Battle of Agincourt

On 25th October 1415 King Henry V of England (age 29) defeated a French army at the Battle of Agincourt.

The battle is described by three Chroniclers were present:

Jean de Waurin: "1, the author of this work, know the truth of the matter, for in that assembly I was among the French".

Jean le Fevre de St Remy: "I who write this, seated on a horse among the baggage at the rear of the battle, along with the other priests who were present".

The anonymous author of the Gesta Henrici Quinti i.e. Deeds of Henry V: "while I was on the other side with the English".

Thomas Camoys 1st Baron Camoys (age 64) commanded the Rearguard. Richard de Vere 11th Earl of Oxford (age 30) commanded. Humphrey Lancaster 1st Duke Gloucester (age 25) was wounded, and was protected by his brother King Henry V of England.

Edward 2nd Duke of York 1st Duke Albemarle (age 42), commander of the Vanguard, was killed; the most senior English casualty. Duke Albemarle, Earl of Rutland and Earl Cork extinct. His nephew Richard (age 4) succeeded 3rd Duke York and inherited his estates including Conisbrough Castle [Map].

John Fortescue (age 35), Dafydd Gam Brecon (age 35) and Edward Burnell (age 44) and Roger Vaughan of Bredwardine (age 38) were killed.

Michael de la Pole 3rd Earl Suffolk (age 21) was killed. His brother William (age 19) succeeded 4th Earl Suffolk, 4th Baron Pole.

25th October 1415At the Battle of Agincourt the English included: Louis Robbessart (age 25), Richard Beauchamp 13th Earl Warwick (age 33), William Botreaux 3rd Baron Botreaux (age 26), William Bourchier 1st Count of Eu (age 41), Thomas Rokeby (age 22), John Cornwall 1st Baron Fanhope 1st Baron Milbroke (age 51), Edward Courtenay (age 30), Ralph Cromwell 3rd Baron Cromwell (age 12), Thomas Dutton (age 19), Edmund Ferrers 6th Baron Ferrers of Chartley (age 29), Roger Fiennes (age 31), Henry Fitzhugh 3rd Baron Fitzhugh (age 57), John Grey (age 28), John Grey 1st Earl Tankerville (age 31), William Harrington (age 42) as the King's Standard Bearer, Walter Hungerford 1st Baron Hungerford (age 37), Piers Legh (age 26) (wounded), Alfred Longford, Thomas Montagu 1st Count Perche 4th Earl Salisbury (age 27), Thomas Morley 6th Baron Marshal 5th Baron Morley (age 22), John Rodney, Richard Scrope 3rd Baron Scrope of Bolton (age 22), Robert Strelley (age 18), James Tuchet 5th Baron Audley, 2nd Baron Tuchet (age 17), Robert Umfraville (age 52), Thomas West 2nd Baron West (age 35), Robert Willoughby 6th Baron Willoughby (age 30). Thomas Erpingham (age 60) commanded the archers. Thomas Rempston (age 26) was present. Thomas Strickland (age 48) carried the Banner of St George.

Thomas Tunstall (age 57) was killed.

The Welsh included: William ap Thomas "Blue Knight of Gwent" Herbert (age 35), Walter Sais (age 95), Roger Vaughan (age 70) and his son Roger Vaughan (age 5). Owen Tudor (age 15) is believed to have been present as a squire.

25th October 1415At the Battle of Agincourt the French army suffered significant casualties.

Charles Valois Duke Orléans (age 20) was captured by Richard Waller (age 20) for which he was knighted on the battlefield by King Henry V of England (age 29). John Bourbon I Duke Bourbon (age 34), Jean II Le Maingre "Boucicaut" (age 49), Georges de La Trémoille (age 33) and Charles Artois Count of Eu (age 21) were captured.

Charles Albret (age 46), Philip Valois II Count Nevers (age 26), John of Bar (age 35), Jacques Chatillon (age 48), David Rambures (age 51) and his three sons: Jean Rambures, Hugues Rambures, Philippe Rambures, Waleran Luxemburg (age 60) and Hector de Chartres were killed.

Robert of Bar Count Soissons Count Marle (age 25) was killed. His daughter Jeanne succeeded Countess Soissons.

Edward of Bar III Duke of Bar (age 38) was killed. His brother Louis (age 38) succeeded I Duke Bar.

John Valois I Duke Alençon was killed. His son John (age 6) succeeded II Duke Alençon.

Frederick Metz I Count Vaudémont (age 47) was killed. His son Antoine (age 15) succeeded Count Vaudémont.

Anthony Valois Duke Brabant (age 31) was killed. His son John (age 12) succeeded IV Duke Brabant. Jacqueline Wittelsbach Duchess Brabant and Gloucester (age 14) by marriage Duchess Brabant.

On 26th October 1415, the day after the Battle of Agincourt, the Bishop of Thérouanne consecrated part of the battle ground as a grave-site for the fallen.

Chronicle of Jean de Waurin Book 2 [1400-1474]. [25th October 1415] Chapter XI. How the King of England began to advance, and of the parley that took place between the two armies before they came together in battle.

When the English had heard their king speak in this manner, their hearts and courage grew, for they well saw that it was the hour for each man to set his hand to the work, unless he wished to die there. Some among the French have claimed that the King of England secretly sent two hundred archers behind his army, so that they would not be seen, toward Tramecourt, through a meadow opposite the vanguard of the French, intending that when the French advanced, those two hundred English would attack them from the flank. But I have heard it certified as truth, by a man of honor who was at that time in the English host, that there was nothing of the sort. Now then, as has been said above, the English, having heard their king so gently encourage them, gave a loud cry, saying: "Sire! May God grant you a good life and victory over your enemies!" Then, when this was done, the king, still on his small horse, came to stand before his banner and caused his battle line to advance, in the name of God and Saint George, in very fair order as they approached their enemies. But soon after he had them halt and rest a little. In that place where he stopped, he appointed certain men in whom he had great confidence to parley with some French lords between the two armies. I know not by what occasion, but in any case, there were exchanges and offers made on both sides concerning the possibility of making peace between the two kings and their kingdoms, England and France. It was offered on the part of the French to King Henry that, if he would renounce the title he claimed to the crown of France and wholly quit and abandon it, and moreover restore the town of Harfleur, which he had newly conquered, then the King of France would be content to let him peacefully hold what he possessed in Guienne and what he held of ancient conquest in Picardy. But the English replied that, if the King of France would allow King Henry to enjoy the duchy of Guienne and five cities then named, which of right belonged to the said duchy of Guienne and the county of Poitou, and would give him as wife Lady Katherine, his daughter, with five hundred thousand francs in ready money for her garments and jewels, then the King of England would be content to renounce his claim to the crown of France and to restore the town of Harfleur. These offers and demands, both on the one side and on the other, were not accepted. So the negotiators, both French and English, returned each to his own camp. Now it is true that some in these parts have claimed that the King of England offered the French that, if they would allow him and his army to pass peacefully to Calais and supply them with provisions, which he would pay for fairly and courteously, he would then restore the town of Harfleur, together with compensation for the damages and losses caused by the said conquest and campaign. But, with all respect to those who record it, that is an invention; for the King of England never went beyond the demand previously stated. Thus, that parley was soon broken off, with no further hope of peace or accord, and each of the two sides prepared for battle. And every English archer had a pointed stake, sharpened at both ends, with which they made a hedge before them and fortified their position.

Chapitre XI Comment le roy dAngleterre commenca de marchier avant, et du parlement quy se fist entre les deux ostz avant quilz assámblassent.

Quant les Anglois eurent oy leur roy ainsi parler, coeur et hardement leur creut, car bien veoient quil estoit heure de chascun mettre main a leuvre, quy ne voulloit illec morir. Aulcuns de la part des Francois ont voulu dire que le roy dAngleterre envoia secretement par derriere son ost deux cens archiers, adfin quilz ne feussent aparcheus, vers Tramecourt parmy ung pret a lendroit de lavangarde des Francois, adfin que au marchier que feroient lesdis Francois, ces deux cens Anglois les berseroient a ce coste; mais jay oy certiffier pour verite par homme dhonneur qui a ceste heure estoit en lost dAngleterre quil nen fut riens. Or doncques, ainsi que dessus est touchie, les Anglois aiant oy leur roy ainsi eulz doulcement admonester gecterent ung hault cry en disant: "Sire! Dieu vous doinst bonne vye et victore de vos annemis!" Puis ce fait, le roy ancores sur le petit cheval se vint mettre devant sa baniere et fist sa bataille marchier ou nom de Dieu et de Saint George par tres belle ordonnance en aprochant sesdis annemis, mais tantost fist une reposee. En celle place ou il sarresta deputa gens en qui il avoit grant fiance pour communiquier avec aulcuns seigneurs Francois ou milieu des deux ostz, je ne scay par quel incident, mais toutesfois y eut ouvertures et offres faites des deux parties sur estat de venir a paix entre les deux roix et royaulmes dAngleterre. Et fut par les Francois offert au roy Henry que se il voulloit renunchier au tiltre que il pretendoit a la couronne de France et du tout le quittier et delaissier, et avec ce rendre la ville de Harfleu que nouvellement il avoit concquise, le roy de France seroit content de luy laissier ce quil tenoit en Guienne et ce quil tenoit danchienne concqueste en Picardie paisiblement. Mais les Anglois respondirent que se le roy de France voulloit au roy Henry laissier joyr de la ducie de Guienne et chincq citez que lors on nomma qui apartenoient de droit a la dite ducie de Guyenne, de la conte de Poithou, et luy donner a femme madame Katherine sa fille avec chincq cens mille francz comptans pour les habitz et joyaulz dycelle, le roy dAngleterre seroit content de renonchier au tiltre de la couronne de France et rendre la ville de Harfleu. Lesqueles offres et demandes tant dun coste comme dautre ne furent pas acceptees, si sen retournerent les traitteurs, tant Francois comme Anglois, chascun devers leur partie. Or est vray que aulcuns de pardecha ont mis hors, a scavoir que le roy dAngleterre offry auz Francois que se ils voulloient laissier passer paisiblement luy et son ost jusques a Callai et livrer vivres en les paiant par raison courtoisement, quil renderoit la ville de Harfleu 2vec les dommages et interestz que fais avoit au moyen de ladite concqueste et voiage. Mais desplaise a ceulz quy le recordent, ce fut chose controuve car oncques le roy dAngleterre ne se restraigny lors oultre la demande devant ditte. Ainsi prestement ce parlement devandit rompu sans plus quelque esperance de paix ou acord, chascune des deux parties se prepara a combatre, et avoit chascun archier Anglois ung peuchon aguisie a deux boutz, dont ilz faisoient une haye devant eulz et sen fortiffioient.

Memoirs of Jean le Fevre of St Remy [1394-1468]. [25th October 1415]. Then, when the next morning came, which was Friday, the 25th day of October, in the year 1415, the French, namely the constable of France and all the other officials of the kingdom, the Dukes of Orléans, Bar, and Alençon, the Counts of Nevers, Eu, Richemont, Vendôme, Marle, Vaudemont, Blamont, Salmes, Grampret, Roussy, Dampmartin, and generally all the other nobles and men-at-arms, armed themselves and went out of their lodgings.

Then, by the counsel of the constable and other wise members of the king's council, it was arranged to make three divisions: namely, a vanguard, the main battle, and a rear guard. In the vanguard were placed about eight thousand armed men, knights, and squires, and a few archers; this vanguard was led by the constable, along with the Dukes of Orléans and Bourbon, the Counts of Eu and Richemont, Marshal Boucicaut, the master of the crossbowmen, Lord Dampierre, admiral of France, Sir Guichard Dauphin, and some other captains. The Count of Vendôme and other royal officers, along with sixteen hundred men-at-arms, were arranged to make one wing to strike at the English from one side; and the other wing was led by Sir Clignet of Brabant, admiral, and Sir Louis Bourdon, with eight hundred mounted men-at-arms, chosen men, as it was said and as I have heard since.

Among the aforementioned leaders were Sir Guillaume de Saveuse, Hector and Philippe his brothers, Ferry de Mailly, Alliaume de Gapaunes, Alain de Vendôme, Lamon de Launoy, and several others, totaling the number mentioned above. And in the aforementioned battle, a number of knights and squires, as well as archers, were arranged, among whom were the Dukes of Bar and Alençon, the Counts of Nevers and Vendôme, as well as those from Vaudemont, Blamont, Salins, Grampret, and Roussy. In the rear guard were all the remaining men-at-arms, led by the Counts of Marle, Dampmartin, and Fauquenbergue, and Lord Longroy, captain of Ardre, who had brought those from the Boulenois frontier.

After all these divisions had been arranged, as mentioned, it was a great sight to behold their nobility; and, as could be estimated by the sight of the world, they were indeed three times as numerous as the English. When this was done, the French sat, divided into companies, each beside their banner, awaiting the arrival of the English; and while refreshing themselves, they also forgave each other for the hatreds that had existed among them; some embraced and reconciled, making peace in a manner that was a pity to see. All quarrels and discord that had been among them and that they had experienced in the past were transformed there into great love; and some even drank and ate of what they had. And it was said to me that they remained, between nine and ten o'clock in the morning, certain that, given their great multitude, the English could not escape their hands. Nevertheless, there were several wise men who doubted engaging them in public battle.

Puis, quand che vint lendemain au matin, quy feut vendredy vingt-cinquiesme jour d'octobre, l'an 1415, les Franchois, assavoir le connestable de France et tous les aultres officiers du royaulme, les ducs d'Orléans, de Bar, d'Alenchon, les comtes de Nevers, d'Eu, de Richemont, de Vendosme, de Marle, de Vaudemont, de Blamont, de Salmes, de Grampret, de Roussy, de Dampmartin, et généralement tous les aultres nobles et gens de guerre, s'armèrent et issirent hors de leurs logis. Et lors, par le conseil du connestable et aultres sages du conseil du roy, feut ordonné à faire trois batailles, c'est assavoir avant-garde, bataille et arrière garde; en laquelle avant-garde furent mis environ huit mille bachinets, chevaliers et escuyers, et peu de gens de trait; laquelle avant-garde conduisoit le connestable; avec lui les ducs d'Orléans et de Bourbon, les comtes d'Eu et de Richemont, le maréchal Boucicaut, le maistre des arbalestriers, le seigneur de Dampierre, amiral de France, messire Guichard Dauphin, et aulcuns aultres capitaines; et le comte de Vendosme, et aultres officiers du roy, atout seize cents hommes d'armes, feut ordonné à faire une aile, pour férir sur les Anglois d'ung costé; et l'aultre aile conduisoit messire Clignet de Brabant, amiral, et messire Louis Bourdon, atout huit cents hommes d'armes à cheval, gens eslus, comme l'on disoit et que depuis j'ai ouy dire.

