen (age 47), said to me that the King (age 41) being very much engaged at that hour had deputed him to listen to what I had to say, and report thereupon. My answer was that my communication was of such a nature and so important that I could not possibly make it to anyone but to the King (age 41) in person. Until now he had never refused me audience, or put me off, and I could not think that he would now break through the custom without my having given him any occasion for it, especially as the King (age 41) knew that Your Majesty most willingly received the English ambassadors at all hours, whatever might be their errand or business. The Earl (age 56) repeated his excuses, and seemed at first disinclined to take my answer back to the King (age 41), until at last, perceiving my firm determination, he went in and came back saying the King (age 41) would see me immediately, though he still tried to ascertain what my business was, and advised me to put off my communication until after the festivals. It was settled at last that I should see the King (age 41) on Thursday in Holy Week, on which day having about me a copy of my last despatch [to Your Majesty], I took again the road to Court, accompanied as before by the said Master Hesdin, and was introduced to the Royal presence by the same earl of Wiltshire (age 56). The King (age 41) received us graciously enough. After the usual salutations and inquiries about Your Majesty's health, the King (age 41) asked me what news I had of your movements. I answered that the letters I had received last were rather old, but that I had reason to believe you had already embarked to return to Spain at the beginning of this present month. This statement the King (age 41) easily believed, and was rejoiced to hear (such is his wish to see you fairly out of Italy). I added that the weather for the last days could not have been more favourable, and therefore that it was to be hoped Your Majesty had reached Spain in safety. Having then asked me whether I had other news to communicate, I told him that your brother, the king of the Romans (age 30), had made his peace with the Turk, and that the latter had sent an embassy, at which piece of intelligence the King (age 41) remained for some time in silent astonishment as if he did not know what to answer.

Letters and Papers 1533. 10 May 1533. 465. On the 7th I was at Westminster at 8 a.m., where were assembled in council the Chancellor, the earls of Wiltshire (age 56) and Essex, [his son] lord Rochford (age 30), the Treasurer, the Controller, Cromwell, the two chief judges of England, Drs. Fox and Sampson, and others. The two Dukes were not there, because they had gone home to their houses. On Wiltshire (age 56) arriving there, he drew from his pouch the letter I had written to the King, asking me the meaning of it, and that I would show the power therein mentioned. To this I replied, that as to showing the power I had no great occasion, for as I was ambassador it was only of use to me for my discharge as against your Majesty, in case I should be accused of having intermeddled too far. Nevertheless, to show that I did not wish to stand on ceremony, I was willing to satisfy the King by producing the said power, and I threw it upon the table; which being read, I declared my said letter summarily, giving them to understand the tenor of the briefs and excommunications. On hearing this, Wiltshire (age 56), as one much grieved and astonished, began to say that the said letter appeared a little strange, and that it was of such a quality that if it had been written by any one in the kingdom, however great, his body and goods would be confiscated by virtue of the late statute, of which he desired to notify me by the command of the King, who had besides ordered him to tell me that if I desired to live in peace and do the duty of an ambassador, as I had done till now, the King would treat me most favorably, as much as any ambassador who could come to him from any prince; but if I meant to assume two faces, and exceed the duty of an ambassador, it would be another thing. Therefore, I ought to consider well how I interfered in the matters contained in the said power. On this I said he acted like the eels of Meaux¹, who cry before they are skinned; for as yet I had neither appealed nor presented apostolic letters, nor done anything by my said letter of which they could reasonably complain, even if it had been written by any other than an ambassador. As to the good treatment of the King, of which he spoke, I held myself very well satisfied hitherto, and that he was so virtuous and humane that he could not do otherwise; also he could not, without injuring his reputation. As to the two faces of which he spoke, I did not yet know this art, if he did not teach it to me. By these two faces he meant, to attempt to act as ambassador and as proctor. At last I told him he might lawfully enough excuse himself from speaking of this matter, as being an interested party, and moreover that it was a matter for learned men. At this he knew not what to say, except that he referred himself to others.

Note 1. Thomas Boleyn 1st Earl Wiltshire and Ormonde (age 56).

Letters and Papers 1535. 14 Aug 1535. Titus, B. xi. 425. B. M. St. P. i. 439. 90. Sir Thomas Audeley, Chancellor, to Cromwell.

Has put the following Irish Acts in order:—The Supreme Head of the Church in Ireland; the King's Succession; the declaration of treasons; licenses and dispensations; the annates and election and consecration of bishops; appeals in spiritual matters to be made to the King, and not the bishop of Rome; first-fruits, which does not extend to abbots and priors, for this time; Kildare's attainder; subsidy; resumption of the lands of the duke of Norfolk and his coparceners, the earl of Shrewsbury, the heirs general of the earl of Ormond, and divers abbots and priors in England. Wishes him to ask the King whether that Act is to be set forth without declaring his pleasure to the Duke, Earl, and heirs general of the earl of Ormond. Has seen the Act made in Ponynges' time, and delivered it again to Mr. Gostwyk. Does not take that Act as they take it in Ireland, but has made a short Act that everything done in this Parliament shall be effectual, notwithstanding that or any other Act. These Acts should be sent to Ireland with a letter ordering the Deputy and Council to return a transumpt under the seal of Ireland. Asks whether the commission to hold the Parliament is to be made to the Deputy alone or to others, and what day it is to begin. Asks him to remind the King of the barons he wished to make to increase the number of temporal lords. They shall be all ready written by Monday next. Does not think the Acts of heresy and submission of the clergy necessary for that land, for the Statute of Henry IV. was never put in execution; and as to the submission, after the laws for the spiritual jurisdiction are ratified here in England by the 32 assigned by the King, and confirmed by Parliament here, it were necessary they should be received in Ireland by authority of Parliament there. Advises that the Acts of probate of testament, mortuaries, and pluralities of benefices should be spared at this time. The Earl of Wiltshire (age 58) has asked that the Act for the Earl of Ossory may be deferred till he and his coparcener Selenger may search their evidences, and declare what prejudice they might take. If the King wishes the Act to go forward, he should write to the Earl, and cause him to make a sufficient proviso. The King might also order the Deputy to take a bond from the earl of Ossory not to take any advantage of the Earl of Wiltshire (age 58) by the Act.

