Biography of Henry Fitzroy 1st Duke Richmond and Somerset 1519-1536

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1528. 21st July 1528. R.O. St. P.I. 321. 4536. Duke of Richmond (age 9) to [his father] Henry VIII (age 37).

I have received two of your letters, dated Tittenhanger, the 10th, desiring the preferment of Sir Giles Strangwisshe and Sir Edward Seymer, master of my horse, to rooms vacant by the death of Sir William Compton. I send a list of the offices and the fees appertaining. I presume you mean that one of the said gentlemen is to be preferred to the stewardship of Canforde.

It was signified to me by the Cardinal that it was your pleasure, when any office fell vacant, that I should dispose of it, considering the great number of my servants who have no other reward. Hearing, then, that the stewardship of my lands in Dorset and Somerset shires was void, I have disposed of one of them to Sir William Parre, and the other to George Coton, who attends upon me. Sheriffhutton, 21 July. Signed.

P.1. Add. Endd.

ii. Lordships belonging to my Lord of Richmond and Somerset.

Dorset.—Canforde, Corfe Castle, Cockden hundred and the Isle of Purbyke. The steward's fee is 100s.

Somerset.—The borough of Milborn Port. The manor of Kingesbury Regis and the hundred of Horethorn. The manor of Quene Cammell. The lordship of Martock. The hundred of Stone and Cattisayshe. The manor of Coryrevell. The hundred of Abdyke and Bulstone, and the borough of Langporte.

The steward's fee is £6 13s. 4d., besides 60s. for his clerk.

The Maner of the Triumphe at Caleys and Bulleyn. And as concernyng ladyes and gentylwoman there¹ was non there. And on frydaye folowynge the kynges came to Caleys. And the dolphyn with the cardynalles and all theyr gentylmen brought the kynges vnto the place where they fyrst mette and than departed. The frensshe king had great cariage² for there came three hundred mules laden with stuffe. And³ whan they came to Caleys they were saluted with great melody what with gonnes and all other instrumentes and the ordre of the towne it was a heuenly syght for the tyme. First at Newnam bridge, four hundred shotte at the blockhous. Forty shot at Rycebanke toure [Map]. Three hundred shot within the towne of Caleys. Two thousand shot great and small besydes the shyppes it was all nombered three thousand shot. And at Bulleyn by estymation it past not two hundred shot but they were great peces. Also for the ordre of the towne there was set all seruynge men on the one syde in tawny cotes and sowdyours on the other syde all in cotes of reed and blewe with halberdes in theyr handes. And so the kynges came ryding in the myddes and so the frensshe kynge went to staple hall which is a pryncely hous and vpon saterday bothe the kynges rode to our lady chyrche to masse. And at after noone⁴ bothe theyr counselles sate togyder.

Note 1. The Second Edition omits: "there."

Note 2. Baggage.

Note 3. The Second Edition reads for: "And when they came to Calais".... "And so commynge towarde Caleys the duke of Rychemonde accompanyed with bysshops and many other noble men that were not with the kyng at Bulieyn and all the kynges garde which were with all other meruaylously well horsed and trymde they stode in aplace appoynted in aray and good order in the way two mile out of Caleys where the frensshe kynge sholde come who saluted ye frensshe kynge with great honour in lykr maner as the kynge our mayster.

Note 4. For "after noone" the Second Edition reads, "after onne."

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1535. 22nd June 1535. Add. MS. 8,715, f. 76 b. B. M. 909. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.

The Admiral (age 43), who was 22 days at Calais, returned on the 17th, though it was said everywhere that he would go on to England. Mons. de Ricciafort (age 32) (Rochford), the brother of the new Queen (age 34), came here for eight days, but, as far as could be seen, did nothing. It is only from his relation to the Queen that he is employed, for the King has very few to trust in. All business passes through the hands of people who depend on the new Queen, and must therefore be settled according to her purpose. This was the case in the negociations with the Admiral, which were broken off on account of his refusal to allow the duke of Angoulême to go to England until the girl was old enough to be married, and because he would not declare in any way against the Church, or in favour of the King's second wife (ne voler difendere in alcun modo contro la chiesa o declaratione del concilio la causa della seconda moglie¹). Every one knows that the alliance (parentado) has not been concluded, as both sides confidently affirmed it would be, but that the ambassadors separated very ill satisfied, and the English are guarding Calais more carefully than they have done, even when the French were there in greater numbers. However, both sides affirm the friendship to be firmer than ever. The French king and Council say that their respect to the Holy See and the Pope has been the principal cause of their not coming to some other understanding (ad altro ristretto) with the king of England, who is a most bitter enemy of the Church, and so firm in his opinion that he intends to die in it, and tries to have this kingdom for company. The Duke of Norfolk (age 62), according to the Admiral, affirms that he would sooner die than see any change as regards the King or the new Queen; which is not unlike what the writer has heard in other ways of Norfolk, viz., that this breaking off might reasonably have been expected, matters depending very much on his dexterity, and the affairs of England being commonly managed more than barbarously. For he, being one of the greatest men in the kingdom, and having sons, and the Duke of Richmond (age 16) for his son-in-law, might hope one day to have that daughter for one of his sons, or, if disorders ensued, to get the rule into his own hands. The French lords are not too well contented with the English, who, since Norfolk's return, have despatched a courier, and show themselves displeased that nothing was concluded at Calais. The Admiral, though he takes Fisher's (age 65) case much to heart, has great fears for his life, especially as the Pope says in the brief that the created him a cardinal to make use of him in the Council. He says also that the English pretended that he could not live much more than a month, being a valetudinarian of 90; which shows what they mean to do with him, reckoning him 25 years older than he is, although they declare there is no hope in any case of his coming out of prison. These are truly the most monstrous things seen in our time. The French make great account with the Pope of not listening to anything proposed to them by the English which might turn to the damage of the Holy See.

Ital., pp. 9, modern copy. Headed: In Amoien, al Sig. M. Ambrogio, alli 12 (sic) ut supra.