Avec lesquels conduiseurs dessusdicts estoient, pour rompre le trait des Anglois, messire Guillaume de Saveuse, Hector et Philippe ses frères, Ferry de Mailly, Alliaume de Gapaunes, Alain de Vendosme, Lamon de Launoy et pluiseurs aultres jusques au nombre dessusdict. Et, en la bataille dessusdicte, furent ordonnés ung nombre de chevaliers et escuyers, et gens de trait, desquels estoient conduiseurs les ducs de Bar et d'Alenchon, les comtes de Nevers et de Vendosme, et de Vaudemont, de Blamont, de Salins, de Grampret et de Roussy; et, en l'arrière -garde, tout le surplus des gens de guerre, lesquels conduisoient les comtes de Marle, de Dampmartin et de Fauquenbergue, et le seigneur de Longroy, capitaine d'Ardre, qui avoit amené ceulx de la frontière de Boulenois.

Et, après che que toutes les batailles dessusdictes furent mises en ordonnance, comme dit est, estoit grand' noblesse de les voir; et, comme on povoit estimer à la vue du monde, estoient bien trois fois en nombre autant que les Anglois. Et, lorsque che feut fait, les Franchois séoient, par compaignies divisées, chacun auprès de sa bannière, en attendant la venue des Anglois; et, en eux repaisant, et aussi des haines que les ungs avoient aulx aultres se pardonnèrent; les aulcuns s'entrebrassoient et accoloient, par paix faisant, que pitié estoit à les voir. Toutes noises et discordes quy avoient esté en eulx, et que ils avoient eues du temps passé furent là transmuées en grand amour; et en y eut quy burent et mangèrent de ce que ils avoient. Et feurent, ainsi que il me feut dit, jusques entre neuf et dix heures du matin tenants pour certain, veu la grant multitude que ils estoient, que les Anglois ne povoient eschapper de leurs mains. Toutefois y avoit pluiseurs des sages qui doutoient à les combattre en bataille publique,

Deeds of King Henry V [1413-1421]. And on the following day, that is, Friday, on the Feast of Saints Crispin and Crispinian, the 25th day of October, the French, at the rising dawn, formed themselves into lines, troops, and wedges, and took their positions before us in the said field named Agincourt, through which lay our path towards Calais, in a very terrifying multitude. They stationed cohorts of cavalry in several hundreds on both flanks of their front line to break through the line and strength of our archers. And that front line was composed of infantry made up of all their nobles and the most select among them, which in a forest of lances and a dense mass of glistening helmets and cavalry on the flanks, was estimated to be thirty times more numerous than all of our forces. But their rear lines and flanks, troops, and wedges were all on horseback, seemingly prepared more for flight than for staying, and in comparison to our forces, they were like an innumerable multitude.

And while, in the meantime, our king had positioned himself in the field, after giving praise to God and hearing masses¹, not far from his resting place, and had arranged, with all his small force, a single battle line, placing his front line, which the Duke of York commanded, as the right wing, and the rear line, which Lord Camoys commanded, as the left wing, and had interspersed wedges of his archers within each line, and had them fix their stakes in front of them, as had been previously arranged to counter the charge of the cavalry. Perceiving this through the advancing scouts, the enemy's cunning, whether by this reason or by any other strategy, I do not know, God knows, held themselves at a distance opposite us and did not advance against us.

And when, during this delay, much of the day had been consumed, and both armies stood without either making a move, the king, seeing that the opposing multitude delayed the attack he had expected from them, and thus stood in opposition to our path—either to disrupt our formation, to infect our hearts with fear due to their numbers, to block our passage, or to wait for more of their allies who were perhaps on their way, or at least, knowing of our lack of provisions, to defeat us with hunger since they did not dare to do so with the sword—our king decided to advance towards them. He sent for the baggage to be positioned behind the battle line, so that it would not fall as prey to the enemy, and he had planned for it, along with the priests who were to celebrate mass and diligently pray for him and his men, to remain in the aforementioned small village and enclosures where they had been the previous night until the end of the battle. However, the French plunderers, almost from every side, had turned their attention to this baggage, intending to raid it as soon as they saw both armies engage in battle. And when the battle commenced, they immediately fell upon the rear, where the royal baggage was due to the negligence of the king's servants, looting the precious royal treasure, including the sword and crown among other valuable items, along with the entire equipment.²

But yet, after the king believed that almost all such baggage had come to his rear, in the name of Jesus, at whose name every knee in heaven, on earth, and under the earth bends, and of the glorious Virgin and Saint George, he advanced towards the enemies, and the enemies advanced towards him.³

But then indeed, and for as long as the adversity of battle lasted, I who write this, seated on a horse among the baggage at the rear of the battle, along with the other priests who were present, humbled our souls before God, and remembering the words that the Church was reading at that time, we said in our hearts, 'Remember us, O Lord! Our enemies are gathered and boast in their strength. Crush their might and scatter them, so that they may know there is none who fights for us but You, our God!' Under fear and trembling, we also cried out from our eyes to heaven, that God might have compassion on us and on the crown of England, and that He would not allow the prayers and tears shed, and which at that hour the English Church likely poured forth in its accustomed processions on our behalf, to perish, but would rather receive them into the embrace of His mercy. And that He would not allow the devotion begun by our king in regard to divine worship, the expansion of the Church, and the peace of the kingdoms to be suppressed by the enemies, but rather, through the displayed abundance of His compassion, to be further exalted, and that He would mercifully deliver us from these perilous events as He had from others.

And when it came to the hostile attacks from there, the French cavalry, organized on the flanks, launched assaults against our archers from both sides of our army. But soon, by God's will, they were compelled to retreat and flee to the rear lines under the rain of arrows, except for a few who, not without wounds and bloodshed, made their way between the archers and the woods. Indeed, there were also many whom the placement of stakes and the sharpness of weapons halted in their flight, affecting both the horses and riders so that they could not flee far.⁴

But the enemy crossbows⁵, which were positioned behind the backs of the armed men and on the flanks, after their first shot, though too hasty, in which they harmed very few, retreated before the strength of our archers.

And when the armed forces on both sides had come close to one another, the flanks of each line—ours and the adversary’s—entered into the woods that were on either side of the armies. But the French nobility, who had advanced in full front, as they came close to engaging, either out of fear of the missiles, which attacked them from the sides and the visors of their helmets, or to more quickly penetrate our strength to the standards, divided themselves into three groups, attacking our line in three places where the standards were positioned. And in the first clash of lances, they charged our men with such fierce force that they nearly compelled them to retreat by the length of a lance. Then, those of us who were assigned to the clerical militia and observed this, fell on our faces in our contemplation before the throne of God’s supreme mercy, crying out in the bitterness of spirit that God would remember us and the crown of England, and that He would deliver us by His supreme grace from this iron furnace and the dreadful death that threatened us. But God did not forget the multitude of prayers and supplications of England, in which, as it is piously believed, our forces quickly regained their strength, and, resisting strongly, drove back the enemy and recovered the lost ground. Then, the battle became fiercer, and our archers pierced and inflicted their arrow strikes on the sides, continuously reinforcing the fight. And when the arrows were exhausted, they seized axes, stakes, swords, and the sharp points of broken lances to strike down, separate, and stab the enemy⁶. For the mighty and merciful God, who is always wonderful in His works, who desired to show His mercy upon us, and who willed that the crown of England, under our gracious king, His knight, and with that small force, should remain, as of old, invincible, soon after the lines joined and the battle began, He increased our strength, which had been weakened and diminished by the lack of provisions, removed fear from them, and gave them courageous hearts. Never before, according to our elders, had the English attacked their enemies more boldly, fearlessly, or willingly. And that same righteous judge, who willed to strike down the proud multitude of the enemy with the thunderbolt of vengeance, cast them down from His presence, broke their strength, their bow, shield, sword, and battle. Never before was it seen, as recorded in Chronicles or History, that so many chosen and strong knights resisted so sluggishly, so disorderly, and so fearfully, or so inhumanely⁷. For fear and trembling seized them. It was even said among the army that some of them, even among their nobility, surrendered themselves more than ten times that day. But there was no opportunity to take them captive; nearly all, without distinction of persons, once laid low to the ground, were put to death either by their initial assailants or by others pursuing them, by what hidden judgment of God it is not known. For God had also struck them with another incurable plague. For when some of them, killed in the clash of battle, fell at the front, the undisciplined violence and pressure of the multitude from the rear was so great that the living fell over the dead, and even others falling over the living were killed. Thus, in three places where the strength and line of our standards were, the pile of the slain and crushed increased so much that our men climbed over these heaps, which had grown higher than the length of a man, and slaughtered the enemies below them with swords, axes, and other weapons.

And when, after two or three hours, that front force was finally pierced through and broken, and the rest were driven to flight, our men began to disperse those heaps and to separate the living from the dead, intending to keep them as captives to be ransomed. But behold, suddenly, in what unknown wrath of God, a shout arose that the enemy’s cavalry, with an incomparable and fresh multitude, was reforming its line and battle array to come upon our small and weary numbers. And the captives, without regard to differences in rank, except for the Dukes of Orléans and Bourbon and the other nobles who were in the king’s line, and a very few others either of their captors or of those following, fell by the sword, lest they should turn against us in the impending battle.⁸

Et in crastino, viz. die Veneris in festo sanctorum Crispini et Crispiniani, xxv°. die Octobris, Gallici, surgente aurorâ, se constituerunt in aciebus, turmis et cuneis, et stationes fecerunt coràm nobis in dicto campo nominato de Agincort, per quem erat transitus noster versùs Calesiam, in terrificâ inultitudine valdè; statueruntque cohortes equitum in multis centenis ad utrumque latus aciei eorum anterioris, ad dirumpendam aciem et fortitudinem sagittariorum nostrorum. Et erat acies illa anterior acies pedestris ex omnibus nobilibus et electissimis eorum, que in silvâ lancearum et gravi multitudine interlucentium cassidum et equitum à lateribus, æstimativè erat tricesies plures quam omnes nostri. Sed bellum eorum posterius ac alæ, turma et cunei, erant omnes in equis, quasi parati ad fugam potiùs quam ad moram, qui erant respectu nostrorum quasi innumerabilis multitudo.

Et dum interim rex noster disposuisset se ad campum, post Dei laudes et missas auditas, non longè à requietione suâ, et constituisset sed omni paucitate suâ bellum unum, ponens aciem suam anteriorem cui praerat dux Eboraci pro alâ a dextris, et aciem posteriorem cui prærat dominus de Camoys pro alâ a sinistris, et intermiscuisset cuneos sagittariorum suorum cuilibet aciei, et fecisset eos affigere palos coràm eis, ut priùs erat ordinatum propter irruptionem equitum. Hoc percipiens hostilis astutia per intervenientes praecursores, vel eâ occasione vel quâvis aliâ cautelâ nescio, Deus scit, tenuit se eminùs in oppositum nobis, nec appropiavit adversùs nos.

Et cum in hujusmodi mora multum diei consumpsissent, et stetisset uterque exercitus, nec in alterutrum pedem movisset, videns rex quod adversa multitudo aggressum distulit quem ab eis expectaverat, et sic nobis staret in adversum itineris, ut vel dirumperet ordinationem nostram, vel corda nostra eorum numero timore inficeret, aut quasi in impedimentum essent transitlis nostri, pluresve socios qui forté erant in veniendo expectaret, vel saltem scientes penuriam victualium nostrorum nos fame vincerent quos ferro non auderent, rex noster se movere decrevit versùs eos, mittens pro evectionibus exercitùs ut essent ad dorsum prælii, ne essent in prædam hostibus, quas unà cum sacerdotibus celebraturis et sedulè deprecaturis pro se et suis in præfatâ villulâ et clausuris ubi erat de nocte priùs, expectasse statuerat usque in finem prælii, et ad quas tunc ferè ex omni latere preedones Gallici respexissent, proponentes eas invadere statim cùm vidissent utrorumque exercitum conflixisse, et in quarum caudam, in quâ ex desidiâ clientum regalium erant evectiones regiæ, sic statim, ut inceptum est prælium, ceciderunt; thesaurum regium pretiosum, mucronemet coronam inter cætera jocalia à cum totâ supellectili deprædantes.

Sed tamen postquam rex putasset ferè omnes evectiones hujusmodi venisse ad dorsum suum, in nomine Jesu, cui flectitur omne genu cælestium, terrestrium et infernorum, Virginisque gloriosæ et sancti Georgii, appropiavit versùs hostes, appropiarunt et hostes adversùs eum.

Sed et tunc quidem et quamdiu duravit præliorum adversitas, ego qui scribo, insedens equum inter evectiones ad dorsum prælii et alii qui intererant sacerdotes humiliavimus animas nostras coràm Deo, et recordati.... quam eo tempore legebat ecclesia, diximus in cordibus nostris, "Memento nostri Domine! Congregati sunt inimici nostri et gloriantur in virtute suâ. Contere fortitudinem illorum et disperde illos, ut cognoscant quod non est alius qui pugnet pro nobis nisi tu, Deus noster!" Sub timore etiam et trehore ex oculis nostris in cælum clamavimus, ut compateretur nostri Deus et coronæ Anglicanæ, et ut orationes et lacrymas quas fudisset, et eâ horâ in suis processionibus solitis verisimiliter pro nobis fudit ecclesia Anglicana, perire non sineret, sed ad sinum admitteret suæ clementiæ, et illam inceptam devotionem regis nostri circà cultum divinum, ampliationem ecclesiæ et pacem regnorum non toleraret per inimicos supprimi, sed potiis eam et in reliquum ex ostensâ munificentiâ miserationis suæ magis exaltari faceret, ac ab his periculosis eventibus sicut ab aliis misericorditer liberaret.

Cùinque exinde offensiones hostiles ventum est, Gallorum equites ordinati à lateribus irruptiones fecerunt in sagittarios nostros ex utrâque parte exercitûs nostri: sed citò, Deo volente, in pluviis sagittarum retrocedere compelluntur et fugere ad acies posteriores, exceptis paucissimis qui inter sagittarios et nemora non sine cæde et vulnere percurrerunt; immo et exceptis quàmpluribus quos palorum affixio ac telorum acuties in fugâ tam in equis quàm equitibus ne longè fugerent arrestarunt.

Balistæ verò adversariæ quæ erant de post dorsum armatorum et ex lateribus, post primum tractum, sed præproperum, in quo paucissimis nocuerunt, in arcuum nostrorum fortitudine recesserunt.