Sends a commission of oyer and determiner concerning the prior of Wurcetter and his monk. Thinks the words spoken in March last by the monk touching appeals will hardly bear treason but misprision, for there is no express mention of the King nor Queen. The words spoken of the King and Queen at Christmas or before February would have been treason if they had been spoken since February 1.

It were best to have them indicted truly upon the fact, and then let them remain in ward till further opinions be known.

Christchurch, in London, Saturday, the eve of the Assumption. Is going to Colchester on Tuesday; there is so great death in London.

Hol. Add: Chief Secretary.

Letters 1536. 25 Feb 1536. Vienna Archives. 351. Chapuys to Charles V.

The day before yesterday Cromwell sent to beg that I would come and speak with him in the Church of the Augustines, which adjoins my lodging and abuts on a large house he is building, which I politely declined to do, expecting that the King was going to perform some obsequies as had been reported; and also I had determined not to go out till I had done my duty to the Church by celebrating masses for the soul of the good Queen, meaning afterwards to go out today, feast of Saint Matthias; adding that if he would not come and see me he might send to tell me what he wanted to say. As soon as he received my answer he sent to tell me, by a secretary of his who carries all the messages between the King and him (que fait toutes les ambassades entre le roy et luy), that he would have been very glad to come to me if only to see how I did, but that it was unadvisable at this time, both to avoid the suspicion of the French and because he wished only to speak to me of himself and not by command of the King, and therefore he begged I would choose some place less suspect where we could talk together, and he would tell me things of great importance for the services of your Majesty and the King. Considering his reasons, especially the second, (for of the first I might make use, as well as himself, if it were not for my desire to satisfy the King his master, as I had several times informed him,) I sent to tell him that next day, yesterday, I would be very early at the Augustines, and that after the offices which I meant to celebrate there for the Queen I would return through the house which he is building, as it would be my most direct road home. Yesterday morning, before I had gone to the church, he had already come to the said house, which is about half a league distant from where he dwells now, and there I met him after having heard the office. After thanking me for the honor I had done him in coming to see him, and for making such a good report to your Majesty of him as Granvelle had informed their ambassador, he repeated the grand prologue he has usually made touching the advantage of the amity between your Majesty and the King his master, by which you might easily succeed in your enterprises both against the Turk and others, for if you and the King were thoroughly united no other prince in Christendom durst murmur, and that he considered continually night and day how to cement the said amity. For this reason he had continually done his best to prevent anything being treated with the French to your prejudice, or to that of the said amity, and said I might remember that when the King's commissioners went to Calais to meet the Admiral and the other French commissioners he had assured me that nothing would be treated to your disadvantage, neither was there, and he could clearly show that this was one of the articles contained in the charge of the bishop of Winchester, concerning which he could also show me a letter from the king of France, who never forbore to beg the King his master to move war against you and invade Flanders; but he was quite mistaken, for the King would never undertake such a dance, and of this I might be quite assured; and, moreover, that the King his master desired nothing more earnestly than your friendship, to which he was not only naturally inclined himself but strongly urged by his Council, especially by those who were pensionaries of France, such as the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and the Treasurer, as well as by those of the opposite party like the Earl of Wiltshire (age 59), the said councillors being indignant at the incredible ingratitude and wickedness of the French, and moved by the goodness and innumerable virtues of your Majesty, whose affairs are conducted by the grace and clemency of God, who seems to have taken your interests under His special care. Nor did they think you disinclined to reciprocate their friendship, considering the language used by Granvelle to their ambassador, and especially that it appeared by what they heard from Rome that your Majesty had not yet permitted the Pope to fulminate the censures, to do which his Holiness had been extremely urged by the cardinals since the death of the cardinal of Rochester. But although the King and his Council were well assured of your goodwill they thought if you [bore to them] onetenth part of the affection that all this people bore to you, your benevolence towards them would augment in such fashion that it would be impossible for the Pope, who was scarcely a friend of your Majesty, or any other power to persuade you to allow injury to be done to this kingdom; and since it had pleased God to remove from this world that which was the only hindrance to cordial amity, it was right that the servants of either Prince should do their utmost for the renewal and confirmation of the said amity; that he had great confidence that I would do my best to promote it, whereby I should acquire immortal fame; and he begged I would despatch some one in all diligence to inform you of the said matters, and to request that you would not lose the opportunity now that the door was open. I praised Cromwell's prudence and goodwill, and told him that hitherto I had not found in your Majesty any other desire than to continue and augment the said friendship, and that you only wished it restored to the condition of which he spoke; and as to despatching any one to your Majesty about such general conversation as we had had without any particular overture, it seemed like wasting time and trouble for nothing, for it was only the same song as ever; and, to cut the matter short, and show that something effectual was meant, it would be necessary to propose some overture. On this Cromwell said that I might feel quite assured there was no dissimulation in what he had said, and it would be very foolish in him to attempt it, for nothing could be gained thereby for his master; and as what he had said came of himself without commission from his master, I might see that he had no power to make any overture, which must come of your Majesty. And for himself, when I remarked that they had not yet replied to the first overtures your Majesty had made, he answered that there was no occasion to speak of those overtures now, as the Queen, to whom they chiefly related, was dead. I did not wish for the moment to say more than that, perhaps, the article of the validity of the Queen's sentence was still more necessary to be declared than previously; and on his asking why, I declined to tell him, saying I had not spoken assuredly, and would not insist upon the matter. Hereupon Cromwell began to praise the Bishop of Winchester, who had shown great judgment in avoiding the tricks and deceits of the French, and had wisely advised the King not to trust them, but to use every effort to ally himself with your Majesty, with which Cromwell said he was very much pleased, for the Bishop was bound to treat with the French, and to hear what they said; but when he had to treat with your Majesty his heart rebounded with pleasure. And here he showed such great anger that he could hardly explain himself, saying that the French had played such tricks upon the King that he would rather be hanged on the highest steeple of London than have done or thought the half of them; and, besides this, that the French, for their own advantage, had intimated to Likkerke that the King his master meant to send men against Flanders and against Denmark. Incidentally he told me that the marriage was spoken of between the duke of Angoulême and the duchess of Milan, and that your Majesty would invest Angoulême with the said duchy. I think all that he said is meant principally to interrupt the said alliance, of which I have the greater suspicion because the said Cromwell begged me to write it all to Likkerke as well as to your Majesty.