2. An extract copy from the original is in the Vatican transcripts, dated Amiens, 22 June 1535. Pp. 3.

Note 1. nor want to defend the cause of the second wife in any way against the church or declaration of the council

Register of the Order of the Garter Volume 1. In the twenty eighth Year of the most noble King Henry the Eighth, and on the twenty third of April [23rd April 1536], a Day dedicated to their Patron St. George, a choice Number of Knights Companions came to Grenewych [Map] to keep that Festival there as usual with the Sovereign. There were two Dukes, six Earls, one Lord, one Knight, viz. the Dukes of Rychmond (age 16) and Northfolk (age 63), the Earls of Northumberland (age 34), Westmerland (age 38), Wyltschire (age 59), Suffex, Rutland (age 44) and Oxford (age 65), Lord Sandys (age 66), and Sir William Fytzwylliams (age 46); who after the due Celebration of the first Vespers of the Eve, with the Mattins of the following Day, and the solemn Sacrifice [of the Mass] did at the next Vespers, before they entered the Choir, turn off to the King's Chappel to hold there the usual Chapter. When the Sovereign demanding whether any Body present knew of any weighty Matter which might be then determined, and no Body offered any Thing of that kind, be then added, that at least two Things should be treated of, one of which happened every Year, viz. to determine the Time when the Feast of that Saint should be kept as Order required at Wyndesor, and the Persons to be assigned for it, and the other, to substitute a new One in Stead of the deceased Knight. Whereupon it was Enacted, That the Feaft should be kept at Wyndesor the twenty first of May following, and that the Earl of Northumberland should then Supply the Sovereign's Place, having for his Colleges the Earls of Rutland and Oxford, with Sir William Fytzwylliams. The Earl of Westmerland too was admonished to be one present, unless he could plead such urgent Affairs of Business as might justly excuse him. It was also ordered, That at the Time of the Vespers then coming on, the Register should take the Votes of the Knights present, for the Election of a news one; which, taking from them on one Side and the other, and back again, as the Variety of the Knights sitting required, he carefully performed, as this following Description will shew. For they named [see images below]

Nicholas Carew of Beddington in Surrey (age 40) 10 votes.

George Boleyn Viscount Rochford (age 33) 5 votes

This Set of Names being taken, the Register brought to the Sovereign, delivering it to him with all becoming Reverence, and he having perused it, put it in his Bosom. The next Day when they were to go to the mournful Sacrifice, which was to be offered for the Souls of the deceased Knights, they turned off to the same Chappel, where the Sovereign pulling out the said Paper declared that Persons were contained in it, who were indeed most exceeding worthy of their present Choice, but at that Time he thought good that Sir Nicholas Carew should be preserved in the Election, as well because the largest Number of Votes fell upon him, as because he was to be deemed highly fitting, by Reason of the Glory of his Family and Reputation, as of his many excellent and glorious Exploits. To which Declaration every of them them present assented with Applause. Being therefore called in by Garter, and introduced between two of the Noblemen then present, be fell down in a most humble Manner before the Sovereign, returning infinite Thanks to him, and the whole Presence, for that they had deigned to admit him, uwworthy as be thought himself, into the Honour of the most illustrious Order, and now that he was chose before others much worthier than himself, it was not at all to be ascribed to himself, to his Merits, or to any Actions of his, but was by him to be always acknowledged, as only owing to the King's excellent Goodness, and the good Will of the others who were present towards him; and when he had harangued further to the same Purpose, he was ordered by the Sovereign to be ensigned with such Badges as were proper at that Time and Place, being to complete every Thing else at Wyndesor.

Letters and Papers. 15th May 1536. R. O. 878. Rochford (age 33), Norris (age 54), and Brereton. Lord Rochford's lands. Account of their yearly value.

Farms:—Manor of South Kent, and honor and lordship of Rayley, Essex, sold to the Earl of Wiltshire (age 59); manor of Grymston, worth £10 a year. Offices:—Stewardship of Beaulyu, Essex, £10 and keeping of the new park there, £4 10s. 3d.; keeping of the house of Our Lady of Bethlem without Bishopsgate, without account; keeping, &c. of the parks of Rayley and Thundersley and the bailliwick of the hundred of Rocheford, £16 20d.; keeping of the park of King's Hatfelde, 100s. 10d.; keeping of the manor, &c. of Beaulyu, Essex, and baileywick of the m[anors] of Newhall, Dorehame, Walkefare hall and P[ower]s, [See Vol. IV., 4993 (15).] Essex, £21 5s. 10d.; stewardship and other offices of Tunbridge, receivership and bailliwick of Brestede, keeping, &c. of the manor and park of Penshurst and the parks of Northleigh and Northlands, Kent, £28 15s. 10d.; constableship of Dover and keeping of the v. ports, —; constableship of Kelingworth, £13 6s. 8d.; keeping of Kelingworth park, 60s. 8d.; portership of Kelingworth castle, 30s. 4d.; bailiff and feudary of the liberty of the duchy in Warwickshire; keeping of the King's woods at Kelingworth, £4 11s. Annuities:—One of 50 mks., of the bp. of Winchester £200, and of the abbot of St. Albans £133 6s. 8d.

Grand total, £441 10s. 9d.

ii. Lands, &c. of Henry Norres, Esquire to the Body.

Account of Edmund Asshefelde, his receiver, for the year ending Michaelmas, 27 Henry VIII.

Arrearages, £692 8s. 2¾d.

Farms:—In co. Linc., the lordships of Barton upon Humber, £65, and Thursway and Tewelly, £13; in co. Notts., manor and lordship of Stokebardolph, Shelforde and Gedlyng, £45; cos. Beds. and Hunts., manor and lordship of Tylbroke and Southoo, £36 10s.; cos. Berks. and Dors., divers lands, £36; co. Rutl., lordship of Longhame, £81; co. Kent, lands in Greenwich, £15 10s.; co. Oxford, lordship of Duklyngton Fryngforde and Barley park, £32 10s.; manor of Mynster Lovell, £46; co. Bucks, "lands with the park which was never rented," nil; co. Surrey, house in Kewe never rented, nil. Total, £370 10s.