Et cùm accessum prope mutuum utrimque fècissent armati, latera utriusque aciei, nostræ, viz. et adversariæ se immergebant nemoribus quæ erant ad utrumque latus exercituum. Sed Gallorum nobilitas quæ plenâ fronte priùs accesserat, ut de prope conjunctionem venerat, vel timore telorum, quorum adversitas eos reptabat per latera et umbracula cassidum, vel ut citiùs penetrarent nostram fortitudinem ad vexilla, diviserunt se in tres turmas, invadentes bellum nostrum in tribus locis ubi erant vexilla: et in primâ mixtione lancearum tam feroci impetu grassati sunt nostros, quòd eos ferè ad longitudinem lanceæ retrocedere compulerunt. Tunc vero qui ascripti fuimus clericali militiæ et aspeximus, procidimus in facies contemplationis nostræ ante thronum summæ clementiæ Dei, vociferantes in amaritudine spiritûs, ut etiam adhuc recordaretur nostri Deus et coronæ Angliæ, et de hâc fornace ferreâ et dirâ morte nobis intentatâ, ex suæ supremæ liberalitatis gratiâ liberaret. Sed et nec oblitus est Deus multitudinis precum et orationum Angliæ, in quibus, ut piè creditur, nostri citò resumpserunt vires, et fortiter resistentes repulerunt hostes usque solum perditum recuperaverunt. Et tunc bellum infervebat asperrimum, et sagittarii nostri transfixerunt et immiserunt telorum aculeos per latera, bellum continuè instaurantes. Et cum sagittæ consumptæ fuerant, arreptis securibus, palis, gladiis et lancearum interjacentium acuminibus hostes prostra runt, diremerunt, et confoderunt. Nam potens et misericors Deus, qui semper est mirabilis in operibus suis, qui voluit facere misericordiam suam nobiscum, cui etiam placuit coronam Angliæ sub gratioso rege nostro, milite suo, ac paucitate illâ manere sicut ab olim invincibilem, citò ut sic conjunctæ sunt acies et inceptum est prælium, auxit nostris potentiam quam priùs debilitaverat et emarcuerat victualium penuria, subtraxit ab eis formidinem, et cor dedit impavidum. Nec unquam videbatur senioribus nostris Anglos magis audacter, intrepidè seu voluntariè, aggredi hostes suos. Et idem ipse justus judex qui percutere voluit superbam multitudinem hostium fulmine ultionis, abjecit eos à facie suâ, confregit eorum potentias, arcum, scutum, gladium et bellum. Nec unquam videbatur in anteà, de quo Chronica vel Historia recolit, tot electissimos et robustissimos milites tam segniter, tamque inordinatè et trepidè, seu tam inhumaniter restitisse. Invasit enim eos timor et tremor; nam fuerunt quidam ex eis, ut verbum erat in exercitu, etiam de nobilioribus eorum, qui se illo die plusquam decies reddiderunt. Sed nullus vacabat eos captivos recipere, sed ferè omnes sine discretione personarum, ut ad terram prostrati erant, vel à suis prostratoribus vel ab aliis insequentibus, nescitur quo occulto judicio Dei, sine intermissione dabantur in mortem. Percusserat enim eos Deus etiam aliâ insanabili plagâ. Nam cùm quidam eorum congressu prælii interfecti ceciderunt à fronte, tanta erat indisciplinata violentia et pressura posterioris multitudinis, quod vivi super mortuos caderent, et super vivos etiam alii cadentes interficiebantur: sicque in tribus locis ubi erat fortitudo et acies vexillorum nostrorum, tanta crevit congeries occisorum et interjacentium oppressorum, quod nostrates ascenderunt ipsas congeries, quæ creverant ultrà altitudinem longitudinis hominis, et adversarios versùs deorsum gladiis, securibus et offensionibus aliis, jugularunt.

Et cùm demum post duas vel tres horas perforata et contrita erat vis illa anterior, et cæteri cogebantur in fugam, inceperunt nostri dispergere congeries illas, et separare vivos à mortuis, proponentes eos servare mancipia redimendos. Sed ecce statim, nescitur in quâ irâ Dei, clamor factus est, bellum equestre posterius hostium in incomparabili et recenti multitudine, stationem et aciem resarciri ad veniendum super paucitate et lassitudine nostrâ. Et captivi, non attentâ differentiâ personarum, exceptis ducibus Aurelianensi et Burbonii et cæteris aliis illustribus qui erant in acie regiâ, et paucissimis aliis, vel suorum captivorum vel aliorum subsequentium, gladiis, ne nobis in ruinam essent in venienti prælio, ceciderunt.

Note 1. This appears to refer to the service in the Roman Catholic Church called Matins or Lauds and to high mass afterwards. "Then the king with a meek heart and a good spirit lift up his hands to Almighty God and besought him of his help and succour and that day to save his true servants.... The morn arose the day gan spring and the king by good avise let array his battle and his wings and charged every man to keep them whole together and prayed them all to be of good cheer; and when they were ready he asked what time of the day it was and they said Prime. Then said our king Now is good time for all England prayeth for us and therefore be of good cheer and let us go to our journée." (MS. Cott. Claud. A. viii.)

Note 2. The guard of the baggage and of the sick consisted only of ten horse and twenty archers. (St. Rémy.) Amongst the valuables stolen were the seals of the King's Chancery. Many of the writs were afterwards sealed with "our signet of the eagle in the absence of our other signet." (Letters Missive, Tower of London.) Sir Ralph de Gaucourt went to France expressly to endeavour to recover the jewels, and he succeeded in recovering the seals,

Note 3. And then the king said with a high voice, "In the name of Almighty God and St. George, avaunt Banner, and St. George this day be thine help!" (Cott. MS. Claud. A. viii.) It is remarkable that the Black Prince used nearly the same words at the battles of Poitiers and Najara. The authority just cited, and also the MS. Cleop. c. iv., record Henry to have expressed his determination to die on the field rather than to put England to the charge of his ransom.

Note 4. The Monk of St. Denys states that it was between nine and ten o'clock of the morning when the Admiral of France, Sir Clignet de Brabant, and two other knights, with 10,000 of the élite of the French cavalry, were ordered to rout the English archers, who bad already commenced the combat, and whose showers of arrows he compares to hail which darkened the face of heaven; that the avant-guard was composed of 5000 men, but that they were so closely packed they could scarcely use their swords.

Note 5. Livius refers to these balista, which threw large, middle-sized, and small stones. There is no good reason to suppose that cannon were employed by the English in this action, although Godefroy declares that the French cavalry were terrified by their discharge. (Hist. de M.de Boucicaut, ed. 1699.) St. Rémy (who was with the English in the action) states that the French used guns and serpentines. The following document shews the wages of the French esquires at Agincourt:- "Quittance de Guillaume Brandon, Ecuyer, à Mace Heron, tresorier des guerres au Duc de Bourbon. Pour neuf vingt quinze (195) livres tournois, ou cent quatre vingt cinq francs, sont pour le payement de chacun des douze écuyers de Brandon." ["Receipt from Guillaume Brandon, Esquire, to Mace Heron, treasurer of the wars for the Duke of Bourbon. For ninety-five (195) livres tournois, or one hundred eighty-five francs, for the payment of each of the twelve squires of Brandon."] The receipt is dated in 1415, eight days before the battle of Agincourt, where Brandon was killed or taken prisoner. Each esquire was to have fifteen francs for the whole campaign, (which M. Leber estimates as equivalent to 300 francs of our money, ) and they were to go to the Pays de Caux or elsewhere where the king should order them, under the command of the Duke of Bourbon. (MS. Leber, 5687, Rouen.)

Note 6. The Monk of St. Denys charges the English with using at Agincourt a new and unheard-of weapon: "Inusitatu etiam armorum genere usi, quisque eorum in parte maxim clavam plumbeam gestabat, qua capiti alicujus inflicta, mox illum precipitabat ad terram moribundum, vel a sensibus corporeis penitus destitutum." ["Also using an unusual kind of weaponry, each of them carried a heavy club in the largest part, with which, when struck against the head of someone, they soon brought him down to the ground, either dying or utterly deprived of his physical senses.] (Book xxxvi. ch. 8.) The account of our chronicler is more probable. Elmham remarks that our archers snatched the battle-axes from the hands of the French and prostrated them therewith. The soft state of the ground, into which, as the following French Chronicle informs us, the French men-at-arms, encumbered with their heavy armour, sunk, gave a great advantage to the light and agile archers. At those days, says Fabyan, the yeomen had their limbs at liberty, for their hosen were only fastened with one point, and their ¢ jackes" were long and easy to shoot, so that they might draw bows of great strength, and shoot arrows of a (cloth?) yard long beside the head. The bow was then par excellence the national weapon, according to the old proverb,

"The fader to the boughe,

And the son to the ploughe."

The archers wore only leather caps, or caps made of osier with an iron cross on the top. (St. Rémy.)

Note 7. There does not appear to be any cause for these uncandid reflections. The Duke of Alençon performed prodigies of valour, (see the following French Chronicle,) and the defeat of the French was owing, under God, to their over-confidence, to their want of archers, and to the utter impossibility of their large force of cavalry being brought to bear upon the compact body of English, defended by their stakes, and favoured by the soft nature of the ground. Neither is it credible that the loss on the part of the English was so small as our chronicler reports. Elmham and Livius make it one hundred; the French writers, from three to sixteen hundred. The Chancellor, upon the opening of Parliament, remarked that the victory was gained "sanz grande perte de les Engleis." ["without great loss to the English."] (Rot. Parl. iv. 62.)

Note 8. Compare the reason for this lamentable slaughter given by the succeeding French chronicler.

The Siege of Harfleur and the Battle of Agincourt by John Lydgate [1415]. .

Our King went up upon a hill high

And looked down to the valleys low:

He saw where the Frenchmen came hastily

As thick as ever did hail or snow.

Then kneeled our King down, in that stound.

And all his men on every side :

Every man made a cross and kissed the ground,

And on their feet fast gan abide.

Our King said, "Sirs, what time of the day?"

"My Liege," they said, "it is nigh Prime [9 a.m.]"

"Then go we to our journey,

By the grace of JESU, it is good time :

For saints that lie in their shrine,

To GOD for us be praying.

All the Religious of England, in this time,

Ora pro nobis [Pray for us] for us they sing."

St George was seen over the host:

Of very truth this sight men did see.

Down was he sent by the HOLY GHOST,

To give our King the victory.

Then blew the trumpets merrily,

These two Battles [Armies] together yede.

Our archers stood up full heartily.

And made the Frenchmen fast to bleed.

Their arrows went fast, without any let,

And many shot they throughout ;

Through habergeon, breastplate, and bassinet

An eleven thousand were slain in that rout.

Our gracious King, as I well know,

That day he fought with his own hand

He spared neither high ne low.

There was never King in no land,

That ever did better on a day.

Wherefore England may sing a song: Laus DEO! [Praise God] may we say;

And other prayers ever among.

The Duke of Orleans, without nay,

That day was taken prisoner.

The Duke of Bourbon also in fere:

And also the Duke of Bar truly.

Sir Bergygaunte he gan him yield;

And other Lords of France many.

Lo, thus our comely King conquered the field,

By the grace of God omnipotent.

He took his prisoners, both old and young,

And towards Calais forth he went

Chronicle of Kings Charles VI and VII by Gilles aka Berry Herald [~1420]. [] Then the Constable and the lords, who were ever gathering more men, came to meet the English at the crossing of a river near a village called Blangy. They thought to give battle there on the Thursday; but the English asked for a truce until the next day, which was granted to them. On the following morning, the King of England arrayed his forces in battle order. At that hour arrived the Dukes of Orléans and of Brabant, at which all the company of the French were greatly rejoiced, albeit they came almost alone. Throughout that morning there came barons, knights, and squires from all parts to aid the French. Then the lords of France sent messire Guichard Dauphin, the Sire de Trassey, the Sire de Helly, and others, to speak with the King of England. What offer the King of England made them, none knoweth save the Duke of Orléans, for all the others were slain in the battle, and he himself, as soon as the fight began, was taken prisoner. Now it came to pass that about the eleventh hour, that Friday, at the end of the month of October, the English advanced in good order, crying aloud with great shouts, and came to join battle upon the divisions and upon the wings of the lords of France. On the right wing was the Count of Richemont, and under him the Viscount of Bellière and the Sire de Combourc, and he had on his wing six hundred men-at-arms. The left wing was commanded by the Count of Vendôme, grand master of the king’s household, and with him were the Sire de Hacqueville, the Sire d’Aumont, the Sire de la Roche-Guyon, and all the king’s chamberlains, squires of the stable, cupbearers, panetiers, and other officers of the household, and on his wing likewise he had six hundred men-at-arms.

In the vanguard were the Lord d’Albret, Constable of France, and Boucicaut, the Marshal, who had in their company three thousand men-at-arms. The Duke of Bourbon also was there with twelve hundred men-at-arms. Furthermore, the Duke of Orléans had with him six hundred men-at-arms, whose command in battle was held for him by the Sire de Gaulles; and there also was Duke Edward of Bar, who had in his company six hundred men-at-arms. Likewise there was the Count of Nevers, with twelve hundred men-at-arms; the Lord Robert de Bar and the Count of Aumale with four hundred men-at-arms; the Count of Eu with three hundred men-at-arms; the Counts of Roucy and of Vienne, with two hundred men-at-arms between them; and there also was John, Lord of Bar, brother of the Duke of Bar, with two hundred men-at-arms. Also present was the Duke of Brabant, brother to the Duke of Burgundy, who brought but few men; yet all the barons of Hainault placed themselves beneath his banner. In this company of Frenchmen were ten thousand men-at-arms, the greater part of them knights and squires. The Constable had appointed a certain number of horsemen to charge the English, who advanced very cautiously. The chiefs of this mounted troop were Messire Geoffroy Boucicaut, the Sire de Graville, the Sire de la Trimouille, Messire Hellicquet de Brabant, Messire Jean d’Enghien, Messire Alleaume de Champdeniers, Messire Robert de Thualus, and Pichon de la Tour. These last two were slain there, and the rest did not acquit themselves well, for they fled shamefully, and not one of them struck a blow upon the English. The King of England had in his company, with those of his own blood and lineage, fifteen hundred knights and squires, and from sixteen to eighteen thousand archers. He found the French ill arrayed and in poor order, for some had gone to warm themselves, others to eat or to feed their horses, and they never thought that the English would dare to come and fight them. But when the English saw them thus in disarray, they fell upon them and utterly defeated them — a pity and a great loss for the kingdom. For there perished the lords aforesaid, save only the Dukes of Orléans and of Bourbon, and the Counts of Eu, of Vendôme, and of Richemont, and the Marshal Boucicaut, who were taken prisoners by the King of England and carried into England. And of the King of England’s part there died his uncle, the Duke of York, and about three or four hundred Englishmen. In the field there perished four thousand French knights and squires.

The King was at Rouen when he learned this news, and how the Duke of Brittany had not been present at the action, although the King had given him one hundred thousand francs for the payment of his men-at-arms. Moreover, the King had bestowed upon him the town and city of Saint-Malo, in order that he might be the more zealous in coming to serve him. And the principal cause of his obtaining Saint-Malo was a knight named Messire Bertrand de Montauban, who was of Brittany, and the Bishop of Clermont, Master Martin Gouge by name, who were the two governors of the whole kingdom on behalf of my lord of Guyenne. By their counsel, there was also given to the Duke of Brittany a little horse of gold, enamelled, having its saddle, bridle, and harness all covered with precious stones, worth fifty thousand écus.