Letters 1536. 12 Mar 1536. Vit. B. xxi. 141. B. M. 458. Thos. Tebold to Earl of Wiltshire (age 59).

"Please it your Lordship to understand .... I have received your most loving letters wh .... of Reygnard Wolfe, for the which I most ho .... Lordship, praying God to give me that power aug .... may once with my service and diligent endeavour reco[mpense] your great goodness, to the which my heart shall never .... [de]syrying your Lordship to continue this your good w[ill tow]erd me so long as you shall perceive me most willing [and] diligent to accomplish your pleasure, and to do that thy[ng] which I shall judge to be acceptable to you."

This money came to me happily for two causes, because I fear war and because I have spent much in riding to Norenberg, Wy[ten]berg, Augusta, and Ulmes, from all which places I have written to you. I have had letters of commendation to the learned men there. It is costly at Tubynge, for you desired me to haunt the acquaintance of the best, and I am familiarly acquainted with the bishop of the town, the bishop and reformator of the whole country, the governor of the town, and most of the professors, being better esteemed than perhaps I am worthy, and of more credit than it becomes me to rehearse. The expense has not been very great, for I had not more than 30 li. in bank at leaving England, and I have come a long journey, not knowing the language, and stopped on my way at Collen, Franckford, and Heydylberg, where the Palsgrave was married, besides being sick for five or six weeks. I have also bought books and raiment, and made journeys to Wyttemberge, Ausborge, and Noremberg, which cost me about seven weeks, and there are also my commons at Tubyng. I reckon the money well bestowed, for I have seen most of the chiefest cities in Almayne, and spoken with many of the best learned men. I could now travel to all these parts without a guide, and, if you were disposed, could cause works both in divinity and other subjects to be dedicated to you. You commanded me to tell you how I have profited in the Almain tongue and the Latin tongue, and al[though] I have tarried but little in one place since my coming .... "kn .... [un]derstand the most part what the * * * I un .... he speaketh more and better th ....but that is but for lack of use, which, God willing, I will shortly .... my return recover. Further, your Lordship may demand of Reygnard W[olfe] .... yn tongue I have had no great time or rest since my coming hither to have yn .... re than I had before when I was in Lovayne by reason .... use in speaking Latin that I had there the Latin tongue .... as familiar unto me as English, and I had as leve have [spoken] Latin as English;" but my being in France and learning French has made me less prompt, but a little use will make me prompter. I think, however, that I speak as readily as the common sort here, and I have daily communication with the best learned men, who commonly speak not all the readiest for lack of use. I will diligently labour at these two tongues. As for uttering my mind in speaking, I do not fear to whom I speak, not for excellency, but for true Latin, without studying or stumbling. As to leaving Tubyng, which you refer to my decision, I shall not depart this summer, because at Strosborge, where I intended to have gone, they begin to die of the pestilence, and I had rather go there toward winter. Another cause is that a young kinsman of Mons. de Langie has come here to study Latin and Dutch, having lived with Melancthon for a year at Wittenberg, and also at Nurenberg for a year. Langie has obtained 500 cr. a year for him from the King to stay at Tubing, and resort to the duke of Wirtemberg and others, who will communicate with the King through him. I expect to obtain news through him, and we intend to have private masters to read Dutch and good Latin authors. The Duke has given him a goodly lodging. He was lately with the dukes of Bavaria, from whom he had 100 cr. as a reward. He tells me that one of them has not forsaken the French king, and that the other wavers. If this is true, I suspect there is not such earnest hatred between them and our Duke as they pretend, but the rumour was spread that they might have occasion to muster and view their people. The truth will come out if the Emperor and French king once meddle earnestly together. The people of Bavare are esteemed the worst men of war in Dutchland and * * * "of the own . . I saw not two parsons off refuse .... y met to war. I never saw greater and stronger people and bett[er] .... nerallye, wearing their harness and bearing their p .... bardes and hand guns, triumphing in the way as the[y went, inso]much that a man would think they were lanceknights [brought] up and exercised all their life in war. When they w[ere assem]bled all afore the governour of the town he made a sm[all orai]son to them in Dutch, showing them that the Prince desired nor intended war against no man, but to live quietly in peace [with] his well-beloved subjects, notwithstanding he was adve[rtised] of certain envies which privately had conspired agai[nst] him and them, which suddenly would invade them unawares, and f .... them .... to provide against this great danger in time, he had cause[d] them to assemble to give them warning to be in readiness," giving every man an oath not to leave the country without licence. He desired them to be of good courage, for he would demand no money of his subjects, for he had plenty of money, wine and victuals, and friends to take his part. They were then ordered to go to the Prince's castle, and fetch as much wine and bread as they would. They brought the wine in pails and tubs, and quaffed merrily till they were drunk. The governor's good words and this liberality set these rustics so on fire and in love with their Duke that they desired nothing else but war, being content to go whither their Prince would. When the Prince goes to war he gives no wages to his subjects, but only meat and drink, and that slenderly, except when they are going to fight, when they have their bellies full of good wine. The duchy can raise nearly 30,000 foot and 300 or 400 horse. I think our Duke favours the French king, but he dissembles, for the Emperor is proving all his friends, and has commanded that whoever goes out of the Empire to help the French king shall never return except he be content to lose his head and his goods. I think this is because the Emperor demands Milan in his own name; "but for the .... it is thought here that the Pope is in league with the .... and the .... last letter to you it * * * themperor, howbeit some r .... [fa]vor in their heart on this matter the French king, for themper[or has] too much power already in Italy. The Emperor could not use .... more for his profit than at this time to be pre .... partly to establish them in Naples .... thought somewhat to favor the French king, and further . . make amity and accord with the other princes of Italy, at least [to] find the means that they do not meddle against him." It is thought that the Turk is procured to come on the other side against the Emperor. The French king has a good beginning for the invasion of Milan, for he has invaded great part of the lands of the duke of Savoy and the city of Berne. We hear that the duke of Savoy has fled to Milan. I enclose a copy of a letter from a preacher in the army of Berne to my host, who is preacher of Tubyng. Berne is one of the 12 confederated villages or cantons of Switzerland, and can raise 30,000 men born there, having 30 earldoms and 10 seniories. Shaffhowse, another canton, can make 15,000 or 16,000, and Friburg as many. Basyle is also one of their cantons. Strosborought, an imperial city, has no great country nor possessions, but there is no city in Almain so strong, and they are rich enough to support 30,000 men for two years, and have victuals to keep the city for four years. The strength of the 60 cities and 10 Imperials, besides the princes and bishops of the Empire, is very great. At my departure from Tubyng, I asked the bishop and reformator general of our duchy whether he would give me any commands for Franckforde or Strosborg. "Then he asked me if I had any acquaintance with Bucerus and .... and other learned men there .... said he * * * with him .... articles of the French .... n in receiving the Gospel sent to our Duke of late by an ambassador from him, which articles the Duke sent to him, requiring him with all speed to ma[ke] answer to them, which I read also, very clerkly written, condemning all their petitions as fantasies, follies, and great dissimula[tions] .... in words to have the name of an evan[gelist] .... follow it and express it in deed, for he will .... in a manner as afore both in the Pope, cery .... men, and divers other articles by the which he .... hatred in Almain than favour. But all men mock .... ambassy at Smalcaldia, concerning his petitions for .... the Gospel, and so they did likewise at Noremberg, as I [wrote] to your Lordship at large from thence."