Offices:—Of the "Exchequireship" to the Body, £33 6s. 8d.; mastership of the Hart hounds, £18 5s.; Black Rod, £18 5s.; "gravership" of the Tower, £20; collectorship of the subsidy in London, worth 80 marks a year, sold to Richard Hill his deputy for ready money, nil; mastership of the hawkes, £40; keeping of the manor of Pleasaunce at Green wich, £24 17s. 8d.; stewardship of Mynsterlovell, £4 13s. 4d.; of Burfor town, £8 12s. 4d.; chamberlainship of North Wales, £20; constableship of Wallingford castle, £50; "wayreship" (weighership) of Southampton —; baileywick of Watlington, £6 20d.; mastership of the game of Whichewoode with Cornebury park, £27 2s. 6d.; keeping of Windsor little park, £4 11s. 3d.; of Foly Johns park —; of Ewelme park and manor, &c., £12 3s. 6d.; constableship, &c. of Donyngton castle and park, £16; baileywick of Kydlington, 100s.; of Buckl . d, —; of Newnam, 60s.; lieutenantship of Waltham forest —; keeping of Copped Hall park, —; of Hoknorton park, —; mastership of game and fee-farm of the lordship of Eltam, —; stewardships of Banbury, £6, of Osney, £4; and of the seven hundreds of Circetor, £6 13s. 4d.; fee of my Lord of Northumberland, £13 6s. 8d.; of lord Conyers, 66s. 8d.; of the abbot of Welbeke, 66s. 8d.; office of Sunyng, of the gift of the bp. of Salisbury, £13 6s. 8d.; stewardship of Abendon, £10; of Reading abbey, 100s.; of Brewan abbey, 66s. 8d.; of Malmsbury abbey, £10; of the University of Oxford, 100s. Total of offices, £395 5s. 7d.

Annuities:—Out of the Exchequer, £33 6s. 8d.; of the see of Winchester, £122; from the chamberlain of North Wales, over and above 40 marks for the constableship of Bewmares castle given to Richard Bowkeley, £360; out of the King's receipt, £26 13s. 4d.; of lord Dacres of the South, £20 Total, £562

Total "ultra arrerag," £1,327 15s. 7d.

iii. Lands, &c. of William Brereton, Esquire. Account for the year ended Michaelmas last 27 Henry VIII.

Lands in farm of the King:—To him and my lady in survivorship, lordship of Echells, £68 6s. 3½d., manor of Alderlaie, £20 12s. 5½d., and manor and lordship of Aldeford, Chesh., £53 14s. 1½d., with lands of Aldeforde, in Flintshire, 106s. 8d.; in all £47 clear, and the King paid. Lordship of Mottrom in Londendale, £46 19s. 2d., to him and his brother Uryan in survivorship, manor and lordship of Shotwyks and Sage Hall, £22 12s. 8d.; lands in Chester, parcel of Mottrom in Longdendale, 20s., to him and his heirs; manor of Lesnes, —; lands in Charleyton, Chesh., £6 14s. 8d.; ferries of North Wales, £20 2s. 4d. clear; lordship of Fyncheley, Midd., £25 19s. 4½d.: total £271 7s. 9d. Lands in farm of the Duke of Richmond (age 16):—Demesnes of Holt Castle, with the "weyre houks" and other pasture in the lordship of Bromefeld, £19 17s. 9d.; the horsemill in Holt town, 33s. 4d.: total, £21 11s. 1d. Farms:—of the Earl of Derby, of marshes in Alford, Coddington, and Twylston, Chesh., £18 19s., worth £8 10s. 8d., the King paid; of lord Audelay, the lordship of Tatenhall, co. Chester, £38 3s. 4½d., "worth nothing;" gift of Sir Randall Brereton, his father, lands in Malpas, &c., of the annuity of William Brereton, Esquire, 64s. 1d.; of Sir Anthony Browne, the lordship of Newhall, Chesh., £65 17s. 6d., "worth nothing by the year:" total, £120 3s. 11½d.

Sir John Savage's lands in farm of the King during the nonage of John, son and heir of the said Sir John, with my lady his wife's jointure:—In co. Chester, the lordship of Shipbroke, £85 2s., manors and lordships of Clyfton, £27 11s. 4d., Bradley, £14 9s. 11d., Makkelfeld, £12 2s. 8d., Huxley, £7 13s. 8d., Barrowe, £67 19s. 4½d., Chedell, £74 10½d., Coulle and Hurleston, £20 11s. 8½d.; in co. Shropp., lordships of Edelburnell, £13 16s. 7d., Crofton (with the manor), £7 13s. 8d., Sutton, £6 10s. 11d., Wotton Ovenbury, £14 4s. 7d., Hopebowdler, 55s. 1d., Wycus Malbus (Nantwich) for the barony there, 30s.; in co. Derby, lordships of Stanby, 34s. 17s. ½d., Elmeton, £16, Ilkeston, £37, Holmeffeld, £13 6s. 8d.; lordship of Graundby and Sutton, Notts, £36 4s. 7d.; lordship of Dowre, Derb., "nil, for he hath not accounted;" castle and manors of Gryse, Notts., "nil, in the hands of Richard Savage, the elder;" in co. Stafford, manors and lordships of Rossheton, £18 6s. 7¼d., and Tayne, £12 7s. ½d.; lordship of Shepfeld, Leic., £10; a meadow and tenement in Leicester, "nil, in the hands of John Savage:" total, £534 4s. 3¾d.