Et lors le conneftable, & les Seigneurs qui toufiours croifloient de gens, vindrent au deuant des Anglois fur le paffage d'vne riuiere en vn village nommé Blangy, & cles cuiderent combatrece Ieudy, mais les anglois leur demanderent trefues iufques au lendemain, lefquelles leur furent baillees, & le lendemain au matin ordonnale Roy d'Angleterre fes batailles: Et à celle heure arriuerent les Ducs d’Orleans, & de Brabant, dont toute la compagnie des François fut moult refiouye, laçoit ce qu’ils vindrét comme tous feuls. Tout ce matin arriuerent Barons, chevaliers & efcuyers à l’ayde des Fraçois de toutes parts. Si enuoyerét les Seigneurs de France sente Guichard Daulphin, le fire de Trafsi, le fire de Helly, & autres parler au Roy d'’angleterre. Quel offre le Roy d’Angleterre leur fit, nul ne le fçait, finon le Duc d'Orleans, car tous les autres furent morts en la bataille: & luy mefmes fi toft qu’il fut en la bataille fut prins. Or fut ainfi qu'enuiron vnze heures ce Vendredy en la fin du moys d'Octobre, marcherent les Anglois en ordonnance, en iettant grands cris, & vindrent affembler fur les batailles, & fur les efles des Seigneurs de France, & eftoit à l’efle dextre le comte de Richemont, & eftoit fouz luy le Vicomte de Belliere, & le fire de Combourc, &auoit à fon efle fix cens hommes d'armes: l’efle fenettre faifoit le Comte de Vandofme grand maittre ‘ d'hoftel du Roy, & eftoit auecques luy le fire de Hacqueuille, & le fire d’Aumôrt, le fire de la Rocheguyon, & tous les châbellans, efcuyers d'efcuyrie, efchançons, pânetiers, & autres officiers du Roy, & auoit en fon efle fix cens hommes d’armes.

À l’avantgarde eftoient le seigneur d’Albret conneftable de France, & Bouciquault Marefchal qui auoiét en leur côpaignie trois mil hommes d’armes. Le Duc de Bourbon aufsi auec douze cens hommes d’armes: Plus le Duc d’Orleans auec fix censhommes d'armes que gouvernoit le fire de Gaulles pour luy en bataille, & yeftoit le Duc Edouard de Bar, qui auoit en fa compagnie fix cens hômes d'armes: Plus y eftoit le comte de Neuers qui auoit en fa compagnie douze cés hommes d'armes, le fire Robert de Bar, & le côte d’Aumalle auec quatre cens hommes d’armes, le comte d'Eu, auec trois cens hommes d’armes, le comte de Roufsi & de Vienne, à tout deux ces hommes d'armes, & y eftoit Iean monfeigneur de Bar, frere du Duc de Bar, auec deux cés hômes d’armes: & aufsile Duc de Brabant frere du Duc de Bourgôgne,lequel amena peu de gés, maistous les baros de Haynaultfe meirentfouz fabanniere. En cefte compaigniede Frâçois eftoiét dix mil hômes d'armes, dont la plus part eftoient cheualiers & efcuyers. Le conneftable auoit ordonnée certain nombre de gens à cheual pour frapper fur les Anglois, qui fe porterent petitement: Et en eftoient chefs mefsire Geoffroy Bouciquault, le fire de Grauille, le fire de la Trimoille, mefsire Helicquet de brabant, mefsire Iean d'Engenes, mefsire Alleaulme de Champenans, mefsire Robert de Thualus, & Pichon de la Tour: ces deux y moururent, & ne firent pas bien leur deuoir, ny tous les autres, car ils fuyrent honteufemét, & oncques ne frapperent coup fur les anglois. Le Roy d’angleterre auoit en fa compagnie auecques ceux de fon fang & lignage, mil & cinq cens cheualiers & efcuyers, &de feize à dix huiét mil archiers. Il trouva les François à petite ordonnance, & en petit nombre, car les vns s'enalloient chauffer, & les autres s’alloiét eux pour menans, & repaiftre leurs chevaux, & ne cuidoient point que les anglois euffent la hardieffe de les venir combattre: Et pour ce que les anglois les virent ence defarroy, ils les vindrent affaillir, & les defconfirét, dont ce fut pitie & dômage pour le royanne: Car la moururét les Seigneurs deffufdits, referué les ducs d'Orleans, & de Bourbon, & les comtes d’Eu, de Vandofme, & de Richemont, & le Marefchal Bouciquauit, lefquels furent prifonniers du Roy d'Angleterre, & menez en Angleterre. Et mourut de la part du Roy de le part du Roy d'Angleterre le Duc Dyorth fon oncle, & bientrois ou quatrecens Anglois. Et moururét au champ quatre mil cheualiers & efcuyers.

Le Roy eftoit à Rouen qui fceut ces nouvelles, & comment le Duc de bretaigne n’auoit point efté à la befongne, lequel auoit eu du Roy pour le payement de fes gens-d’armes cent mil frâcs: & luy auoit donne le Roy, la ville & cité de faint Malo, afin qu’il fut plus curieux de le venirferuir, & fut principaliemen caufe de luy faire auoir ledit fainct Malo, vn chevalier nommé mefsire Bertrandde Montauban qui eftoit de bretaigne, & l’Euefque de Clermont nommé maitre Martin Gouge, qui eftoiét eux deux pour monfeigneur de Guyenne, gouverneurs de tout le royaume. Et fut donné au Duc de bretaigne par leur confeil vn cheualet d’or efmaillé de ac lequel auoit la felle, la bride, & le harnoys tout couuert de pierrerie quivalloir cinquante mil efcuz.

Life Charles VI by a Monk of St Denis [~1420]. In the absence of the King of France and of the dukes of Guienne, Berry, Brittany, and Burgundy, the other princes had undertaken the conduct of the war, which, as is firmly believed, they would have brought to a fortunate conclusion, had they not, despising the small number of the enemy, and refusing to follow the counsel of veteran and seasoned soldiers, entered upon the business with too great precipitancy. Hence, O Christ, most just searcher of hearts, I cannot recall it without tears: they clothed the kingdom and its people in shame and confusion. Yet, though it is painful to me, I will set forth the manner of their error, as my duty requires, that it may serve as a warning to their successors to avoid it with all possible care. For when, according to custom, the lines of battle were to be arranged before the engagement, each of the commanders demanded the honour of leading the vanguard, esteeming that distinction so highly that verbal contention arose among them. At length, however, alas! they came to a unanimous conclusion that all of them together should form the front line. Then almost all in the camp, and especially the younger men, were filled with vain confidence; in them the heat of Mars burned most fiercely, and, as though they could bend the stubborn head of Fortune to their own desire, they boldly declared that the enemy, at the mere sight of so many princes, would be struck with terror and lose heart, and that nothing more was needed for victory than a sudden and daring assault. Yet even then the lords failed to perceive that, however great may be the fervor of youth, the authority and weight of age is greater still. Falling, therefore, into the folly of rash counsellors, and forming two other divisions to follow their own, they resolved that all their military forces should advance upon the enemy for nearly two miles; and in that advance they met with the greatest difficulties. Whether this arose from their own ignorance or through the counsel of certain evil men, I will not affirm as certain; but they were compelled to pitch their camp on a wide plain, lately ploughed by share and coulter, and by reason of heavy and lavish rains turned into mire like dung. There they spent a sleepless night, and, to their great discomfort, were forced continually to pace up and down through the clinging mud, waiting for the dawn of the coming day. Then, proceeding further toward the enemy, not without grievous fatigue, they learned by experience that the fortunes of war depend not on human strength, but upon Fortune— or, to speak more truly, upon the Lord who rules over Fortune. For their four thousand skilled crossbowmen, whose duty it was by office to go before them all, failed to appear at the appointed hour; and, as some reported, they had been dismissed by many in the army, who declared that their aid was not needed.

Between the ninth and tenth hour of the day, the Admiral of France, Sir Clignet de Brabant, together with Louis Bourdon and the Lord of Gaules, was sent forward with a thousand chosen men-at-arms, fully equipped in polished armor and mounted on the swiftest horses, to break the strength of the enemy’s archers, who had already advanced and begun their shooting. But when they felt the dense storm of arrows, they at once lost heart, and, to their everlasting disgrace, abandoned their leader with only a few brave companions. Then they turned and fled so swiftly, as though striving to escape the flashes of lightning or the fury of tempests; and by their flight they filled all the rest of the host with fear and trembling, and not without cause. Meanwhile the thick flight of arrows, darkening the face of the sky like a shower of hail, grievously wounded many of the French. Yet the English, not dismayed by the multitude of the French, as certain foolish prophets had foretold they would be, but standing firm in the front of the royal battle line, advanced upon them with great strides, resolved to test the fortune of combat, and exhorting one another to fight bravely even unto death, mindful of the oaths they had sworn.

At almost the same moment, the illustrious dukes and counts of the realm, having invoked the help of Heaven and fortified themselves with the saving sign of the Cross, then, after bidding each other farewell and tenderly exchanging the kiss of affection, advanced, each with those who followed his banner, upon the enemy’s army with bold and confident step, crying aloud with cheerful voices: "My joy! My joy!" O blindness of mortals, and ignorance of things to come! They little thought that the end of this presumptuous joy would be grief and mourning. From trustworthy report I have learned that for more than half the day thereafter there was fierce fighting on both sides with every kind of weapon, yet with great labor and hindrance to the French. For their first line, composed of nearly five thousand fighting men, was so tightly packed at the outset that those standing in the third rank could scarcely swing their swords; thus they learned that although a multitude of combatants may sometimes avail, at other times it may bring harm. They were, moreover, wearied by the long march they had made on foot and by the excessive weight of their armor; and they bore with great impatience the bold assaults of the enemy’s archers, who compelled even the valiant knights, the Count of Vendôme, Grand Master of the royal household and kinsman of the King, and Guichard Dauphin likewise, men of sound counsel, resolute and loyal in all their undertakings, commanders of the wings of the battle, to withdraw to their own positions, though not without a small loss among their forces.

The very things that the French had deemed would be to the English their ruin became the means of their victory, above all, the ceaseless and terrible discharge of arrows. For the English, being lightly armed and not too closely crowded by their comrades, could strike the deadly blows more swiftly and with longer breath. They also used a strange kind of weapon: each man, for the most part, carried a lead-headed club, which, when it struck a man upon the head, straightway hurled him to the ground dying, or utterly bereft of his bodily senses. By these and other modes of fighting, though not without heavy loss of their own, they maintained a mortal conflict, knowing well that the issue of the day was a matter of life and death. At length, by a furious and almost mad assault, they broke through the enemy’s line, and in many places made it penetrable; and thus the nobility of the realm, gathered there in great numbers and rich in possessions, was, alas, for sorrow! either taken prisoner to be ransomed like a vile slave, or struck down to perish beneath the swords of ignoble men. O everlasting shame, to be bewailed with reverent sighing by all men for ever! For it is some comfort to the vanquished, and makes their fall seem lighter, if they are said to have been overcome by valiant and noble foes; but it redoubles their blushes and increases their disgrace when victory is won over them by men of base and humble station.

The unexpected disaster thus far endured struck terror into those who stood in the two following lines of battle. And soon, their hearts confounded, they did not turn to the rescue of their perishing comrades, for they had no leader who could give such command, but, to their shame and everlasting dishonor, they abandoned their fellows and purchased eternal infamy by their disgraceful flight. At that same moment, a great multitude of soldiers who had remained in the rearward parts of the vanguard, in order to avoid the lion-like fury of the raging victors, drew back a little. And the King of England, believing that they were preparing to renew the battle, gave orders that all the prisoners be put to death; and his command was obeyed, until he learned with certainty that they had turned rather to flight than to resistance, and perceived this clearly with his own eyes.

Tunc in Francie regis absencia atque dominorum ducum Guienne, Biturie, Britannie et Burgundie, ceteri principes bellum peragendum susceperant, quod, ut firmiter creditur, feliciter terminassent; sed paucitatem hostium parvipendentes, nec veteranorum et emeritorum militum acquiescentes consiliis, rem nimis precipitanter agressi sunt: unde, quod siccis oculis nequeo meditari, o Christe, mencium scrutator equissime, regnum atque regnicolas induerunt confusionem et ruborem. Modum tamen, quamvis michi displicentem, jure officii relinquens successoribus tanquam summe evitandum, cum ante omnes conflictus moris sit acies ordinare, eorum quoque singuli anteguardiam poscerent conducendam, se tanto honore ¹ reputantes, essetque inde exorta verbalis controversia, tandem tamen unanimiter, proc dolor! concluserunt, ut omnes in prima fronte locarentur. Tunc vana spe agitabantur in castris fere omnes, et precipue juniores, in quibus ardor marcius amplius fervescebat, et quasi indomitum fortune caput suo desiderio substernentes, veraciter affirmabant hostes ad conspectum tantorum principum terrore concuciendos et deficiendos animis, nilque ad obtinendum triumphum opus esse, nisi subita invasione et audaci. Sic vel tum non advertentes domini, quod, quamvis sit juventutis fervor magnus, major tamen auctoritas et gravitas senectutis, in stultiloquorum sentenciam transeuntes et duas alias acies statuentes, que suam sequerentur, omnes copias militares hostibus appropinquare per duo fere miliaria statuerunt, ubi maximum impedimentum pertulerunt. Quod tamen, si per ignoranciam ipsorum vel quorumdam iniquorum consilio processerit, pro comperto non referam habuisse. In solo utique spacioso recenter cultro et vomere culto, sed et prodiga inundacione pluviarum in modum fimi lutoso, resoluto, castra metari opportuit, et omnes noctem insompnem ducere, nec sine displicencia magna continue, et ultra cavillas pedum per lutum deambulando lucis sequentis inicium expectare. Inde non sine lassitudine gravi ulterius ad hostes procedentes, experimento didicerunt varios eventus belli non viribus humanis, sed fortune, et, ut verius fatear, fortune Domino subjacere, cum quatuor milia suorum balistariorum peritorum, quibus ex officio incumbebat omnes precedere, ipsa et eadem hora minime comparere statuerunt, et, ut quidam referebant, a multis repudiatos, asserentibus eorum non indigere auxilio.

Inter horam diei nonam et decimam, iterum cum admirallo Francie, domino Clugneto de Brebanto, Ludovico Bourredon, domino de Gaullia, mille electos pugnatores ad unguem loricatos, et qui equos velociores habebant, premiserunt, qui sagittarios hostium jam emissos viribus perturbarent. Qui tamen, ut tractum densum sagittarum persenserunt, mox fractis animis in eorum vituperium sempiternum ducem suum cum paucis relinquerunt, et tam celeriter redeuntes ac si fulgurum ictus et tempestatum vitare contenderent, aliis universis timorem et formidinem, nec immerito, intulerunt. Interim dum sagittarum tractus densus, instar grandinis, poli faciem obnubilans, multos ex Francigenis graviter vulneraret, Anglici, non Francorum multitudine territi, ut prius presagierant quidam vani fatiloqui, sed constituti in fronte aciei regie, mox magnis passibus in eos accesserunt et fortunam prelii experiri statuerunt, se ipsos mutuo exhortantes, ut juramentorum memores usque ad mortem fortiter decertarent.