Gives an account of the hospitality shown to him by the son of the Margrave of Baden at Phorseyne (Pforzheim), whose acquaintance he had made at Orleans. Supped at his castle, where his father, who is very old and sickly, has his lodging apart. "After much communication of many matters of France .... and by occasion I moved communication of war between .... mas he said his father had * * * that it was thought the Emperor should have from .... subjects in Almain 11,000 horsemen, but of .... he said he was sure, adding that 1,000 of them .... of the Palsgrave's provision, and 1,000 should [come] from about Colleyne." He said the French king would not have as many as he trusted and was promised, because of this strait command of the Emperor that all lanzknechts going to the French king should lose their heads, pretending that this war is in the name of the empire. Some who would have gone to the French king have already been hanged. He has sent to the Almain gentlemen and lanzknechts already in France, that if they will return at once they shall have favor and pardon, but if not their goods shall be confiscated, and they shall lose their heads if they ever return. They mentioned a baron and a gentleman or two who have already returned. Asked whether the Earl of Furstenberge would return, who is chief for the French king in these parts, and an old captain of his. They said he had nothing to lose, and did not care to return; but I have since heard that his brother has taken possession of a seniory of his. He said he was sure that the French king had not more than 6,000 or 7,000 lanzknechts, though the report is that he has 20,000, for as many would have gone to him if they had not been forbidden. Every one says they would rather serve the King than the Emperor, for the former gives more wages and pays them better, though he does the contrary with his own subjects. After supper the Prince led me over his court. The buildings are about as large as my lord of Canterbury's place at Otford, but not so goodly. It is very old. He showed me his great guns, harness, hand guns, &c. * * * ". . ller that ever I saw, yet I saw a very goodly one ...., .... castle at Wyttenberg, he showed me that th .... ed in his father's court 200 or 300 pars[ons] .... as goodly horses as ever I saw." He invited me to stay with him when I would. Great part of his lands lie beside Basele. I think he is of kin to the Emperor by his father, and to the dukes of Brande[nburg] by his mother. His father is a great papist, but I think he is in[diff]erent, for when he showed me his father's artillery, in which he has great pleasure, "I said to him in French that if I were in his taking I would have twice as many as there were and better, which should cost no great money. And he asked me how? And I said when his father died I would visit abbeys and religious houses where were many bells that did serve for no other purpose but to ring to dinner and supper, and to hypocrisy and superstition, with the which he might furnish himself in guns and hackbutts abundantly to defend his country, and with the monks' possessions he might bring up learned men to be of his council, for his great profit and the country, likewise to nourish with the said possessions also a great many of horsemen, in the which is all their pleasure, &c. At the which he fell in a great laughter that he could scarce stand; wherefore his gentlemen and doctors desired greatly to know what I said, but he would not tell them, forbidding me also to show them, for he would for [no] good that it should come to his father's ear that he rejoiced in such a matter." We hear by posts from Lyons that the French king has assembled more than 100,000 persons there. It is generally thought that our King and the Pope are helping him. These Brabantynes and Flemyngs do most ungoodly rail a[gainst] England and the King, and desire war with us, "saying that our King his grace is covy[to]use and layeth up money for them. This, with many other railing wor[ds], they use in all companies. Merchants of these high parts hath .... times of it, greatly mocking them becau[se] .... yevel men of * * * that they know us no more.