In farm:—of Dr. Chamber, tithe corn of Pykyll, £13 6s. 8d.; of the abbot of Vala Crucis, tithe corn of Ruabon, £26 13s. 4d., "for the which he paid nothing:" total, £40 Offices by the King:—chamberlainship of Chester, £22 10s., and Randall Brereton for the fee of chamberlain, £26 13s. 4d., £49 3s. 4d. clear; constable of Chester castle, £18 5s.; escheator of Chester, £10 10s.; rangership of Dalamer forest, £4 11s. 3d.; stewardship of Halton, 100 [s.]; comptrollership of Chester and Flintshire, £12 3s. 4d.; stewardship of Bromefeld, £20; receivership there, £13 6s. 8d.; master fostership, 60s.; office of serjeant at Paxe there, £4; of improver there, 60s. 10d.; keeping of Mersley park, 60s. 10d.; stewardship of Crykeland, £10; receivership there, 100s.; annuity of Denbigh, £6 13s. 4d.; sheriffship of Flintshire, £20; keeping of Halton park, 60s. 10d.: total, £190 15s. 5d. Other offices:— stewardship of lord Audeley's lands in Chester, £6 13s. 4d.; receivership of Newhall, Coulle, and other lands of Sir Anthony Browne, 50s.; annuity of the abbot of Norton, £4 13s. 4d.; of Anthony Kingeston, 53s. 4d.; the abbot of Chester, £20; abbot of Vala Riall, £20; stewardship of Sir William Brereton's lands in Malpas, 40s: total, £58 10s.

Grand total of Brereton's lands, &c., 1,2361. 12s. 6¼d.

Large paper, pp. 16. 3 blank leaves.

R. O. 879. Norris and Brereton.

Grant to Henry Norres, squire of the Body, of the stewardship of the manors of Lewesham and East Greenwich, with a yearly fee of £3 6s. 8d. [A.D. 1532.—See Vol. V., 1065 (22)]. Lat. Draft, pp. 2. Endd.

R. O. 2. Draft warrant to the Treasurer and Chamberlains of the Exchequer, in behalf of Thomas Brigges, deputy to Henry Norres, to whom the rangership of Whichwood Forest, Oxon, was granted by patent 24 Nov. 21 Henry VIII., with 6d. a day out of the issues of cos. Oxon and Berks,—to levy £17 arrears of the said 6d., which are unpaid since 5 June 26 Henry VIII. through insufficiency of the said issues, out of the petty custom of the port of London. [Date apparently 16 April 1536]. Pp. 2. Draft, mutilated. Endd.: £55 12s. 6d.—£28

R. O. 3. A list of William Brereton's offices; viz., chamberlain of Chester, escheator, baron of the Exchequer [i.e., of Chester], receiver general and surveyor, constable of the castle. "Also he maketh the coroners." Steward of Halton Castle and keeper of the prisoners there, steward to all abbeys and priories within the shire. "Steward to the king of Mottram in Longdendale, wherein he hath great manrede; steward and farmer of Echees, .... and Alderly, and farmer for the King of the same .... £100 by the year," &c. P. 1. Mutilated and defaced by damp. Endd.:

William Brereton offices.

R. O. 4. Accounts of John Norbury, general receiver of the lands of William Brereton in cos. Chester, Flint, and other counties, from 22 to 25 Henry VIII., containing numerous names of tenants, farmers, and officers.

A large folio volume of 41 leaves, numbered in pencil.

S. B. 5. Grant to W. Breerton, page of the chamber, of the wardship and marriage of Godfrey son and heir of Roger Fuljambe. [This S. B. is undated, but was probably issued early in the year 1529. See Vol. IV. 5508 (1). It has accordingly been placed on the file of the 21st year].

R. O. 6. A remembrance to Master Secretary of three offices in the King's gift, which William Brearton late had, in Cheshire; the riding forestership of Dealamer Forest, 4d. a day; keepership of Shotwike park, 2d. the [day]; escheatorship, £10 a year. P. 1. Endd.: [Hen]ry Annesley, Groom of the Chamber.

R. O. 880. Robert B[arnes] to Cromwell. Is informed that through the death of these false men the mastership of Bedlam¹ shall be void. Begs for that promotion, which he would rather have than a bishopric. Hears it is worth £40 If he had it, would be near Cromwell, who might be a witness of his conversation. Need compels him to write, for he has nothing and nobody to care for him. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.: Anno xxviio.

R. O. 881. Robert Bar [Barnes] (age 41) to Cromwell. Desires to speak two or three words with him. "My matters pertain to God's glory and to the salvation of your soul, which our Heavenly Father ever keep for the sweet bulde (blood?) of his dear Son, Jesus Christ." Hol., p. 1. Add.: Master Secretary.

Note 1. Lord Rochford was master of Bethlehem Hospital. See IV. 5815 (27); also in this Vol., No. 878, preceding. The endorsement is therefore wrong.

Letters and Papers. 16th May 1536. R. O. 891. Longland Bishop of Lincoln to Cromwell.

Thanks him for repressing evil persons haunting these parts of Buckinghamshire, as Swynnerton and Threder. The latter shall remain in prison till Cromwell's pleasure is known. Swynnerton is either in London or Essex. His costs were paid by poor men, not having enough for themselves. There is another like preacher with the King's great seal, named Garrard, of little learning and less discretion, against whom Lincolnshire much grudgeth.

Thanks him for accepting the stewardship of the university. Sends a gift of the next avoidance of the stewardship of Banbury. Cromwell can move the duke of Suffolk for his resignation at time convenient. To show what desire there is for it, sends a copy of a letter from the duke of Richmond. Trusts he will keep it himself, for they have ever been of honor that have had that room. He will have thereby "the manerhode of tall men, which hath good qualities besides."

Hasilwoode is suing again for the Earl of Wiltshire's (age 59) debts, as executor to "my brother Lucas." Asks Cromwell to stay the matter again, by some commandment or injunction, till he sees the Earl's title, and "his" testament, which the Bishop will show him at Whitsontide.

Thanks Cromwell, for his nephew John Pate, and his brother the archdeacon of Lincoln. 16 May. Signed.

Pp. 2. Add.: Master Secretary. Endd.

2. Duke of Richmond (age 16) to [Bishop of Lincoln].

As the stewardship of Banbury is like shortly to be vacant in consequence of Mr. Norres' (age 54) trouble (many men thinking that there is no way but one with him,) asks the Bishop for a grant thereof under the chapter seal, that he may exercise the office by his deputy Gyles Forster, master of his horse, the bearer. London, 8 May.