Eodem quasi instanti, regni duces insignes et comites, invocato de celis auxilio et se omnes salutari signo crucis munientes, mox ut sibi mutuo vale dicentes dulciter dilectionis osculum obtulissent, quotquot eorum vexilla sequebantur, hostilem exercitum cum presumptuoso incessu pecierunt cum alacritate cordis Meum gaudium! Meum gaudium! jocundis vocibus exclamantes. O mortalium ceca mens et futurorum nescia! non sperantes quod extrema hujus presumptuosi gaudii luctus posset occupare. Vera relacione didici tunc ultra diei horam dimidiam cum omni genere armorum utrinque acriter dimicatum, cum labore tamen nimio et impedimento Gallicorum. Nam prima eorum acies, ex quinque fere milibus pugnatorum composita, sic in principio constipata se tenuit, quod in fronte tercium tenentes ordinem vix enses vibrare potuissent, tunc discentes quod, et si quandoque numerositas pugnatorum profecerit, sic et alias potuit nocuisse. Erant et ex longo itinere pedestri jam peracto et armorum pondere nimio fatigati; impacientissime quoque pertulerunt sagitarios hostium insignes milites comitem Vindocini, magistrum regalis hospicii et regis cognatum, Guichardum quoque Dalfini, viros utique sani consilii, strenuos et fideles in agendis, alarum prelii conductores, eorum quoque fortissimos invasores, ex eis modica strage facta, ad locum proprium redire compulisse.

Que sibi nociva Gallici reputabant, media extiterunt victorie Anglicorum, et precipue continua et formidabilis emissio sagittarum; nam perlevi armatura tecti nec a sociis nimium constipati, levius et cum longiori anhelitu ictus reiterabant mortales; inusitato eciam armorum genere usi, quisque eorum in parte maxima clavam plumbeam gestabat, que capiti alicujus inflicta, mox illum precipitabat ad terram moribundum, vel a sensibus corporeis penitus destitutum. Hiis et aliis modis pugnandi, non sine suorum magna cede, mortalem continuaverunt conflictum, scientes quod res pro capitibus agebatur. Tandem tamen aciem prope vesano impetu viribus interrumpentes, eamdem in multis locis penetrabilem reddiderunt, sicque regni nobilitas aggregata multis peccunialibus, tanquam vile mancipium, proc dolor, redimenda, aut ignobilium gladiis succubuit pereunda. O sempiternum opprobrium a cunctis omne per evum miserabiliter deflendum cum reverenti suspirio! Nam et viris pro solacio solet esse et casum reddere leviorem, si a viris strenuis et ingenuis dicantur superati, sicut ruborem ingeminat, adauget ignominiam ab indignis et vilibus obtenta victoria.

Infortunium hucusque inopinatum terruit in duabus subsequentibus aciebus constitutos, et mox, consternatis animis, non ad succursum pereuncium, cum non haberent principem qui id posset precipere, intenderunt, sed cum probro et ignominia consortes deseruerunt, et turpi fuga perpetuam emerunt infamiam. Illo eciam instanti, ingens copia pugnatorum in extremis anteguardie residens, ut furencium victorum leoninam rabiem declinarent, paululum retrocesserunt, et credens rex Anglie quod vellent prelium restaurare, omnes captivos interfici imperavit, et sibi obtemperatum fuit, donec veraciter scivit quod ad fugiendum magis quam ad resistendum prona erat, et fide oculata id percepit.

Thomas Walsingham [~1422]. The French, seeing that our men had crossed the field with the greatest difficulty, thought the time had now come to fall upon them while exhausted, believing they could take them captive without any trouble. They therefore rushed terribly into the field, sending forward their horsemen first, who were to crush our archers beneath the armored breasts of their chargers and trample them under their horses’ hooves. But, by God’s will, the outcome was far otherwise than they had hoped. For the archers, running in from either flank to meet the horsemen, loosed so many arrows at once that the hailstorm of shafts scattered the cavalry in an instant. For, God guiding it, nowhere did a hand shoot in vain, nowhere did a missile fly without a wound, nor was there any rest for the hurling right hand; every shaft struck home, for no blow was without bloodshed. So, as soon as the horses were pierced with iron, their riders, turning the reins, plunged headlong into their own ranks; and all the horsemen who survived fled from the field. Then, as the battle lines closed, a great shout from our men rose to the heavens, and the vast air was filled, as it were, with the sound of voices. Thereupon a new storm of missiles flew on every side, and iron rang against iron as the arrows, constantly launched, struck helmets, plates, and cuirasses. Many of the French then fell, pierced through by arrows, fifty here, sixty there.

The King himself, acting not so much in the part of a king as in that of a soldier, was the first to rush upon the enemy. He struck and endured fierce blows, setting a noble example of courage to his men by his own deeds — with an axe drawn, he scattered the opposing ranks. Nor was it otherwise with the men of war, who, emulating their sovereign’s exploits, strove with all their strength to hew down that wild forest of raging Frenchmen with steel. At length, force prevailing over force, the French gave way — not so much yielding as falling dead. And in truth, when the French beheld on the field those lying slain whom they had deemed invincible, their courage soon

"Their spirits were struck with awe, and a chilling tremor ran through the¹

depths of their bones." —

so great was their terror that they stood motionless and senseless, while our men wrenched the axes from their very hands and slaughtered them with their own weapons, like beasts for the sacrifice. Then the killing passed all measure, it was no longer a battle, but a butchery of throats; nor could the English strike down as many as there were on the enemy’s side ready to perish.

Thus, well-nigh all the glory of France perished, by the hands of a few whom, but a little before, they had held in the utmost contempt. There fell the Dukes of Alençon, Brabant, and Bar, together with five Counts, the Constable of France, and other lords of renown, in number nearly a hundred. Of knights and squires, four thousand and sixty-nine are said to have been slain. The number of the common soldiery was not reckoned by the messengers of arms. Taken captive there were the Dukes of Orléans and of Bourbon, the Counts of Eu and Vendôme, and Arthur, brother of the Duke of Brittany, who calls himself "Count of Richmond", and one Bourgalde, a knight of the highest honour in the realm of France, and others, as is reported, to the number of seven hundred. On the King’s side fell the Lord Edward, Duke of York, and Lord Michael, Earl of Suffolk, four knights, and one esquire named "David Game", and of the common men twenty-eight.

While the King and his men were engaged in close combat against the multitude of the French, the French camp-followers, attacking from the rear, seized upon the baggage that had been left behind and immediately carried it off. Among the spoil they found the royal crown, and, rejoicing in their vain delight, made their comrades glad also, to such a degree that they caused the banners to be solemnly raised, and the "Te Deum laudamus," the Song of Praise, to be chanted with the utmost exultation. For they had falsely proclaimed that the King himself had been taken and would be brought to them forthwith. But shortly thereafter, when they learned the truth of the matter from a sorrowful messenger, their song was turned into mourning, and their joy into grief.

Galli videntes nostros campum cum summo labore emensos fuisse, rati jam tcmpus arrisisse quo fatigatos invaderent, quos putabant imllo negotio captivandos, horribiliter in campum ruunt, prsemissis equitibus qui nostros arcitenentes pectoribus . dextrariorum pra3ferratis obruerent, et suorum caballorum pedibus conculcarent. Sed, Deo volente, secus accidit quam sperabant. Quia sagittarii, hinc inde occurrentes equitibus, tot simul emisere jacula, ut ilia procella grandinea primitus equites dissiparent. Nam, regente Deo, nusquam cassa nianus, nusquam sine vulnere fugit missile, nullaque fuit requies mittentis dextrse, sed et omne sedet telum, quia nulli fuere sine csedibus ictus. Ut ergo primum sonipedes ferro transfixi sunt, sesscres, conversis fraenis, in sua agmina preecipites corruere, omnesque equites qui evaserant campo cessere. Exhinc, nt acies convenere, ingens nostratum clamor ad sidcra tollitur, et impletur quodammodo vocibus vastus aer. Tunc iterato volat undique telorum nubes, et ferrum ferro sonat, dum jacula constanter emissa cassides feriunt, laminas, et loricas. Cadunt proinde de Gallis plurimi, sagittis terebrati, bine quinquageni, hinc pariter sexageni.

Rex ipse, non tantum Regis, quantum militis, exequendo vices, primus in hostes advolat, crudcles ictus infert et tolerat, exempla suis audendi fortia præbons in persona propria, stricto securi oppositas acies dissipando. Nec secus militares viri, æmulantcs acta regia, totis viris collaborabant oppositam illani sylvam Francorum frementium ferro prosternere; donec tandem via vi facta, Galli non tantum cessere, quam mortui cecidere. Et re vera Franci, cum prostratos in acie belli cernerent quos autumabant indomabiles, eorum mox

Obstupuere animi; gelidusque per ima cucurrit

Ossa tremor," —

tantus, ut immobiles et sine sensu starent; dum nostri secures ab eorum extorquerent manibus, et eos mactarent, velut pecudes, cum eisdem. Perdidit inde modum cædes, et velut nulla secuta est pugna; sed jugulis bellum geritur, nee valent Angli tot prosternere, quot perire possunt de adversa parte.

Sic ergo pene Francias periit omne decus, per manus paucorum quos parum ante summo despectui habuere. lllie interempti sunt Duces de Alasoun, de Braban, et de Baar, cum quinque Comitibus, et Constabulario Francia et aliis nominatis dominis, ad numerum pene centum. De militibus et armigeris, quatuor millia sexaginta novem feruntur occisa. Numerus vulgi non fuit ab armorum nunciis computatus. Capti sunt ibidem Duces Aureliancnsis et Burbonensis, Comites vero de Ew et de Wendone, et Arturus frater Ducis Britanniæ, qui se dicit "Comitem Richemundiæ" et quidam Burdegaldus, miles honoratissimus regni Franciæ, et alii, ut ferunt, ad numerum septingentorum. De parte Regis cecidere Dominus Edwardus Dux Eboraci, et Dominus Michael Comes Southfolchiæ, quatuor milites et unus arraiger, dictus "David Game," et de communibus viginti octo.

Dum Rex et sui bello detincrentur contra Gallorum multitudinem pugnando comminus, vispiliones Francorum, invadentes a tergo, dimissas sarcinas rapuerunt et protinus abduxerunt; in quiuus cum reperissint coronam regiam, inani gaudio lætificavere suos, in tantum ut signa solemniter pulsari facerent, et Canticum laudis, "Te Deum laudamus," cum summo tripudio decantari. Ementiti enim fuerant Regem captum sine mora venturum. Sed post pusillum, cum extristi nuncio cognovissent vcritatem rei gestæ, versus est in luctum chorus eorum, et gaudium in mœrorem.

Note 1. Virgil, Æneid, ii. 120.

Elmham Liber Metricus de Henrico Quinto. Chapter 37. Concerning the Battle of Agincourt, on the feast day of Saints Crispin and Crispinian.

Capitulum XXXVII. De Bello de Agincort, in die Sanctorum Crispini et Crispiniani.

Rex dixit reliquis, "Consortes, arma parate;	Then the King said to the rest: “Comrades, prepare your arms;
Anglica jura quidem sunt referenda Deo;	England’s rights must be rendered unto God.
Edwardi Regis, Edwardi principis isto	By this right remember the deeds of King Edward,
Jure notant memores prælia plura data.	And of Prince Edward, in many battles past.
Cum paucis Anglis victoria multa notatur:	Oft with few Englishmen was much victory won;
Hoc nunquam potuit viribus esse suis.	This was never done by their own strength.
Anglia non planget me captum sive redemptum;	England shall not weep for me taken or ransomed;
Præsto paratus ero juris agone mori.	I stand ready to die in the cause of right.
Sancte Georgi! Sancte Georgi, miles! adesto;	Saint George! Saint George, knight of heaven, be near!
Anglis in jure, Sancta Maria, fave!	Holy Mary, favor the English cause!
Hac hora plures pro nobis corde precantur	At this hour many pray for us in heart,
Anglorum justi: fraus tua, France! ruet."	Righteous men of England: thy treachery, France, shall fall.”
Arma gerens propria, propriam Rex ipse coronam	Bearing his own arms, his very own Crown, the King himself
Imposuit capiti; prodiit inde palam.	Set upon his head, and came forth openly.
Vexillum mandat bello prodire patenter,	He bade his standard go forth boldly to battle,
Se signando cruce, sic animando suos.	Signing himself with the cross, thus heartening his men.
Namque sacerdotes a tergo vociferantur	For the priests behind cried aloud,
Cum gemitu, "Nostri nunc miserere, Deus!	With groans: “Have mercy now, O God, on our men!
Nunc miserere, Deus! Anglorum parce coronæ;	Now have mercy, O God! Spare the crown of England;
Regia jura fove. Pro pietate tua,	Protect the royal right. For thy mercy’s sake,
Virgo Maria, fave! propria pro dote, Georgi	Virgin Mary, favor us! For thine own gift’s sake, Saint George,
Miles, et Edwarde, Rex pie, confer opem!	Knight and holy King Edward, grant thy aid!
Dent omnes Sancti, Regis constantia nostri	Let all the Saints grant that our King’s steadfastness
Fiat ut accepta per sacra vota Deo."	Be made acceptable through holy vows to God.”
Bello congreditur exercitus unus et alter:	Then one army and the other joined in battle:
His binis campus per nemus arctus erat.	Between these two the field was narrowed by woods.
Hic frater Regis Humfredus nobilis est Dux	Here Humphrey, the King’s noble brother Duke,
Inguine percussus; defluit ense cruor.	Was struck in the groin; the blood flowed from the sword.
Huic ad humum presso Rex succurrendo superstans,	The King, standing over him fallen to the ground,
Fratris defensor hoc in agone fuit.	Was his brother’s defender in that agony.
Francorum turma prorupit ad arcitenentes;	The troop of French burst upon the archers;
Turbo sagittarum vertere terga dedit.	A storm of arrows turned their backs in flight.
Horum nobilitas in fronte, tribus data turmis,	Their nobility in the front, formed in three divisions,
Ad vexilla tribus intulit arma locis:	Brought arms against the three banners.
Quorum sunt latera nostris penetrata sagittis,	Whose flanks were pierced by our arrows,
Fronsque per armatos hostica trita fuit.	And their front was trampled through armed men.
Pars Regis nostri secura securibus hostes	Our King’s side, wielding axes, struck down the foe
Deprimit obtrusos, fitque supina cohors.	And crushed those thrust down; their ranks lay overturned.
Opprimitur vivis plebs mortua; viva subivit	The dead were pressed by the living; the living sank upon the dead;
Occisis; acies fit cumulata ruens.	The ranks became heaps of falling men.
Scandunt congeries Francorum cœtibus Angli;	The English climbed the piled masses of the French;
Vis cadit anterior, non patet inde fuga.	The foremost line fell — there was no way to flee.
Occidunt, capiunt sibi, conservant redimendos;	They kill, they capture, they keep the captives for ransom;
Sed cito clamor erat prælia ferre nova.	But soon a cry arose — new battle to be fought!
Multiplicata recens acies addenda minatur	A fresh and swelling line threatened to crush the weary;
Lassos conterere; plebs furit inde magis.	To break the worn men — so the host raged more fiercely.
Captivos priscos pro posterioribus Angli	The English slew their old captives for fear of the new attack;
Interimunt Francos: res datur arcta nimis.	They killed the French — the struggle grew too close.
Bellum posterius, nostras gustando sagittas,	The later battle, tasting our arrows,
Dat campum Regi. Laus datur inde Deo.	Yielded the field to the King — praise then was given to God.
Casside fit Regis attrita corona securi:	Upon the King’s helm the crown was struck by an axe;
Præsto notatur ibi Gratia ferre manum.	Yet there God’s Grace was seen to stretch forth His hand.