".... to understand that at this present I spake with two merchants of .... of my old acquaintance which do occupy much to .... lly to Lyone, wherefore the merchants having a post .... showed me that they were certified in letters from thence, that [the French] king had lately viewed his host," and had given to William [earl] of Furstenberg, the captain of the lanceknights (6,000 or 7,000 in number), a chain of gold worth 1,000 cr., a chain to all the other captains, and a crown to each lanceknight. Earl Frederick, brother to Earl William, will be captain for the Emperor of 4,000 horse and 10,000 lanceknights. They showed me a tale of the Pope's treason against the Emperor such as I wrote before. The people here commonly favor the Emperor, especially the Imperial cities, for the Emperor pretends that he is warring for the profit of the empire, "and to subdue to them and not to himself." They say that he intends to make Florence a city Imperial; but I fear he will keep his conquests for himself, as Philip, the father of Alexander the Great, did. A mad foolish fellow and unlearned, named Cochlæus, who is with duke Frederick, the brother or uncle of the duke of Saxony, has madly and railingly written against the King for the death of More and Fisher and other matters. Your Lordship shall receive the book from Reygnard Wolfe. Among learned men Cochlæus is esteemed not only unlearned, but foolish, mad, and fantastical, but his book doth and will do hurt. I marvel that no answer is made to Erasmus' epistle¹ for More and Fisher.

Sends an epistle of Clement Marrott, an excellent French poet, who has fled from France for the Gospel. We hear from these merchants that the Emperor will have 1,000 horse from about Gulyk, July, and Luke, who are only waiting for certainty of their stipend, and that worthily, for in their last journey for the Emperor they spent all they had, and received no recompense.

There are no new maps or pictures. If there were, I would send them. As for books, you shall .... [Wol]fe such as * * * .... e Sundaye.

Hol., pp. 8. Mutilated. The address is written on the back of § 2, which is the enclosure referred to in the letter (see p. 186).

Note 1. The letter signed Gulielmus Covrinus Nucerinus (Vol. VIII., No. 1096) was commonly, and no doubt rightly, attributed to Erasmus.

Letters 1536. 15 May 1536. R. O. 878. [his son] Rochford (age 33), Norris (age 54), and Brereton. Lord Rochford's lands. Account of their yearly value.

Farms:—Manor of South Kent, and honor and lordship of Rayley, Essex, sold to the Earl of Wiltshire (age 59); manor of Grymston, worth £10 a year. Offices:—Stewardship of Beaulyu, Essex, £10 and keeping of the new park there, £4 10s. 3d.; keeping of the house of Our Lady of Bethlem without Bishopsgate, without account; keeping, &c. of the parks of Rayley and Thundersley and the bailliwick of the hundred of Rocheford, £16 20d.; keeping of the park of King's Hatfelde, 100s. 10d.; keeping of the manor, &c. of Beaulyu, Essex, and baileywick of the m[anors] of Newhall, Dorehame, Walkefare hall and P[ower]s, [See Vol. IV., 4993 (15).] Essex, £21 5s. 10d.; stewardship and other offices of Tunbridge, receivership and bailliwick of Brestede, keeping, &c. of the manor and park of Penshurst and the parks of Northleigh and Northlands, Kent, £28 15s. 10d.; constableship of Dover and keeping of the v. ports, —; constableship of Kelingworth, £13 6s. 8d.; keeping of Kelingworth park, 60s. 8d.; portership of Kelingworth castle, 30s. 4d.; bailiff and feudary of the liberty of the duchy in Warwickshire; keeping of the King's woods at Kelingworth, £4 11s. Annuities:—One of 50 mks., of the bp. of Winchester £200, and of the abbot of St. Albans £133 6s. 8d.

Grand total, £441 10s. 9d.

ii. Lands, &c. of Henry Norres (age 54), Esquire to the Body.

Account of Edmund Asshefelde, his receiver, for the year ending Michaelmas, 27 Henry VIII.

Arrearages, £692 8s. 2¾d.

Farms:—In co. Linc., the lordships of Barton upon Humber, £65, and Thursway and Tewelly, £13; in co. Notts., manor and lordship of Stokebardolph, Shelforde and Gedlyng, £45; cos. Beds. and Hunts., manor and lordship of Tylbroke and Southoo, £36 10s.; cos. Berks. and Dors., divers lands, £36; co. Rutl., lordship of Longhame, £81; co. Kent, lands in Greenwich, £15 10s.; co. Oxford, lordship of Duklyngton Fryngforde and Barley park, £32 10s.; manor of Mynster Lovell, £46; co. Bucks, "lands with the park which was never rented," nil; co. Surrey, house in Kewe never rented, nil. Total, £370 10s.

Offices:—Of the "Exchequireship" to the Body, £33 6s. 8d.; mastership of the Hart hounds, £18 5s.; Black Rod, £18 5s.; "gravership" of the Tower, £20; collectorship of the subsidy in London, worth 80 marks a year, sold to Richard Hill his deputy for ready money, nil; mastership of the hawkes, £40; keeping of the manor of Pleasaunce at Green wich, £24 17s. 8d.; stewardship of Mynsterlovell, £4 13s. 4d.; of Burfor town, £8 12s. 4d.; chamberlainship of North Wales, £20; constableship of Wallingford castle, £50; "wayreship" (weighership) of Southampton —; baileywick of Watlington, £6 20d.; mastership of the game of Whichewoode with Cornebury park, £27 2s. 6d.; keeping of Windsor little park, £4 11s. 3d.; of Foly Johns park —; of Ewelme park and manor, &c., £12 3s. 6d.; constableship, &c. of Donyngton castle and park, £16; baileywick of Kydlington, 100s.; of Buckl . d, —; of Newnam, 60s.; lieutenantship of Waltham forest —; keeping of Copped Hall park, —; of Hoknorton park, —; mastership of game and fee-farm of the lordship of Eltam, —; stewardships of Banbury, £6, of Osney, £4; and of the seven hundreds of Circetor, £6 13s. 4d.; fee of my Lord of Northumberland, £13 6s. 8d.; of lord Conyers, 66s. 8d.; of the abbot of Welbeke, 66s. 8d.; office of Sunyng, of the gift of the bp. of Salisbury, £13 6s. 8d.; stewardship of Abendon, £10; of Reading abbey, 100s.; of Brewan abbey, 66s. 8d.; of Malmsbury abbey, £10; of the University of Oxford, 100s. Total of offices, £395 5s. 7d.