Copy, p. 1.

Letters and Papers. 8th June 1536. Statute Roll. 1087. Parliament.

Begun at Westminster 8 June 28 Henry VIII., Acts concerning:—

1. The attainder of Thomas Fitzgerald and his five uncles [c. 18].

2. Assurance of the manor of Southwark to the King [c. 19].

3. Jointure of Dame Grace, wife of Sir Henry Parker, son and heir to Henry lord Morley [c. 20].

4. Exchange between the King and the prior of St. Johns [c. 21].

5. Lands belonging to the earldom of Warwick [c. 22].

6. Pension to Robert Shurborn late Bishop of Chichester [c. 23].

7. Attainder of lord Thomas Howard [c. 24].

8. Assurance of lands to Viscount Beauchamp (age 36) [c. 25].

9. Assurance of lands in Kew to Viscount Beauchamp and lady Anne (age 39) his wife [c. 26].

10. Church of Elsingspittle to be the parish church of St. Alphes, Cripplegate [c. 27].

11. Moiety of Ricard's Castle assured to John Onley [c. 28].

12. Exchange with the Abbot of Westminster for Covent Garden [c. 29].

13. Purchase of Stanton Barry from Thomas Pope [c. 30].

14. Enlargement of St. Margaret's churchyard, Southwark [c. 31].

15. Lands at Westminster conveyed to the King by the churchwardens of St. Martin's and St. Margaret's [c. 32].

16. Durham Place conveyed to the King by exchange [c. 33].

17. Baynard's Castle assured to the Duke of Richmond (age 16) [c. 34].

18. Exchange with lord Sandes [c. 35].

19. Award between Sir Adrian Fortescue and Sir Walter Stoner [c. 36].

20. Jointure of Dorothy, daughter to the Earl of Huntingdon, to be married to Richard Devereux, son of lord Ferrers [c. 37].

20a. Assurance of Paris Garden, &c. to the Queen [c. 38].

21. Earldom of March [c. 39].

22. Lands assured to Edward North [c. 40].

23. Manor of Birmingham assured to the King [c. 41].

24. Exchange with the Abbot of Abingdon [c. 42].

25. Lands assured to Thomas Jermyn [c. 43].

26. Manor of Haselyngfeld assured to the Charter House [c. 44].

27. The Queen's (age 27) jointure [c. 45].

28. Lands assured to Thomas Hatclyff, clerk of the Green Cloth [c. 46].

29. Lands assured to John Gostwyke [c. 47].

30. Concerning a marriage to be had between Lord Bulbeke (age 20), son and heir apparent to the Earl of Oxford (age 65), and Dorothy, eldest daughter of the Earl of Westmoreland (age 38) [c. 48].

31. Exchange of Covent Garden with the abbot and convent of Westmoreland [c. 49].

32. Exchange between the King, the archbishop of Canterbury, and Cromwell (Wimbledon, Mortlake, &c.) [c. 50].

33. Jointure of Catharine Duchess of Suffolk (age 17) [c. 51].

34. Lands of Lord Rochford (deceased), Norris (deceased), and others [c. 52].

35. Benefit of clergy restricted [c. 1].

36. Against servants embezzling [c. 2].

37. Power to allot townships in Wales [c. 3].

38. Repeal of statute for dowlas and lokerams [c. 4].

39. For prentices [c. 5].

40. For continuing the Statute of Beggars and other Acts [c. 6].

41. The Succession [c. 7].

42. For continuing statutes against exportation of copper, &c. [c. 8].

43. For continuing statutes against perjury and others [c. 9].

44. For extinguishing the authority of the Bishop of Rome [c. 10].

45. For restitution of first-fruits during vacancies to next incumbent [c. 11].

46. Declaring the limits of the King's palace of Westminster [c. 12].

47. Against non-residence of spiritual persons [c. 13].

48. Prices of wines [c. 14].

49. Punishment of pirates [c. 15].

50. Dispensations from Rome [c. 16].

51. The King's successors when 24 years of age to have power to annul Acts of Parliament made during their minority [c. 51].

Letters and Papers. 23rd July 1536. 147. Vienna Archives. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

My man, as your Majesty will have understood by my former letters, arrived on the 14th, and the same hour I sent Cromwell a packet from their ambassador with you, informing him that I had letters from you for the King his master, and wished an hour appointed for me to present them, but that I first wished to speak to him to learn the state of matters, so as to be guided by his advice. He sent to me to say that we should be together next morning, and he would inform me of the King's will both as to the presentation of your Majesty's letters and the rest. Next day we met in a church, and he began to say that their ambassadors in France wrote of the issue of the French from Fossan, of certain men-of-arms and horses accidentally burnt in Lyons, of the coming of your Majesty into Provence, of the bravery shown by the French king, who wished to go and fight your Majesty, though the preparation made for it was very small, as he had not been able to get more than 5,000 or 6,000 Swiss, and that they considered it certain that your Majesty would derive great glory and reputation from your enterprise. I then repeated briefly what your Majesty wrote to me touching the peace between you and the French king, adding that, to be frank, I had written of it to your Majesty as angrily (chauldement) as could be, being persuaded that the King his master spoke of the said peace more as a matter of form than from good will (plus pour complement que affection) for several reasons which I alleged; to which he knew not what to reply, especially to this, that when news came of the said peace, they appeared very sorry, and that the King and all his Council did not appear pleased that your Majesty was to deliver Milan either to the second or third son of France, without which, unless they somewhat humbled the ambition and glory of the French king, it was impossible to come to terms; and that I was assured that since your Majesty had heard that the said King did not think it wise or prudent for your Majesty to deliver the dukedom of Milan to any of the French children you had altogether cooled and given no further ear to the French, (especially being informed by me that the said King went roundly to business, and endeavoured sincerely to promote the establishment and augmentation of the peace) as he might have seen by your Majesty's letters, written from Rome on the second day of Easter; and that it appeared to me the King had only spoken to me about the said peace with France because he thought your Majesty dissembled with him, wishing to gain time, seeing that we did not come to a point; which, however, could not be imputed to your Majesty or your ministers, for he knew well I had never ceased to use efforts for its establishment. Having heard me, Cromwell, contrary to his custom, remained pensive, and called God to witness that it would have been a most praiseworthy deed, most agreeable to God and the world, and especially to the King his master, if you had been pleased to consent to the said peace, especially at his master's request, to whom he could have wished you had written in a certain form, impertinent enough. And on my putting before him the considerations, he was silent, not knowing what to reply. As to the renewal of amity, he said to me that he had that very morning spoken of it to the King more than an hour and a half, and that when everything was well turned and considered, they could find no reason or ground to make any other treaty with your Majesty, since past treaties ought to suffice, which they had always observed, and being in peace, without suspicion of war, they had no occasion to depart from that position without any advantage, and they believed your Majesty would rather have the kingdom of France for yourself than deliver it to them; moreover, you would not consent to act with them against the Pope; which were the only points that should move them to come to any treaty. I was astonished at this reply, especially as on reminding him of several things he had said to me before touching the said establishment he pretended not to remember them, and knew not what to answer; and having asked him why he had solicited me so strongly before, after some conversation I told him that your Majesty had been pleased to make great endeavours everywhere to restore and establish the said amity, and had sent me power to treat. I begged, therefore, he would use his influence to bring matters to a conclusion.