Chronicles of London Julius B [~1435]. [25th October 1415] And the xxv day off the same moneth ffylle vpon hym the power off ffraunce, moo thanne iiij^xx thousand off ffihtyng men; and barred hym all the wayes and brak the brigges, that he and his ooste shulde haue passed ouer, and made alle the cuntre so bare off vitaylles that he must nedys ffiht, or be take prisoner.

And the kyng seyng this that he myht noon other wyse escape, he ffouht with hem manly, with his lytyll Oost nat ffully xm^l, in the ffelde off Agyngkourt, and scomfyted hem. Blessed be god.

And there were y-take in the Bataylle the Duk off Orliaunce, The Duk off Burbon, The Erle off Vendon, The Erle off Dewe, The Erle off Richemond, and Syr Bursigaunt. And ther weren slayne the Duk off Launson, The Duk off Braban and The Duk off Baar, The Erle off Nauers, The lorde De la Brytte, Constable off ffraunce, and the Seneschal off Henavde, and many othir lordes, knyhtes, and squyers, and worthy men, vnto the nombre off v m¹ and moo.

And on oure syde weren slayne the Duk off York, the Erle off Southefolke, and Syr Kyheley, and Davy Gamme, squyer, with a ffewe moo othir persones.

Chronicles of London Cleopatra C IV [~1435]. [25th October 1415] And in Aʒyngcorte felde owre kynge faught w^t þ^e ffrensshmen þ^e ffryday to fore þ^e day of symon and Jude; and þ^er all þ^e ryall power of ffrensshemen come aʒenst owre kynge and his litill meyne, save the ffrenssh kynge and þ^e dolfyne, and þ^e duke of Borgoyn, and þ^e duke of Barre; elles all þ^e lordys of ffraunce lay tofore the kyng in his hy way as he schuld passe towarde calys, embateylyd in iijº batayles, as þ^e ffrensshemen sayde hem silfe þ^e nowmbre of lx m^li men of armes, and þ^o were þ^e faireste men of armys þ^t ever any man saw in any place. And owre kynge w^t his litell mayne sey well he must nedys fyʒte, or he myght not come to Caleys by the hy way. And þ^an he sayde to his lordys and to his mayne: 'Syres and ffelowes, þ^e ʒondere mayne þ^enk to lette vs of owre way: and þ^ei wil nat come to vs lete euery man preve hym silfe a good man þis day, and avant baner in þ^e beste tyme of the yere; for as I am trew kynge and knyht, for me pis day schalle never Inglonde rawnsome pay; erste many a man schall leue is weddes, for here erste to deth I wil be dyght, and þerfore lordynges, for the love of swete Jhesu, helþe mayntayne Inglondes ryght þ^is day. Allso, Archers, to yow I pray, no fote þ^t ʒe flee away, erste be we alle beten in this felde. And þenke be Englysshemen þ^at never wolde flee at no batelle, for aʒenste one of vs powpe þ^er be ten, þenke Criste will help vs in owre ryght. But I wolde no blood were spilte, /Cryste helpe me so now in þ^is case but þ^o þ^t ben cause of this trespase; when þ^u sittest in jugment, þer holde me excused tofore þⁱ face, as þ^u art God omnipotent. But passe we all now in fere, Duke, Erle and Bachelere. Of all owre synnys he make us seker. Jentil Jhesu, borne of Marye, and as for vs þ^u deydyst on good fryday as þⁱ will was, so brynge vs to þⁱ blisse on hy, and graunte vs þ^er to haue a place. Do and bete on ffaste.' Owre kynge tho bad wyþe full glad chere: and so thei dyd at þ^t word, lord, knyght, and archere. þ^er men myght see a semble sade þ^t turnyd many on to tene and tray: for many a lorde per ryght low lay, þ^t comen was of blod full gent. By evensong tyme, soþely to say per holpe us god omnipotent.

Stedes per stumbelyd in þ^t stownde,

þ^t stood stere stuffed vnder stele;

W^t gronyng grete þ^ei felle to grownde,

Her sydes federid whan þ^ei gone fele.

Owre lorde pe kynge he foght ryght wele,

Scharpliche on hem his spere he spent,

Many on seke he made þ^t sele,

Thorow myght of god omnipotent.

The Duke of Glowcestre also þ^t tyde

Manfully wt his mayne

Wonder he wroght þ^er wondere wyde;

The Duke of ʒorke also, perde,

Fro his kyng no fote wold he flee,

Til his basonet to his brayn was bent;

Now on his sowle he have pete,

Mersifull god omnipotent.

Hontyngdon and Oxforde bothe,

Were wonder fers all in þ^t fyght;

That erste was glade þ^ei made ful wrothe;

Thorow hem many on to deth were dight

The Erles fowghten w^t mayn and myʒt,

Rich hawberke thei rofe and rente;

Owre kyng to help thei were full lyght;

Now blesse hem, god omnipotent.

The erle of Suthfolk gan hem assaylle,

And syr Richarde kyghle in þ^t stede,

Here lyves þ^ei losten in þ^t bataile,

W^t dyntes sore þ^er were thei dede.

ʒif eny man byde eny good bede

Vnto god w^t good entent,

To þ^o two sowles it mote be mede,

Gracius god omnipotent.

Syr William bowsere, as fovle in fright,

Preste he þ^er was upon his pray,

Erpyngham he came hym with,

Her manhode holp us well þ^t day.

Off ffrenssh folk in þ^t affray

Thre dukes were dede with doleful dent,

And fyve erles, þ^t is no nay;

Ther holpe vs god omnipotent.

Lordes of name an hunderde and mo

Bitterly þ^t bargayn bowght;

Two thovsand cot-armers also,

After her sorow þedere þ^ei sowght.

Ten thowsand ffrensshemen to dep were browght,

Off whom never none away went:

All her names soþely know I nowght;

Have mersy on hem cryst omnipotent.

Two dukes were taken in þ^at stoure,

He of orliawnce and of borbon,

The Ewe, and Arthowre,

The erle of Vandon, and many one.

þe erchebisshope of Sens come w^t owre foon,

[missing text]

Hym failed pe wynnynge of his schone,

þorow myght of god omnipotent.

þ^e fals fflemyngys, god ʒef hem care,

Thei loved us never ʒit, by the roode,

ffor all here fals flatteryng fare,

Aʒenst owre kyng þ^t day þ^ei stode;

Bot many of hem her hert-blode

Vnblyþly bledden vpon þ^t bent, ʒit schalle þ^ei never wayt Inglond good,

I swer by god omnipotent.

Chroniques des Ducs de Brabant [~1440]. Chapter 74. Of the death of Antoine, Duke of Brabant.

[25th October 1415] In the year of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1415, the English, alleging some cause of war against the French, having set forth with great troops, encamped near the town of Thérouanne. And some time after, they made an attack near Blangy, which is a small borough not far distant from the said town. On both sides the combat was fierce, yet more so on the part of the French than of the English. In this encounter was slain Anthony, Duke of Brabant, who had come to the aid of the French, together with many brave and valiant knights; and those who had surrendered were cruelly put to the sword. The body of Anthony, three days after the battle, was found among the dead and taken up. He was received with great honor by the Bishop of Tournai, and carried to Brussels, where he rested for a time in the Church of Saint Gudule. And after his obsequies were performed according to custom, he was borne to Beuren, not without the deepest sorrow of all his court and of the whole country, where he was laid to rest beside his first wife, Jeanne of Saint-Pol, of whom we have spoken elsewhere.

Chap. LXXIII. De la mort d'Antonie Duc de Branant.

L'an de la natiuité de nostre Seigneur leiu ChrisT MCCCCXV les Anglois pretendands quelque subject de guerre contre les Frâcois, estant fortis avec de grande troupes cse campentpres la ville de Terouane. Et quelque temps apres ils chargent pres de Blangi, qui est un petit bourg non beaucoup esloigne de la dite ville. D'une part & d'autre le combat fut sanlat, mais plus de le part des François que de Anglois. En ceste meslee mourut Antoine Duc de Brabant venu au secours des François avec plusieurs braves & vaillans chevaliers, & ceux qui s'estoyent rendus furent cruellement massacrez. Le corps d'Antoine trois jours après la bataille fut trouvé encre les morts & enlevé. Il fut fort honorablement receu par l'Evesque de Tournay, & de la Porté de Bruxelles, où il repose quelque temps en l'Elise de sainto Goule. Et apres ses absequens faites selon ;la coustume il fut porté à Beure,non sans un extreme regret de toute sa court & de tout lepaïs, où il est enseueli pres sa premiere femme Jeannede de saint Pol, dont nous avons parlé ailleurs.

Life of King Henry V by Pseudo-Elmham [~1448]. [25th October 1415] The opposing side, disdainful of the repose and idleness of the royal (i.e. English) army, strove, with great nobility and magnificent display, to array their numerous squadrons for battle in due order and with every precaution they could devise. The splendor of their armor shone so brightly that one might have thought their polished arms, flashing with brilliance, vied in brightness with the rays of the sun itself. They drew up their battle-lines after their own fashion, much as the king (of England) had arrayed his; yet the breadth of the plain did not suffice to marshal so vast a multitude in any convenient order for fighting. For whereas the English army, throughout all its divisions, scarcely covered four ranks of men standing one behind another across the field, the whole French host was arranged in twenty or more ranks deep, one behind another, filling the entire length of the ground with their formations. Moreover, on each outer flank of their army, they stationed a thousand horsemen, whose charge was to break the English line and formation by the onslaught of their horses. The French, by their ingenuity, also placed certain stone-throwing engines beside their wings, to scatter the English fighters, or at least to throw them into disorder. As for their banners and other war standards, fastened to the shafts of lances and fluttering in the wind, their number in the French army exceeded, as men believed, the total of lances in the English host. Nor, in any age within easy memory, had so immense a multitude of nobles and great lords, so bravely and splendidly armed, ever been gathered together within the borders of France. The noblemen, moreover, of the opposing side were so confident of victory, that some, in their excessive eagerness, left behind their servants and attendants, who would have been needed in such an event, thinking to hasten to glory and triumph, and so rushed heedlessly into danger and death. Among them was the Duke of Brabant, who, having not brought up his war banners, raised a pennon from a trumpet staff as his standard, and in that very battle was slain. When the battle-lines had thus been arrayed on either side across the fields, at a distance of about three bowshots apart, and each army waited for the other, neither moved against the other for a long time. Some French horsemen, venturing a little way into the plain, were quickly compelled by certain of the king’s archers, at the king’s command, to withdraw back into their own ranks. Certain barons of France, according to their request, came to the presence of the king (Henry); but, without concluding anything contrary to what was fixed in the king’s mind, they received orders from him to return at once to their stations. And when the king perceived that a great part of the short day had already passed, and that the French, by all credible estimation, had no intention of advancing from their ground, he consulted with his nobles and wise counsellors what should be done, namely, whether he should advance with his battle array, as it stood, straight across the field toward the enemy, who refused to come to him. They, weighing with due judgment all the circumstances of so great a matter, decided with prudent counsel that the king should move with his forces toward the enemy, and, in the name of God, boldly attack them.

Pars adverfa ex oppofito, regalis exercitus foporem & defidiam dedignata, in magna nobilitate & maximo apparatu fuos numerofos cuneos debito ordine, & omni cautela, qua poterant, præparare ad prælium conabantur, qui armorum tanto fplendore corufcant, ut cum folaribus radiis ipforum arma, polita fulgoris fui facibus, decertare putares. Acies fuas modo fuo, ut rex fuas difpofuit, ordinabant; campi tamen latitudo ad tam numerofum populum reducendum in aptum bellandi ordinem non fuffecit. Cum etenim exercitus Anglicus per univerfas acies fuas vix IIII hominum ftacionibus, unius poft vel retro alium, ex tranfverfo muniretur, omnes acies Gallicanæ. XX^ti five plurium pugnantum, unius poft alium, per totum oblongum ftacionibus roborantur. In utroque eciam latere extrinfeco exercitus fui mille equites, qui ordinem & apparatum Anglicorum equorum fuorum impetu dirumperent, Gallorum induftria affignabat, quædam eciam faxivoma, quæ Anglicos pugnaturos difpergerent, vel faltem extra ordinem ponerent, juxta exercitus latera collocari fimiliter ordinabat. Vexillorum vero & aliorum fignorum bellicorum numerus, quæ, haftarum pugionibus firmata, aëra venti flatibus impulfura, in exercitu Gallico funt extenfa, multitudinem lancearum in exercitu Anglico, opinione virorum verifimili, excedebat. nec tranfactis temporibus, faltem ad memoriam de facili reducendis, totidem nobilium & potentum, tam ftrenue & fplendide armatorum, erat tam inmenfa multitudo in Franciæ finibus congregata. Viri quoque nobiles partis adverfæ in tantum fe fecuros de victoria reputabant, ut quidam, præ maxima feftinacione, fervis & aliis, in cafu tali requifitis, poft fe relictis, ad victoriam & honorem accelerare putantes, fubjeccionis difpendia & mortis pericula fubito incurrebant. Inter quos dux de Brabancia, fignis fuis bellicis non adductis, fignum, à quodam dependens lituo, fibi erigit in vexillum, qui in ipfo conflictu obiit interfectus. Aciebus per arva, ut præfertur, hinc inde difpofitis, & fpacio trium arcus tractuum, vel circa, à fe diftantibus, utroque exercitu alium exfpectante, neuter per longi temporis fpacium verfus alium movebatur. Equites tamen Gallici, fe in campum modicum ingerentes, per quofdam architenentes regios, rege jubente, fe in exercitum recolligere velociter coarcentur. Barones quidam Franciæ, fecundum quod orantes optabant, ad regis præfenciam devenerunt, qui nichil, quod cordi regis 3 infederat, concludentes, ut mox in exercitum fuum redeant ab ipfo recipiunt in mandatis, dumque rex brevis diei partem magnam jam tranfactam perpenderet, & Gallos ab eorum ftacionibus nolle verfus fuos moveri credulitate veriffima æftimaret, nobiles & prudentes confuluit, quid in hoc decernerent faciendum, viz. an verfus hoftiles acies, qui verfus eum venire recufant, cum fuis aciebus, ordine, quo fteterant, præparatis, per campi medium fe transferret? Qui, cicumftanciis tam grandis negocii debito mentis libramine ponderatis, ut rex, fe cum fuis removens verfus hoftes, ipfos in Dei nomine potenter invadat, confilio prudenti decernunt.