Annuities:—Out of the Exchequer, £33 6s. 8d.; of the see of Winchester, £122; from the chamberlain of North Wales, over and above 40 marks for the constableship of Bewmares castle given to Richard Bowkeley, £360; out of the King's receipt, £26 13s. 4d.; of lord Dacres of the South, £20 Total, £562

Total "ultra arrerag," £1,327 15s. 7d.

iii. Lands, &c. of William Brereton, Esquire. Account for the year ended Michaelmas last 27 Henry VIII.

Lands in farm of the King:—To him and my lady in survivorship, lordship of Echells, £68 6s. 3½d., manor of Alderlaie, £20 12s. 5½d., and manor and lordship of Aldeford, Chesh., £53 14s. 1½d., with lands of Aldeforde, in Flintshire, 106s. 8d.; in all £47 clear, and the King paid. Lordship of Mottrom in Londendale, £46 19s. 2d., to him and his brother Uryan in survivorship, manor and lordship of Shotwyks and Sage Hall, £22 12s. 8d.; lands in Chester, parcel of Mottrom in Longdendale, 20s., to him and his heirs; manor of Lesnes, —; lands in Charleyton, Chesh., £6 14s. 8d.; ferries of North Wales, £20 2s. 4d. clear; lordship of Fyncheley, Midd., £25 19s. 4½d.: total £271 7s. 9d. Lands in farm of the Duke of Richmond (age 16):—Demesnes of Holt Castle, with the "weyre houks" and other pasture in the lordship of Bromefeld, £19 17s. 9d.; the horsemill in Holt town, 33s. 4d.: total, £21 11s. 1d. Farms:—of the Earl of Derby, of marshes in Alford, Coddington, and Twylston, Chesh., £18 19s., worth £8 10s. 8d., the King paid; of lord Audelay, the lordship of Tatenhall, co. Chester, £38 3s. 4½d., "worth nothing;" gift of Sir Randall Brereton, his father, lands in Malpas, &c., of the annuity of William Brereton, Esquire, 64s. 1d.; of Sir Anthony Browne, the lordship of Newhall, Chesh., £65 17s. 6d., "worth nothing by the year:" total, £120 3s. 11½d.

Sir John Savage's lands in farm of the King during the nonage of John, son and heir of the said Sir John, with my lady his wife's jointure:—In co. Chester, the lordship of Shipbroke, £85 2s., manors and lordships of Clyfton, £27 11s. 4d., Bradley, £14 9s. 11d., Makkelfeld, £12 2s. 8d., Huxley, £7 13s. 8d., Barrowe, £67 19s. 4½d., Chedell, £74 10½d., Coulle and Hurleston, £20 11s. 8½d.; in co. Shropp., lordships of Edelburnell, £13 16s. 7d., Crofton (with the manor), £7 13s. 8d., Sutton, £6 10s. 11d., Wotton Ovenbury, £14 4s. 7d., Hopebowdler, 55s. 1d., Wycus Malbus (Nantwich) for the barony there, 30s.; in co. Derby, lordships of Stanby, 34s. 17s. ½d., Elmeton, £16, Ilkeston, £37, Holmeffeld, £13 6s. 8d.; lordship of Graundby and Sutton, Notts, £36 4s. 7d.; lordship of Dowre, Derb., "nil, for he hath not accounted;" castle and manors of Gryse, Notts., "nil, in the hands of Richard Savage, the elder;" in co. Stafford, manors and lordships of Rossheton, £18 6s. 7¼d., and Tayne, £12 7s. ½d.; lordship of Shepfeld, Leic., £10; a meadow and tenement in Leicester, "nil, in the hands of John Savage:" total, £534 4s. 3¾d.

In farm:—of Dr. Chamber, tithe corn of Pykyll, £13 6s. 8d.; of the abbot of Vala Crucis, tithe corn of Ruabon, £26 13s. 4d., "for the which he paid nothing:" total, £40 Offices by the King:—chamberlainship of Chester, £22 10s., and Randall Brereton for the fee of chamberlain, £26 13s. 4d., £49 3s. 4d. clear; constable of Chester castle, £18 5s.; escheator of Chester, £10 10s.; rangership of Dalamer forest, £4 11s. 3d.; stewardship of Halton, 100 [s.]; comptrollership of Chester and Flintshire, £12 3s. 4d.; stewardship of Bromefeld, £20; receivership there, £13 6s. 8d.; master fostership, 60s.; office of serjeant at Paxe there, £4; of improver there, 60s. 10d.; keeping of Mersley park, 60s. 10d.; stewardship of Crykeland, £10; receivership there, 100s.; annuity of Denbigh, £6 13s. 4d.; sheriffship of Flintshire, £20; keeping of Halton park, 60s. 10d.: total, £190 15s. 5d. Other offices:— stewardship of lord Audeley's lands in Chester, £6 13s. 4d.; receivership of Newhall, Coulle, and other lands of Sir Anthony Browne, 50s.; annuity of the abbot of Norton, £4 13s. 4d.; of Anthony Kingeston, 53s. 4d.; the abbot of Chester, £20; abbot of Vala Riall, £20; stewardship of Sir William Brereton's lands in Malpas, 40s: total, £58 10s.

Grand total of Brereton's lands, &c., 1,2361. 12s. 6¼d.

Large paper, pp. 16. 3 blank leaves.

R. O. 879. Norris and Brereton.

Grant to Henry Norres (age 54), squire of the Body, of the stewardship of the manors of Lewesham and East Greenwich, with a yearly fee of £3 6s. 8d. [A.D. 1532.—See Vol. V., 1065 (22)]. Lat. Draft, pp. 2. Endd.