He then showed himself more glad than before, saying it was better news that I had the said power ready than those which their ambassador wrote, viz., that there had been some talk in your Majesty's Court of sending hither a person to treat of the said matters, and that it would not be owing to him if all did not turn out well; also that it was not a bad commencement to have reconciled the Princess with her father, who now bore her as much affection as ever father did. He also said that the King had given orders all over the coast that no one should assist French ships in the channel, and that no one should dare to buy any of the booty taken by the French. On departing he said to me that if he had not been so busy he would have gone to Court with me, and procured me an audience which he had forgot to ask for me, and that he thought that next day, Sunday, I might have one. But on Sunday Cromwell, for some indisposition, was not at Court, for which cause or perhaps to give place to the French ambassador, who was there all day, he sent me no message, nor on Monday or Tuesday, which I attribute partly to the great business the King and his ministers had in concluding the parliament. And on Wednesday, seeing that the King intended to go to Dover, I sent again to desire an audience which was granted to me.

On coming to the King, fearing that Cromwell might not have let him know all the urgency I had made in soliciting audiences, not only since the arrival of my man, but before I related to him what had passed, of which he confessed he was informed, and I presented your Majesty's letters, with the reading of which he was long occupied, more I think to see if he could find something to carp at than for any other reason. After which he asked me for my credence. As to the excuse of your Majesty with regard to the peace with France he knew not what to object, except that he would have been glad to mediate, and since there was no other way but war, he hoped it would be made where he should not be compelled by his treaties with France to give his assistance, as he should be in the neighbouring frontiers, in which lay the town of Bray, which had been occupied of late days by your Majesty's forces, although there was no great probability that they would proceed much further; and that there his honor was concerned for which he was bound to imperil his goods, his blood, and those of his subjects; he did not care if heads were broken in other quarters. And on my saying that if so, he had no great occasion to complain, as he lately did of the invasion, as he called it, of Piedmont by your Majesty's men against the French, and the summons sent on your part to the marquis of Saluces, he replied that it was not he who made that complaint, but only the French. It was true that although he was not compelled to assist the French in the quarrel of Piedmont, yet he could well debate that on that side your Majesty was the aggressor; and on that point we entered again into discussion, and having shown him irrefragably that Francis was not only the violator of treaties, but also a wilful invader, and having further pointed out the right that you might lawfully claim to Provence and Dauphiné, he said you might fairly put that in force there and elsewhere as you thought best, provided it was not on the frontiers on this side, to the defence of which he felt himself bound. To this I replied that as it was the French who had begun the incursions on the frontiers of which he spoke, it was lawful for your Majesty to revenge them and even pursue your enemy to the death, or bring him to such terms that he could not easily give further trouble, and that he ought to resent the fact that the French had begun as well on the said frontiers as principally by taking certain Spanish ships in his harbours, or close to them; and even though he had promised the king of France to defend him against invasions, yet as he declared that his agreements with France nowise derogated from the treaties he had with your Majesty, the said defence should not be understood to be against you; and even though the promise was so general that it included everybody, it must be understood to apply to an unjust invasion. For though some jurists say that the vassal who swears fealty to his lord, promising to serve him against all the world, ought not to enquire whether his lord's quarrel is just or lawful, yet it was quite otherwise with him, and all oaths had certain understood conditions, among which is, that the promise be just and honest, which it would not be in this case if he proposed to defend a disturber of the peace of Christendom and occupier of the patrimony of such an old kinsman and friend as your Majesty. Besides, according to law, whoever promised to defend any one from his enemies and recompence him for all damages was nowise bound if the enormity arose from the fault of him to whom the promise was made. On this the King replied that he had fully considered the law, and also the reason of the treaties and confederacies, and as the text was clear it must not be evaded; moreover it mattered not to him who was the first violator of the treaties touching other places with which he had nothing to do. And as to my assertion that the French had been the first aggressors on the frontiers, he said as redress had been made a rupture could not be pretended, but by occupying the lands as your men had done it was impossible to excuse the rupture. I then said that he who adhered so strongly to the text of treaties would not find such a distinction in them, and that restitution was due for towns taken just as much as for what he referred to; that your Majesty, even if peacefully possessed of France, would be content with what was yours, and even with less for the peace of Christendom, and that he might judge from the covetousness and ambition of the French that if they could have taken as easily the towns of Flanders as the cows, there would not have been one that they would not have taken long ago, whatever peace there might be. To which he made no reply worth writing. The King having asked me what quarrel your Majesty pretended against the French king, I answered that I did not know what your Majesty would demand, but I could show him a part of what you might claim, and among other things the duchy of Burgundy, which belonged quite clearly to your Majesty, and which had not been ceded according to the treaties of Madrid and Cambray, though even if you had no other title you might claim it by those treaties alone; for as Francis had contravened the treaty of Cambray he could not avail himself of the mitigation of the terms as regards Burgundy, but was bound on pain of perjury to fulfil everything he had promised in those two treaties. The King replied that then you ought to attack Burgundy, and leave Picardy in peace, and that I must not suppose what he had said in behalf of France was merely by way of conversational discussion, for he thought so in truth, and would write of it to your Majesty. I said he knew what the law of war implied, viz., to seek every means to bring one's enemy to reason, and that for the rest he was so courteous and virtuous a prince, that in this case he would write and do according to his magnanimity and prudence, as the duty of old friendship and relationship required.