De Illustribus Henricis by John Capgrave [~1450]. [25th October 1415] No place, no day was appointed; but the messengers who brought this, with great pomp, soon returned. It is said that the messengers on this business were the Lord of Hayle, who had broken the castle of Wisbech and fled, and another, Sir John Graville. Then the king, fearless, committing his cause to God, crossed the river of Swers (Swersis, i.e. the Ternoise), and, lifting up his eyes, beheld from afar the host of the French, and between the two armies a valley lying in the midst. Then he commanded all that they should faithfully confess their sins to God and receive saving penance, judging that he might become a conqueror of men only if he were first a conqueror of his own vices. But there were few priests present; for which reason what he desired could not quickly be accomplished. Therefore, remaining there the whole day, none went down to the plain. Night came, and the king went down to a certain village nearby. That night was exceedingly rainy; and in that rain, and without bread, the people rested. In the morning, the French supposed the king had fled; and, deceived by vain security, they played at dice, wagering who should take this man or that man prisoner. A wondrous thing indeed! For on the king’s side there are said to have been only seven thousand, and on the side of the French sixty thousand; yet the victory was given to the English. I say nothing of the archers, nor of the stakes, how they were set, nor of many other things which took place there; for they would require a long narration. Let it suffice to know this, that this victory, by the will of God, was achieved on the feast of Saints Crispin and Crispinian. There fell on our side the Duke of York and the Earl of Suffolk, and of the common soldiers, it is said, not more than thirty. Of the French there were slain the Archbishop of Sens, three dukes, seven counts, the Lord of La Bret, the Constable of France, one hundred barons, fifteen hundred knights, and in all about seven thousand nobles. Taken captive were two dukes, three counts, and many other gentlemen.

Nullus locus, nulla dies assignatur, sed maxima pompa nuncii hæc referentes reversi sunt. Fertur autem nuncios hujus rei fuisse dominus de Hayle, qui ruperat Castrum apud Wysbeche, et fugerat; et alter, Johannes Gravelle, miles. Tunc rex intrepidus, causam suam Deo committens, transiit flumen de Swerdis, et, elevatis oculis, a longe con- spicit Francorum cohortem, et inter utrosque hostes vallem mediam. Tunc jubet omnes ut peccata sua Deo fideliter confiteantur, pœnitentiam salutarem acciperent, reputans se posse fieri victor hominum si ipse prius victor esset vitiorum. Sacerdotes pauci ibidem erant; propter quod non cito fiebat quod voluit. Tota igitur die ibidem permanentes, alii non descenderunt. Nox venit, et descendit rex ad villam unam prope. Nox illa pluviosa nimis erat; ubi in pluvia et sine pane populus pausabat. Galli mane putant regem fugisse, securitateque vana seducti ad aleas ludunt, quis illum et quis illum possessurus sit. Battle of Res miranda nimis! cum ex parte regis septem millia Agincourt. fuisse referuntur, et ex parte Francorum sexaginta; victoria tamen Anglicis data est. Taceo de arcitenentibus, et de sudibus, quomodo ordinati sunt, et multis aliis ibidem contingentibus; nam et longam declarationem petunt. Sufficiat scire, ut nunc, quod hæc victoria, annuente Deo, facta est in festo Sanctorum Crispini et Crispiniani ; ubi occubuerunt ex parte nostra dux Eboraci et comes Suthfolchiæ, ac de populo, ut dicunt, non ultra quam XXX. Occisi sunt ex parte Francorum Archiepiscopus Senonensis, duces tres, comites septem, dominus de la Bret, Constabularius Franciæ, centum barones, mille milites et quingenti; procerum quoque septem millia. Capti sunt duces duo, comites tres, et plures alii generosi.

Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris [~1450]. [25th October 1415] Also, on the twentieth day of the said month following, the lords of France heard tell that the English were going by way of Picardy. Then my Lord of Charolais held them so straitly and so near that they could not pass by the road they thought to take. Thereupon all the princes of France, save six or seven, went after them, and they found them in a place called Agincourt, near Ruisseauville. And in that same place, upon the day of Saints Crispin and Crispinian, they fought against them. And the French were more than half again as many as the English; yet the French were discomfited, slain, and taken, among them many of the greatest lords of France.

130. First of all, there were slain the Duke of Brabant, the Count of Nevers, brothers to the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Alençon, the Duke of Bar, the Constable of France, Charles de Labret, the Count of Marle, Lord of Beaurevoir, the Count of Roussy, the Count of Salmes, the Count of Vaudemont, the Count of Dampmartin, and the Marquis du Pont. All these named here were killed in the battle, together with well over three thousand knights of golden spurs among the rest. But of those who were taken prisoner and led into England were the Duke of Orléans, the Duke of Bourbon, the Count of Eu, the Count of Richemont, the Count of Vendôme, the Marshal Boucicaut, the son of the King of Armenia, the Lord of Torcy, the Lord of Helly, the Lord of Mouy, the Lord of Savoisy, and many other knights and squires whose names are not known. Never, since the birth of Our Lord, had there been such a capture made in France, either by Saracens or by any others; for along with them there perished many bailiffs of France, who had brought with them the common people of their bailiwicks, and all were put to the sword, as the Bailiff of Vermandois and his men, the Bailiff of Mâcon and his men, the Bailiff of Sens and his men, the Bailiff of Senlis and his men, the Bailiff of Caen and his men, and the Bailiff of Meaux and his men. And it was commonly said that those who were taken prisoners had not shown themselves good or loyal toward those who died in the battle.

129. Item, le xx jour dudit moys ensuivant, les signeurs de France ouïrent dire que les Anglois s'en alloient par la Picardie, si les tint monseigneur de Charrollays si court et de si près qu'ilz ne porent passer par où ilz cuidoyent. Adonq allerent après tous les princes de France, sinon vi ou vii, et les trouverent en ung lieu nommé Agincourt, près de Rousseauville; et en ladicte place, le jour Sainct Crespin et Crespinien, se combatirent à eulx; et estoient les Françoys plus la moictié que Angloys, et si furent Françoys desconfys et tuez, et prins des plus grans de France.

130. Item, tout premierement, le duc de Breban, le conte de Nevers, freres du duc de Bourgongne, le duc d'Alençon, le duc de Bar, le connestable de France Charles de Labraits, le conte de bourg, seigneur de Beaurevoir Marle, le conte de Roussy, le conte de Psalmes, le conte de Vaudesmons, le conte de Dampmartin, le marquis du Pont. Ceulx cy nommez furent tous mors en la bataille, et bien trois mil esperons dorez sur les autres; mais de ceulx qui furent prins et menez en Angleterre, le duc d'Orleans, le duc de Bourbon, le conte d'Eu, le conte de Richemont, le conte de Vendosme 8, le mareschal Boussiquault, le filx du roy d'Ermenie, le sire de Torsy, le sire de Helly, le sire de Mouy, [monseigneur de Savoysi] et plusieurs autres chevaliers et escuiers dont on ne scet les noms. Oncques, puis que Dieu fut né, ne fut fait telle prinse en France par Sarazins ne par autres, car avec eulx furent mors plusieurs bailliz de France, qui avoient avecques eulx admenez les communes de leurs bailliaiges, qui tous furent mis à l'espée, comme le bailly de Vermendoys et ses gens, le bailly de Mascon et ses gens, celuy de Sens et ses gens, celuy de Senliz et ses gens, celuy de Caen et ses gens, le bailly de Meaulx et ses gens; et disoit on communement que ceulx qui prins estoient n'avoient pas esté bons ne loyaulx à ceulx qui moururent en bataille.

Note 1. Antoine de Bourgogne, duc de Brabant, deuxième fils de Philippe le Hardi, duc de Bourgogne, et de Marguerite, comtesse de Flandre.

Note 2. Philippe de Bourgogne, comte de Nevers, troisième fils de Philippe le Hardi.

Note 3. Jean 1er, duc d'Alençon.

Note 4. Édouard III, duc de Bar,

Note 5. Charles d'Albret, nommé connétable en 1402.

Chronicle of Normandy [~1460]. [25th October 1415] On Friday the twenty-fifth day of the same month [October 1415], being the feast of St. Crispin, at break of day both sides prepared for battle. At that hour the French were joined by the Dukes of Orleans and of Brabant, and by the Count de Nevers his brother¹, who had each brought his little band, resolved to stand or fall with them in the said battle. On that day they were drawn up in order of battle in a valley near Agincourt, and the French had then appointed three hundred horsemen in armour to rout the English archers who were between the main bodies of the two armies, and when the horsemen had formed they thought to charge the archers, but the shower of arrows fell upon them so thickly, that they were compelled to retreat amongst their own people², by which they broke their vanguard, which was close by ready for action. At the same moment both the horsemen and the foot soldiers ran to fall upon and pillage the horses and baggage of the English which they had left in the rear during the battle. Such was the commencement of the battle on that day in the valley before mentioned, where the ground was so soft that the French foundered in it, for which cause and from their line being broken by (their own) horse, they could not again join battle, but were more and more defeated, and, as God would have it, lost the day. It was then a pitiful sight to behold the dead and the wounded who covered the field, and the number of men-at-arms who turned and fled.

Note 1. The Duke of Brabant and the Count de Nevers were brothers of the Duke of Burgundy.

Note 2. Martial de Paris speaks of the shouts of the English, probably the hearty English Hurrah! "Quant les Angloys o leur charroy Virent la maniere de faire, Et les Françoys en desarroy, Se prendrent à frapper et braire." ["When the English saw their convoy and the manner of doing things, and the French in disarray, they began to strike and shout."] So Des Ursins: "Et firent iceux Anglois à cheval un si grand et merveilleux cry, qu'ils espouventerent nos gens, tellement que tous nos gens dicelle seconde bataille s'enfuirent." ["And those English on horseback made such a great and marvelous cry that they frightened our people, so much so that all our men from that second battle fled."] (Ed. Godefroy, p. 424). It has been supposed that Henry had no cross-bowmen with him at Agincourt, yet, amongst the indentures of war preserved in the State Paper Office, is one with Johan Sire de Saintpée for twenty men-at-arms on horseback, and one hundred cross-bowmen, twenty horse, and eighty foot, at 9d. and 6d. per day each, date, 26th May, 3rd year. (Privy Seal Writs, Bund. 4 Hen. V.). They might, however, have been left at Harfleur.

Chronicle of Gregory [1400-1467]. 25th October 1415. And the kyng (age 29) sawe he might not passe whythe out batayle, and thenne he said unto his lytylle mayne, "Serys and felowys, yendyr maynye wylle lette us of our waye, and they wylle not come unto us. But nowe lette every man preve hym-selfe a goode man this day and a-vance his baner in the beste tyme of the day and year." Ande the kyng roode ande his basnet in his hede, and alle othyr men wente on her foote a-passe in her hoole araye and¹⁸ Englysche myle or that they assemblyde. And thorowe Goddys grace the King made his way thoroughe the thyckyste of alle the batayle; and ther was slayne on the kyngys syde the Duke of Yorke (age 42), the Erle Southeffolke (age 21), and ij knyghtys, and Davy Gam (age 35), and of the gentylle men no moo, and of alle maner of Englysche men it passyd not xxviij personys. And on the Fraynysche syde was slayne the Duke of Launsonne, the Duke of Barre (age 38), the Duke of Braban (age 31), ande vij erlys, and the Constabylle of Fraunce, and the Senschalle of Henowde, and the Mayster Alblester¹⁹, and many moo lordys, and knygtys and squyers v Ml and moo. And there was take the Duke of Orlyaunce (age 20), the Duke of Burbon (age 34), the Counte of Rychemounde, and the Counte of Ewe (age 21), [th]e Marchalle of Fraunsce, Syr Bursegaunte, and many moo othyr knyghtys and squyers. And whanne this was done the kyng bode alle nyghte in a vyllage faste be-syde ther that the batelle was done. And on the morowe he toke his waye unto Calys whythe his lordys and his presoners, whythe his owne mayne.

Note 18. So in MS.

Note 19. Thomas Arblastier. He was one of the retinue of Sir William Bourchier. See Nicolas's Battle of Agincourt, 360.

Chronicle of John Harding [~1460]. [25th October 1415] They were lodged euen in the waie by the which the Englishmen must needs passe towards Calis, and all that night after their comming thither, made great cheare and were verie merie, pleasant, and full of game. The Englishmen also for their parts were of good comfort, and nothing abashed of the matter, and yet they were both hungrie, wearie, sore trauelled, and vexed with manie cold diseases. Howbeit reconciling themselues with God by hoossell and shriff, requiring assistance at his hands that is the onelie giuer of victorie, they determined rather to die, than to yéeld, or flée. The daie following was the fiue and twentith of October in the yeare 1415, being then fridaie, and the feast of Crispine and Crispinian, a day faire and fortunate to the English, but most sorrowfull and vnluckie to the French.

In the morning, the French capteins made thrée battels, in the vaward were eight thousand healmes of knights and esquiers, foure thousand archers, and fifteene hundred crosbowes which were guided by the lord de la Breth, constable of France, hauing with him the dukes of Orleance and Burbon, the earles of Ewe and Richmond, the marshall Bouciquault, and the maister of the crosbowes, the lord Dampier admerall of France, and other capteins. The earle of Uandosme with sixtéene hundred men of armes were ordered for a wing to that battell. And the other wing was guided by sir Guichard Dolphine, sir Clugnet of Brabant, and sir Lewes Bourdon, with eight hundred men of armes, of elect chosen persons. And to breake the shot of the Englishmen, were appointed sir Guilliam de Saueuses, with Hector and Philip his brethren, Ferrie de Maillie, and Alen de Gaspanes, with other eight hundred of armes.

In the middle ward, were assigned as manie persons, or more, as were in the formost battell, and the charge thereof was committed to the dukes of Bar and Alanson, the earles of Neuers, Uaudemont, Blamont, Salinges, Grant Prée, & of Russie. And in the rereward were all the other men of armes guided by the earles of Marle, Dampmartine, Fauconberg, and the lord of Lourreie capteine of Arde, who had with him the men of the frontiers of Bolonois. Thus the Frenchmen being ordered vnder their standards and banners, made a great shew: for suerlie they were estéemed in number six times as manie or more, than was the whole companie of the Englishmen, with wagoners, pages and all. They rested themselues, waiting for the bloudie blast of the terrible trumpet, till the houre betwéene nine and ten of the clocke of the same daie, during which season, the constable made vnto the capteins and other men of warre a pithie oration, exhorting and incouraging them to doo valiantlie, with manie comfortable words and sensible reasons. King Henrie also like a leader, and not as one led; like a souereigne, and not an inferior, perceiuing a plot of ground verie strong & méet for his purpose, which on the backe halfe was sensed with the village, wherein he had lodged the night before, and on both sides defended with hedges and bushes, thought good there to imbattell his host, and so ordered his men in the same place, as he saw occasion, and as stood for his most aduantage.

First, he sent priuilie two hundred archers into a lowe medow, which was néere to the vauntgard of his enimies; but separated with a great ditch, commanding them there to keepe themselues close till they had a token to them giuen, to let driue at their aduersaries: beside this, he appointed a vaward, of the which he made capteine Edward duke of Yorke, [...] of an haultie courage had desired that office, and with him were the lords Beaumont, Willoughbie, and Fanhope, and this battell was all of archers. The middle ward was gouerned by the king himselfe, with his brother the duke of Glocester, and the earles of Marshall, Oxenford, and Suffolke, in the which were all the strong bilmen. The duke of Excester vncle to the king led the rereward, which was mi [...]ed both with bilmen and archers. The horssemen like wings went on euerie side of the battell.