R. O. 2. Draft warrant to the Treasurer and Chamberlains of the Exchequer, in behalf of Thomas Brigges, deputy to Henry Norres (age 54), to whom the rangership of Whichwood Forest, Oxon, was granted by patent 24 Nov. 21 Henry VIII., with 6d. a day out of the issues of cos. Oxon and Berks,—to levy £17 arrears of the said 6d., which are unpaid since 5 June 26 Henry VIII. through insufficiency of the said issues, out of the petty custom of the port of London. [Date apparently 16 April 1536]. Pp. 2. Draft, mutilated. Endd.: £55 12s. 6d.—£28

R. O. 3. A list of William Brereton's offices; viz., chamberlain of Chester, escheator, baron of the Exchequer [i.e., of Chester], receiver general and surveyor, constable of the castle. "Also he maketh the coroners." Steward of Halton Castle and keeper of the prisoners there, steward to all abbeys and priories within the shire. "Steward to the king of Mottram in Longdendale, wherein he hath great manrede; steward and farmer of Echees, .... and Alderly, and farmer for the King of the same .... £100 by the year," &c. P. 1. Mutilated and defaced by damp. Endd.:

William Brereton offices.

R. O. 4. Accounts of John Norbury, general receiver of the lands of William Brereton in cos. Chester, Flint, and other counties, from 22 to 25 Henry VIII., containing numerous names of tenants, farmers, and officers.

A large folio volume of 41 leaves, numbered in pencil.

S. B. 5. Grant to W. Breerton, page of the chamber, of the wardship and marriage of Godfrey son and heir of Roger Fuljambe. [This S. B. is undated, but was probably issued early in the year 1529. See Vol. IV. 5508 (1). It has accordingly been placed on the file of the 21st year].

R. O. 6. A remembrance to Master Secretary of three offices in the King's gift, which William Brearton late had, in Cheshire; the riding forestership of Dealamer Forest, 4d. a day; keepership of Shotwike park, 2d. the [day]; escheatorship, £10 a year. P. 1. Endd.: [Hen]ry Annesley, Groom of the Chamber.

R. O. 880. Robert B[arnes] to Cromwell. Is informed that through the death of these false men the mastership of Bedlam¹ shall be void. Begs for that promotion, which he would rather have than a bishopric. Hears it is worth £40 If he had it, would be near Cromwell, who might be a witness of his conversation. Need compels him to write, for he has nothing and nobody to care for him. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.: Anno xxviio.

R. O. 881. Robert Bar [Barnes] (age 41) to Cromwell. Desires to speak two or three words with him. "My matters pertain to God's glory and to the salvation of your soul, which our Heavenly Father ever keep for the sweet bulde (blood?) of his dear Son, Jesus Christ." Hol., p. 1. Add.: Master Secretary.

Note 1. Lord Rochford (age 33) was master of Bethlehem Hospital. See IV. 5815 (27); also in this Vol., No. 878, preceding. The endorsement is therefore wrong.

Letters 1536. 16 May 1536. R. O. 891. Longland Bishop of Lincoln to Cromwell.

Thanks him for repressing evil persons haunting these parts of Buckinghamshire, as Swynnerton and Threder. The latter shall remain in prison till Cromwell's pleasure is known. Swynnerton is either in London or Essex. His costs were paid by poor men, not having enough for themselves. There is another like preacher with the King's great seal, named Garrard, of little learning and less discretion, against whom Lincolnshire much grudgeth.

Thanks him for accepting the stewardship of the university. Sends a gift of the next avoidance of the stewardship of Banbury. Cromwell can move the duke of Suffolk for his resignation at time convenient. To show what desire there is for it, sends a copy of a letter from the duke of Richmond. Trusts he will keep it himself, for they have ever been of honor that have had that room. He will have thereby "the manerhode of tall men, which hath good qualities besides."

Hasilwoode is suing again for the Earl of Wiltshire's (age 59) debts, as executor to "my brother Lucas." Asks Cromwell to stay the matter again, by some commandment or injunction, till he sees the Earl's title, and "his" testament, which the Bishop will show him at Whitsontide.

Thanks Cromwell, for his nephew John Pate, and his brother the archdeacon of Lincoln. 16 May. Signed.

Pp. 2. Add.: Master Secretary. Endd.

2. Duke of Richmond (age 16) to [Bishop of Lincoln].

As the stewardship of Banbury is like shortly to be vacant in consequence of Mr. Norres' (age 54) trouble (many men thinking that there is no way but one with him,) asks the Bishop for a grant thereof under the chapter seal, that he may exercise the office by his deputy Gyles Forster, master of his horse, the bearer. London, 8 May.

Copy, p. 1.

Letters 1536. 4 March. R. O. 416. Geo. Rolle to Lord Lisle.

Commendations to Lord and Lady Lisle. I have received your two letters, dated 8 Feb. and 24 Feb. By secret inquiry I find that lord Daubeney is not now disposed to hurt my Lady and Mr. Bassett's title. He has made shift with my Lord of Wiltshire for £400, and there is no use in moving him for the redemption of Mr. Bassett's land till the money is spent, or when it is to be repaid. John Halfe, son and heir to Richard Halfe of Devonshire, my Lady's kinsman, and a servant of lord Daubeney's, can give information when lord Daubeney has necessity. He proposes shortly to be at Calais. Lord and lady Daubeney are about to be divorced by mutual consent. She will have £80 a year and her whole jointure at his death, as was appointed at their marriage. I hope to make some further motion before I ride into Devonshire. Mr. John Chichester is dead. He held certain lands called Doddecott contrary to the indenture between lord Daubeney, Mr. Bassett, and him. If his office is found that he died seized thereof by right, it will cause Mr. Bassett trouble, so the indenture and writings should be showed to the jury, and I think my Lady has her book at Calais. Worth, lord Daubeney's servant, told me yesterday that his master has sold all the timber and wood in Bekonholte to Roger Gifford and Thomas Seller, sometime servant to Sir John Bassett. I wish to know what I shall do about it. Your weir and all others in Devonshire will be pulled down by very strait commandment of the King to Sir Thos. Denys and Mr. Hugh Stucley, and by mouth here to Sir Hugh Pollard, sheriff of Devonshire.