I also told him that as the French had broken their promise everywhere, he was not bound to observe his, especially as the French, if they had found the like disposition on your part, would have readily abandoned him. He said Francis denied this, and offered to maintain the contrary in his person if you would affirm it, and if I wished he would call the French ambassador, and I should see how he would answer me. I said I had no charge to speak of such matters to the French ambassador, and I reminded him that when I entered on these subjects with the King, I begged him to keep our conversations to himself, and that I thought your Majesty would not be pleased that I had reported a matter spoken to you confidentially in private; "et quant il y eust bien parle il se fut bien excusee de le faire savoir audit roy, et nen devoit demander autre justifficacion ne tesmoingnagez que de considerer la veracite et integrite du diseur et la grande loyaulte et fiducite de lautre parte." As to the bravery of their fights they ought to be ashamed to speak of them, considering what had passed, and now these and other quarrels were on the point of being settled; and I knew not how the king of France would venture to say that his ambassador had not put such things forward. This King replied that he had certainly fought as much as he could not to disclose from whom proceeded such proposals, but at last he had been compelled to tell it; and certainly he showed by change of colour and bearing that he was vexed and confused at having spoken thus to me.

He afterwards said to me that the legates "qui traictoient par le monde" would conclude this peace. I smiled and said, if the Holy Father had not been able to do it when matters were in a more favorable condition than at present, I did not see how the legates could bring it about, and that he must have that honor himself by declaring himself on your Majesty's side. At last I told him that I had authentic power and sufficient instructions, and if he wished I would show him the power. He tried two or three times to discover de loin if I had any charge to treat for the recovery of what he claims in France, but I always dissembled to learn what he wanted to say. And so I took leave of the King, who treated me with great kindness throughout. I must not omit to say that he objected to me that your Majesty aimed at this monarchy; but I brought him home by such reasons that he could not answer me.

It is three days since I spoke with the King and I expected that the Council would send for me, but I see no appearance of it. I think, as I have always said, the more one shows a desire to come to business with them, the more they draw back. I believe whatever show of it they make they will not declare either for one side or other till they see some indication which way fortune will fall. They are in great perplexity and fear that the legates do not conclude peace, and since they have received news of their arrival, and especially that it was said Likerke had a safe conduct to return to France they have bestowed more caresses on the French ambassador, I know not whether in order to hinder the peace, or to raise my jealousy, so as to draw me to what they wish.

The parliament finished on Tuesday, and as I have before written, the nomination of the successor to the kingdom is left to the King. As to the faith and ceremonies of the Church certain very cold constitutions have been made by the said parliament; and they have condemned to death, as rebels, the lord of Kildare and four or five of his kinsmen, and likewise the younger brother of the duke of Norfolk for having treated a marriage par parolles de present with the daughter of the queen of Scots and earl of Angus. A statute has also been passed making it treason to treat for marriage with anyone of the blood royal without the King's consent. The said personage of the blood royal was also to die, but for the present has been pardoned her life considering that copulation had not taken place; and certainly if she had done much worse she deserved pardon, seeing the number of domestic examples she has seen and sees daily, and that she has been for eight years of age and capacity to marry. Since the case has been discovered she has not been seen, and no one knows whether she be in the Tower, or some other prison.

The King is much mortified "devant mariage dicelle sa nyece;" much more because he has no hope that the duke of Richmond (age 17) can live long, whom he certainly intended to make his successor, and but for his illness, would have got him declared so by parliament; and this was one of the reasons why he was so very urgent that the Princess should approve the statutes that made her a bastard. London, 23 July.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 10. The original is endorsed: "De lambassadeur en Angleterre des premier, viii., xiii., et xxiiie de juilliet, reçues joinctement au camp prez Aix en Provence le xxixe du mois daoust, 1536."

Letters and Papers. 23rd July 1536. Vienna Archives. 148. Chapuys (age 46) to Granvelle.

I have always thought the more these people are pressed the more they grow stubborn like donkeys, as you may see by what I write to his Majesty. Still I will not forbear to stir them up as opportunity serves, preserving such moderation that they shall be unable to pretend they were never asked, or to imagine that the success of his Majesty's affairs depends upon them. It may be conjectured, seeing the King's great desire to have the management of the peace, that he knows if it be made at the Pope's intercession, "quil nen libreroit bien," and I think that conducting the affair himself he might draw the parties to his opinion against the Holy See; or it may be that the king of France has given him to understand that while he is in this perplexity he dare not divorce himself from the Church, lest he should make enemies of the Pope and his forces. Secretary Cromwell within these two months only wished to see the French punished, but since then he will hear of nothing but an accommodation.

The King three days ago despatched a courier to Italy; and some say he only goes to Venice to seek Mr. Reynold Pole, whom, if he come, the King will make a cardinal like the bishop of Rochester, by reason of a book he has written in favour of papal authority. Others say that the said courier is gone to Rome.

The greatest difficulty the King has had with this parliament has been to enact that all papal dispensations, alike of the present Pope and of his predecessors, should be invalid, a thing involving serious consequences, especially in matrimonial causes as to the legitimacy of issue; but in the end everything must go as the King wishes, were he to demand something still more strange.