Thus the king hauing ordered his battels, feared not the puissance of his enimies, but yet to prouide that they should not with the multitude of horssemen breake the order of his archers, in whome the force of his armie consisted [For in those daies the yeomen had their lims at libertie, sith their hosen were then fastened with one point, and their iackes long and easie to shoot in; so that they might draw bowes of great strength, and shoot arrowes of a yard long; beside the head] he caused stakes bound with iron sharpe at both ends, of the length of fiue or six foot to be pitched before the archers, and of ech side the footmen like an hedge, to the intent that if the barded horsses ran rashlie vpon them, they might shortlie be gored and destroied. Certeine persons also were appointed to remooue the stakes, as by the mooueing of the archers occasion and time should require, so that the footmen were hedged about with stakes, and the horssemen stood like a bulwarke betwéene them and their enimies, without the stakes. This deuise of fortifieng an armie, was at this time first inuented: but since that time they haue deuised caltraps, harrowes, and other new engins against the force of horssemen; so that if the enimies run hastilie vpon the same, either are their horsses wounded with the stakes, or their feet hurt with the other engins, so as thereby the beasts are gored, or else made vnable to mainteine their course.

King Henrie, by reason of his small number of people to fill vp his battels, placed his vauntgard so on the right hand of the maine battell, which himselfe led, that the distance betwixt them might scarse be perceiued, and so in like case was the rereward ioined on the left hand, that the one might the more readilie succour an other in time of néed. When he had thus ordered his battels, he left a small companie to kéepe his campe and cariage, which remained still in the village, and then calling his capteins and soldiers about him, he made to them a right graue oration, moouing them to plaie the men, whereby to obteine a glorious victorie, as there was hope certeine they should, the rather if they would but remember the iust cause for which they fought, and whome they should incounter, such faint-harted people as their ancestors had so often ouercome. To conclude, manie words of courage he vttered, to stirre them to doo manfullie, assuring them that England should neuer be charged with his ransome, nor anie Frenchmen triumph ouer him as a captiue; for either by famous death or glorious victorie would he (by Gods grace) win honour and fame.

It is said, that as he heard one of the host vtter his wish to another thus:

I would to God there were with vs now so manie good soldiers as are at this houre within England! the king answered: I would not wish a man more here than I haue, we are indeed in comparison to the enimies but a few, but if God of his clemencie doo fauour vs, and our iust cause (as I trust he will) we shall spéed well inough. But let no man ascribe victorie to our owne strength and might, but onelie to Gods assistance, to whome I haue no doubt we shall worthilie haue cause to giue thanks therefore. And if so be that for our offenses sakes we shall be deliuered into the hands of our enimies, the lesse number we be, the lesse damage shall the realme of England susteine: but if we should fight in trust of multitude of men, and so get the victorie (our minds being prone to pride) we should thervpon peraduenture ascribe the victorie not so much to the gift of God, as to our owne puissance, and thereby prouoke his high indignation and displeasure against vs: and if the enimie get the vpper hand, then should our realme and countrie suffer more damage and stand in further danger. But be you of good comfort, and shew your selues valiant, God and our iust quarrell shall defend vs, and deliuer these our proud aduersaries with all the multitude of them which you sée (or at the least the most of them) into our hands.

Whilest the king was yet thus in spéech, either armie so maligned the other, being as then in open sight, that euerie man cried; Forward, forward. The dukes of Clarence, Glocester, and Yorke, were of the same opinion, yet the king staied a while, least anie ieopardie were not foreséene, or anie hazard not preuented. The Frenchmen in the meane while, as though they had béene sure of victorie, made great triumph, for the capteins had determined before, how to diuide the spoile, and the soldiers the night before had plaid the Englishmen at dice. The noble men had denised a chariot, wherein they might triumphantlie conueie the king captiue to the citie of Paris, crieng to their soldiers; Haste you to the spoile, glorie and honor; little weening (God wot) how soone their brags should be blowne awaie.

Here we may not forget how the French thus in their iolitie, sent an herald to king Henrie, to inquire what ransome he would offer. Wherevnto he answered, that within two or thrée houres he hoped it would so happen, that the Frenchmen should be glad to common rather with the Englishmen for their ransoms, than the English to take thought for their deliuerance, promising for his owne part, that his dead carcasse should rather be a prize to the Frenchmen, than that his liuing bodie should paie anie ransome. When the messenger was come backe to the French host, the men of warre put on their helmets, and caused their trumpets to blow to the battell. They thought themselues so sure of victorie, that diuerse of the noble men made such hast towards the battell, that they left manie of their seruants and men of warre behind them, and some of them would not once staie for their standards: as amongst other the duke of Brabant when his standard was not come, caused a baner to be taken from a trumpet and fastened to a speare, the which he commanded to be borne before him in stéed of his standard.

But when both these armies comming within danger either of other, set in full order of battell on both sides, they stood still at the first, beholding either others demeanor, being not distant in sunder past thrée bow shoots. And when they had on both parts thus staied a good while without dooing anie thing, (except that certeine of the French horsemen aduancing forwards, betwixt both the hosts, were by the English archers constreined to returne backe) aduise was taken amongst the Englishmen, what was best for them to doo. Therevpon all things considered, it was determined, that sith the Frenchmen would not come forward, the king with his armie imbattelled (as yee haue hard) should march towards them, and so leauing their trusse and baggage in the village where they lodged the night before, onelie with their weapons, armour, and stakes prepared for the purpose, as yée haue heard.

These made somewhat forward, before whome there went an old knight sir Thomas Erpingham (a man of great experience in the warre) with a warder in his hand; and when he cast vp his warder, all the armie shouted, but that was a signe to the archers in the medow, which therwith shot wholie altogither at the vauward of the Frenchmen, who when they perceiued the archers in the medow, and saw they could not come at them for a ditch that was betwixt them, with all hast set vpon the fore ward of king Henrie, but yer they could ioine, the archers in the forefront, and the archers on that side which stood in the medow, so wounded the footmen, galled the horsses, and combred the men of armes, that the footmen durst not go forward, the horssemen ran togither vpõ plumps without order, some ouerthrew such as were next them, and the horsses ouerthrew their masters, and so at the first ioining, the Frenchmen were foulie discomforted, and the Englishmen highlie incouraged.

When the French vauward was thus brought to confusion, the English archers cast awaie their bowes, & tooke into their hands, axes, malls, swords,bils, and other hand-weapons, and with the same slue the Frenchmen, vntill they came to the middle ward. Then approched the king, and so incouraged his people, that shortlie the second battell of the Frenchmen was ouerthrowne, and dispersed, not without great slaughter of men: howbeit, diuerse were releeued by their varlets, and conueied out of the field. The Englishmen were so busied in fighting, and taking of the prisoners at hand, that they followed not in chase of their enimies, nor would once breake out of their arraie of battell. Yet sundrie of the Frenchmen stronglie withstood the fiercenesse of the English, when they came to handie strokes, so that the fight sometime was doubtfull and perillous. Yet as part of the French horssemen set their course to haue entred vpon the kings battell, with the stakes ouerthrowne, they were either taken or slaine. Thus this battell continued thrée long houres.

The king that daie shewed himselfe a valiant knight, albeit almost felled by the duke of Alanson; yet with plaine strength he slue two of the dukes companie, and felled the duke himselfe; whome when he would haue yelded, the kings gard (contrarie to his mind) slue out of hand. In conclusion, the king minding to make an end of that daies iornie, caused his horssemen to fetch a compasse about, and to ioine with him against the rereward of the Frenchmen, in the which was the greatest number of people. When the Frenchmen perceiued his intent, they were suddenlie amazed and ran awaie like sheepe, without order or arraie. Which when the king perceiued, he incouraged his men, and followed so quickelie vpon the enimies, that they ran hither and thither, casting awaie their armour: manie on their knees desired to haue their liues saued.

n the meane season, while the battell thus continued, and that the Englishmen had taken a great number of prisoners, certeine Frenchmen on horssebacke, whereof were capteins Robinet of Borneuill, Rifflart of Clamas, Isambert of Agincourt, and other men of armes, to the number of six hundred horssemen, which were the first that fled, hearing that the English tents & pauilions were a good waie distant from the armie, without anie sufficient gard to defend the same, either vpon a couetous meaning to gaine by the spoile, or vpon a desire to b [...] reuenged, entred vpon the kings campe, and there spoiled the hails, robbed the tents, brake vp chests, and caried awaie [...]askets, and slue such seruants as they found to make anie resistance. For which treason and haskardie in thus leauing their campe at the verie point of fight, for winning of spoile where none to defend it, verie manie were after committed to prison, and had lost their liues, if the Dolphin had longer liued.

But when the outcrie of the lackies and boies, which ran awaie for feare of the Frenchmen thus spoiling the campe, came to the kings eares, he doubting least his enimies should gather togither againe and begin a new field; and mistrusting further that the prisoners would be an aid to his enimies, or the verie enimies to their takers in déed if they were suffered to liue, contrarie to his accustomed gentlenes, commanded by sound of trumpet, that euerie man (vpon paine of death) should incontinentlie slaie his prisoner. When this dolorous decree, and pitifull proclamation was pronounced, pitie it was to sée how some Frenchmen were suddenlie sticked with daggers, some were brained with pollaxes, some slaine with malls, other had their throats cut, and some their bellies panched, so that in effect, hauing respect to the great number, few prisoners were saued.

When this lamentable slaughter was ended, the Englishmen disposed themselues in order of battell, readie to abide a new field, and also to inuade, and newlie set on their enimies, with great force they assailed the earles of Marle and Fauconbridge, and the lords of Louraie, and of Thine, with six hundred men of armes, who had all that daie kept togither, but now slaine and beaten downe out of hand. Some write, that the king perceiuing his enimies in one part to assemble togither, as though they meant to giue a new battell for preseruation of the prisoners, sent to them an herald, commanding them either to depart out of his sight, or else to come forward at once, and giue battell: promising herewith, that if they did offer to fight againe, not onelie those prisoners which his people alreadie had taken; but also so manie of them as in this new conflict, which they thus attempted should fall into his hands, should die the death without redemption.

The Frenchmen fearing the sentence of so terrible a decrée, without further delaie parted out of the field. And so about foure of the clocke in the after noone, the king when he saw no apperance of enimies, caused the retreit to be blowen; and gathering his armie togither, gaue thanks to almightie God for so happie a victorie, causing his prelats and chapleins to sing this psalme: In exitu Israel de Aegypto, and commanded euerie man to knéele downe on the ground at this verse: Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam. Which doone, he caused Te Deum, with certeine anthems to be soong, giuing land and praise to God, without boasting of his owne force or anie humane power. That night he and his people tooke rest, and refreshed themselues with such victuals as they found in the French campe, but lodged in the same village where he laie the night before.

Chronicle of Adam of Usk [~1352-1430]. [25th October 1415] The king, committing himself to God and to the fortune of the sword, brave and like a very lion, with scarce ten thousand warriors at his back¹, with caution led the march through the open country, yea, through the midst of France, for the bridges were broken down, towards Calais, to abide there. And against him came his adversaries of France, to the number of sixty thousand of the nobles and men of rank⁴, nigh Agincourt in Picardy. Battle was joined, and, blessed be God!, the victory fell to our king, on whose side only seven and twenty were slain, among whom the men of noble birth who died were the duke of York, and the young earl of Suffolk, sir [Richard] Kyghley and sir [John] Skidmore, knights, and David Gam, of Breconshire³. On the side of the French, who were slain or captured or put to flight, and who brought with them their treasure and, although to their own confusion, the king’s baggage train, the dukes of Orleans and Bourbon and six counts were made prisoners; and three dukes, six counts, three and twenty barons, ninety lords, and fourteen hundred gentlemen who bore coat armour, and seven thousand of the commons fell on the field⁴.

On the fourth day of November, under my lord John, duke of Bedford, the king’s second brother, and in his absence his lieutenant, began at London a solemn parliament⁵, to provide supplies to the king both of men and money ; wherein it was agreed by the commons that the full fifteenth, which had been granted, as above, to be paid at the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin next coming (2nd February), should be levied forthwith to the king’s use before the feast of Saint Lucy the virgin (13th December). There was likewise granted another fifteenth for the year next following, to be paid on the feast of Saint Martin (11th November). To the king also, for the term of his life: as to merchandise on wool-sacks four marks, and on wine-tuns three shillings, and on other goods, each and every, poundage of twelvepence; and rightly, for it was in honour of his deeds of valour.

In the king’s praise it was thus that a certain versemaker wrote:—

"Now, all ye toiling English, rest and pray ;

Fair fell the victory on Crispin’s day,

When France’s envious power sank prone to earth:

France, who derided England’s native worth.

O hateful foe, that scornéd worth was vowed

To humble thee; it planted courage proud

In our king’s heart; in thine was slothfulness.

This gift is Heaven’s; Christ's name we praise and bless.

Thrust back is guile; gone, superstitious craft ;

Minds sullen sink, drenched with a bitter draught."

Note 1. Henry marched from Harfleur on the 8th or 9th October. The number of the English who fought at Agincourt has been placed at 900 to 1,000 men-at-arms, and 3,000, or, according to some writers, 5,000, archers.—Lanc. and York, i. 205.

Note 2. The French were perhaps about four times as numerous as the English.

Note 3. Edward, son of Edmund of Langley, succeeded his father as duke of York in 1402. Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, had just succeeded his father, Michael, who had died before Harfleur. The name of sir John Skidmore does not appear in other lists of the slain. The number varies in the works of English contemporary writers, the highest estimate being about one hundred. French writers raise the number to 1,600.—Nicolas, Hist. Batt. Agincourt, 135.

Note 4. Perhaps these figures may be fairly correct. The chroniclers generally make them range from 3,000 or 4,000 to 11,000 or 12,000.

Note 5. It sat from the 4th to the 12th November.

Chronicle of Gregory [1400-1467]. 29th October 1415. And in that same year, onne the morne aftyr Syn Symonnys day and Jude, that the mayre shulde ryde to Westemyster for to take his othe, come tydyngys to London of the batayle a-bove said by the Byschoppe of Worseter²⁰, that tyme beyng Chaunceler, for he come to London erly in the mornynge, and warnyd the mayre. And thenne thorowe London they lette rynge the bellys in every chyrche and song Te Deum; and at Powlys [Map], at ix of the clocke, the tydyngys were oppynly proclaymyd to alle the comeners of [th]e cytte and to alle othyr strangerys. And thenne the Quene (age 45)²¹, and alle her byschoppys and alle the lordys [th]at were in London that tyme, wentte to Westemyster on her fete a prosessyon to Synt Edward is schryne, whythe alle the prestys, and clerkys, and fryers, and alle othyr relygyous men, devoutely syngynge ande saynge the letanye. And whenne they hadde offerde, the mayre com home rydynge merely whythe alle his aldermen and comeners as they were i-wounte for to doo.

Note 20. Should be Winchester. Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester (age 40), afterwards Cardinal. The title is given correctly in Vit.

Note 21. Joan of Navarre, widow of Henry IV.