Your Lordship would do well to write a pleasant letter to Richard Pollard, sending him a patent of 40s. a year. He is in good favour with Mr. Secretary, and is likely to be more in favour with lord Daubeney, and may do you pleasure divers ways. He has been your enemy before, but I doubt not he will deserve this. I write of myself, not of his suit. London, 4 March.

I intend to tarry in London these 16 days. As far as I remember, Mr. Bassett's great indenture states that Dodcott was appointed to Mr. Bassett both by fine and indenture between Mr. Chichester and him. I do not know why he was suffered to have the possession of the lands.

Pp. 3. Hol. Add.: Deputy of Calais.

Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism Chapter V. Sir Thomas Boleyn — Sir Francis Bryan — Education Of [his daughter] Anne Boleyn.

Anne Boleyn was the daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn's wife; I say of his wife, because she could not have been the daughter of Sir Thomas,¹ for she was born during his absence of two years in France on the king's affairs.² Henry VIII. sent him apparently on an honourable mission in order to conceal his own criminal conduct; but when Thomas Boleyn, on his return at the end of two years, saw that a child had been born in his house, he resolved, eager to punish the sin, to prosecute his wife before the delegates of the archbishop of Canterbury, and obtain a separation from her. His wife informs the king, who sends the marquis of Dorset³ with an order to Thomas Boleyn to refrain from prosecuting his wife, to forgive her, and be reconciled to her.

Note 1. Sir Thomas Boleyn or Bullen was made viscount Rochford, June 18, 1525 ; earl of Wiltshire in England, and earl of Ormond in Ireland, Dec. 8, 1529. He died in 1538, having seen the dishonoured rise and the disgraceful ruin of his family.

Note 2. "In Francia legatum agente." Acting as ambassador, but not ne cessarily an ambassador ; and the document, printed for the first time by Mr. Pocock, Records of the Refor mation, ii. p. 573, agreeing substan tially with this history, has the words : "A ce fois aux garres en France pourle roy." Here in the mar gin of the original is a note in these words : "Hæc narrantur a Gulielmo Rastallo, judice, invita Thomse Mori." William Rastall was a nephew of Sir Thomas More, and in the reign of Mary one of the puisne judges of the King's Bench.

Note 3. Thomas Grey, son of the first marquis of Dorset, and the father of Henry Grey, who was made duke of Suffolk. This duke of Suffolk married Frances, daughter of Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, and of Mary, sister of Henry VIII. Thomas Grey died in 1530, and all the honours of his family were forfeited by his eldest son, the duke of Suffolk.

Letters and Papers 1524. 1524. Corp. Chr. Coll., Camb., MS. 119. f. 21. Ellis, 2 Ser. II. 10. 1. [his daughter] Anne Boleyn To [Sir Thomas Boleyn]¹.

"Monssr. Je antandue par v[ost]re lettre que a ves envy que touss² onette fame quan Je vindre a la courte et mavertisses que la Rene³ prendra la pein de de visser a vecc moy de quoy me Regoy bine fort de penser parler a vecc vng perscone tante sage et onnetecela me ferra a voyr plus grante anuy de continuer a parler bene franssais et oussy espel⁴ especy ale man pour suc que mellaues tant Recammande et de me man vous a versty que les gardere le meux que Je poure Monssr Je vous suppllya descusser sy ma lettre et male et sipta⁵ car je vous asure quete et ottografie de monantend amant sule la⁶ vne les auttres ne sont faiz⁷ que escript de maman et Semmonet me dit la lettre mes domeura fan je le fie moy meme de peur que lone ne saces sance⁸ que Je vous mande et Je vous pry que le loumire de vu⁹ vue net libertte de separe la voullante que dites aves de me edere car hile me samble quettes ascure on lue¹¹ la ou vous poues sy vous plet me vere de clarasion de v[ost]re paroile et de moy coues sertene que miara cuoffice de peres ne din gratitude que sut en passer ne et fasere mon a veccsion quecte de libere deviere autont sance que vous plera me commander et vous prommes que mon amour et vondue par vng sy grant fermette quele nara James pouer de sane deminuer et feres fin a mon pourpon a pres mettre Recommande bine humblemente a v[ost]re bone grace et scripte a Veure de

V[ost]re tres humble et tres obeiss¹¹ —

fille Anna de Boullan."

Note 1. This letter must belong to an earlier period, but has been placed here for convenience. It has already been printed by Ellis, but the ambiguity of many of the expressions rendered a close comparison with the original desirable, and the Rev. J. R. Lumby has kindly favoured me with the transcript, which is identical, line for line and letter for letter, with the MS.

Note 2. Appears to be tous followed by a single blurred letter most like another s. There is no such space between the two words as is intimated in Ellis.

Note 3. Is the "Queen" here mentioned the French queen Mary, or Claude? and is the place from which the letter is dated Hever, as supposed by Ellis? If Claude, Anne Boleyn must have been sent over to France, in consequence of the French queen having expressed to Sir Thomas a wish to see his younger daughter.

Note 4. espel:—This is erased in the original, and may be only a mistake for the commencement of the next word.

Note 5. sipta:—Sic in MS.

Note 6. vne:—It is hard to say whether the first letter be o or v. There is e at the end, which does not appear in Ellis.

Note 7. faiz:—The last letter is z.

Note 8. sance:—As clear as possible.

Note 9. vu:—Blurred over at the end of the line, and apparently meant for the beginning of the next word.

Note 10. lue:—This is the nearest approach to the word. It might be a crushed form of line.

Note 11. This comes in the original so near the edge of the paper that the word either was never complete or else the termination is worn away.