I have just this moment heard that the duke of Richmond (age 17) died this morning; not a bad thing for the interests of the Princess. She, thank God, is very well, and I think her father's affection for her increases daily. Of late Cromwell got a gold ring made, on one side of which is, in relief, the figure of the King and Queen, on the other that of the Princess; and round about was a writing in Latin, which you will see by the enclosed bill. Cromwell meant to make a present of it to the Princess, but the King wishes to have the honor of it himself, and Cromwell will have to find other presents. The King is also getting his goldsmith to make a little two-headed eagle with plenty of jewels. I know not what he means to do with it.

They have begun appointing the household (dresser l'estat) of the Princess, and I think she will be magnificently provided for. London, 23 July 1536.

Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.

ii. Inscription on Cromwell's ring:—

"Obedientia unitatem parit, Unitas animi quietem et constantiam; Constans vero animi quies thesaurus inestimabilis. Respexit humilitatem Qui in Filio nobis reliquit Perfectum humilitatis exemplar. Factus est obediens Patri, Et ipsa etiam natura parentibus Et patrie obediendum docuit."

Letters and Papers. 4th August 1536. Dupuy 265, f. 108. Paris. 228. Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes to Card. du Bellay.

Soon after receiving your letter of the 26th ult. a packet of the King's was brought to me by a servant of the bishop of Winchester. Went accordingly yesterday to Henry at Greenwich, presented Du Bellay's letters, and declared his credence. Has not, however, been able to advance the affair further. The King insisted on knowing how Francis would exculpate himself from what was contained in the bull of the Council. He obstinately maintains that an answer might have come in two or three days, and will not take anyone's word for it except that of Francis himself. He said he considered Du Bellay very friendly, but he would not take counsel on this affair, even if Francis himself besought it; and in this he forgot nothing of what concerned the royal dignity, concluding that if Francis had need of his aid the request should be made by his commandment and not by any inferior person; and notwithstanding his promise, of which I wrote on the 22nd, to send men in aid of Picardy, he has put me at a distance just as if he had never spoken about it, and says he can make no decision except on a promise by writing. Cromwell, to whom a pension was promised when the bailly of Troyes was here, and of which he has heard nothing since, is more enraged against us than ever, and renders the King as intractable as possible, which it is very easy for him to do now in the absence of Norfolk, who some days ago went home to bury the duke of Richmond (deceased). At his return I will give him your letters, and will beseech him so before the King that he will be compelled by importunity to return to the road into which I had put him by the same means the last time I spoke to him. Meanwhile we must temporize and see about the pension for Cromwell, else he will think he is mocked and he has the means to revenge himself, especially as the lady Mary is to return shortly to the Court, for which the Imperialists are eager.

London, 4 Aug. 1536.

French, pp. 2. From a copy lent by the Rev. Joseph Stevenson.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1537. 3rd July 1537. Despatching the monks, their servants, and 12 poor men that bought their living of the house took much time. Have surveyed the demesnes by eye and measure, and not by credit, as the commissioners for the suppression did. The cattle are sold, as they could find no other means to rid their train, which was both chargeable and dangerous for stealing. People came from all parts of the South to buy cattle, but for the milch neat, in number six score, the inhabitants had the preference. The lead is all melted into sows: thanks Cromwell for teaching him how to melt the ashes. Wrote to Mr. Chancellor "to make his like letters to the receivers of the suppression." All the lands of Furness in Lancashire are surveyed, except some in the mountains in High Furness, whither they intend, when the church and steeple are "clear dissolved," to repair; and so forth to Egremont Castle and Cokermouth. Intends in next letters to show the values, and how this isle is peopled with men fit to serve the King; but of the parsonages they intend to make no value till they have received one year's profits. Otherwise they would only guess, and it is thus that the King who grants and the farmer who receives are deceived. Desires that the commissioners may have the ordering of the demesnes till next Michaelmas, and meanwhile he will advise Cromwell for a farmer to dwell in the capital house. Has left edifices standing for such a person. Divers parcels of the demesne should be distributed to four or five poor men who were headmen, and had wages of the house, and are now destitute. Their only want is of another house to be suppressed and divided into farms among the poor. Beamonde grange, for which there are many suitors, is in occupation of 72 tall fellows. Begs that these may not be expelled for any gentleman's pleasure. Will at leisure advertise Cromwell of the "gressomez" of which he has heard much there and in Yorkshire. The Earl of Cumberland pretends to be King's farmer of the manor of Wynterborne, in Craven, Yorksh., worth £50 a year, whereas the Earl would have it for £32 Sends a testimonial, by bearer, of the monks, concerning the Earl's pretended interest therein. Begs Cromwell will get the King to stay any grant there till he and the auditor have perused the lands there. The King commanded him to survey Salley, which Sir Arthur Darcy has. Spoke with Sir Arthur, who said it was worth 700 mks. whereas it was informed the King to be over 900 mks. Thinks Sir Arthur credible enough. If they peruse all the Earl of Northumberland's lands they must into Tynesdale and Rydisdale where, if not better accompanied, they "may happe to survey a pair of stocks in Scotland as did Sir Harry Wyatt; whereof I would be right loth, since in the auditor there resteth so little good fellowship as I fear we should not be merry. The Abbot of Westminster was so nice to let Copere come forth that I left, him behind me." The King shall have here the seniory of Furnes, the barony of Kendal, and the honour of Cokermouth, besides lands in Lancashire by the Duke of Richmond. The people are loyal. There is a haven and a "pyle" standing thereby very necessary for its defence. Refers it to Mr. Holcroft, who is expert in such things, to describe at his next repair to the Court. If there is a good fee annexed thereto, Holcroft will take it; he has been diligent, though only put in trust to pluck down the church. Sir James Laburne and Sir John Lampley, the one as commissioner, the other as assistant, by my lord Lieutenant's command, have done good service. Begs that letters may be sent to thank them, and ask their assistance of Sowthwell in Cumberland and Northumberland. Sir John a Lampley was a head officer to the old earl. Furneys, 3 July. Signed.

Pp. 11. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.