On this Day in History ... 19th May

History of the Dukes of Normandy by William of Jumieges. When Geoffrey Martel [aged 34], the firstborn son of the aforesaid Fulk [aged 63], a man of great worth, was treacherously slain¹, another son of his succeeded him, Fulk [aged 17] by name, born of another wife, Bertrade [aged 36], sister of Amaury, Count of Évreux [aged 35]. This Fulk, after marrying the daughter² of Count Elias of Maine together with her county, begot by her two sons, Geoffrey Martel, of whom we have said a little above, and Elias, and as many daughters. One of these daughters [Matilda³] was married to William, son of King Henry of England; and after William's death, she took the religious habit at Fontevraud. The other [Sibylla] married Thierry, Count of Flanders. After his wife's death, Thierry⁴ went to Jerusalem and, having married the daughter of Baldwin II, the recently deceased king, became the third King of Jerusalem. For when the city of Jerusalem was taken by the Christians, the first to rule there was Duke Godfrey, brother of Eustace, Count of Boulogne. Yet out of reverence for our Redeemer, who in that city had worn the Crown of Thorns for us sinners, he never wished to be adorned with a royal diadem. Upon his death, his brother Baldwin became the first king there; and after him succeeded another Baldwin, nephew of the former. To this Baldwin, as we have said, Fulk, Count of Anjou, was joined by marrying his daughter.

Occiso autem per traditionem Gaufrido Martello, viro magnæ probitatis, primogenito filio prædicti Fulconis comitis Andegavorum, successit alter filius suus Fulco nomine, natus ex alia conjuge nomine Bertha sorore videlicet Almarici, comitis Ebroicensis. Hic, postquam accepit filiam comitis Heliæ Cenomannorum, cum ipsius comitatu, et genuit ex ea duos filios, Gaufridum scilicet Martellum, de quo jam pauca superius diximus, et Heliam et totidem filias, quarum una nupsit Willelmo filio Henrici regis Anglorum, quo mortuo apud Fontem Ebraudi sumpsit habitum religionis; altera Terrico comiti Flandrensium; mortua uxore sua perrexit Hierusalem et accepta filia secundi Balduini regis noviter defuncti, factus est tertius rex Hierosolymitanorum. Siquidem capta urbe Hierosolima a Christianis, primus præfuit illi dux Godefridus frater Eustachii comitis Boloniæ. Hic tamen ad reverentiam nostri Redemptoris, qui in illa urbe Coronam spineam pro nobis peccatoribus gesserat, nunquam voluit regio diademate insigniri. Quo mortuo, Balduinus frater ejus factus est ibi primus rex, cui successit alter Balduinus nepos prioris. Et illi, ut diximus, accepta ejus, filia Fulco comes Andegavorum.

Note 1. Geoffrey Martel, IV Count of Anjou, was killed at the castle of Candé on 19th May 1106. Chronica de Gestis Consulum Andegavorum, Page 104: "In the following year, Martel was slain at the castle of Candé through the plots of his own men and of his stepmother, with his father, as they say, consenting. It seems incredible to me that a father would have consented to the killing of so great a son, since he was already exceedingly old, and the son, if length of life had been granted to him, would have recovered whatever had been lost. For he was laying claim to the castle of Laon against King Philip, and to the county of Saintonge against William of Poitiers. Out of fear of him, William built two new towers at Poitiers, one at the entrance of the city and the other near the palace."

Note 2. Ermengarde of Maine Countess of Anjou, died 1126, daughter of Elias I Count of Maine.

Note 3. Matilda of Anjou, 1111-1154, daughter of Fulk Rechin and Ermengarde, married William Adelin [aged 2], son of King Henry I and Matilda, in 1119.

Note 4. It was Fulk the Younger, after the death of his wife Ermengarde of Maine Countess of Anjou in 1126, set out for Jerusalem at the invitation of Baldwin II King Jerusalem [aged 31] with the express purpose of marrying Melisende Queen of Jerusalem [aged 1], daughter of Baldwin, by whom he became King of Jerusalem jure uxoris i.e. by right of his wife.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. Meanwhile the city was in turmoil on both sides, for they were busy with plunder and rapine, and with securing the horses of the slain; nor could they yet clearly recognize one another. And when after a little while the barons had gathered together, they made an assault upon the castle on behalf of John Giffard and other fellow-captives whom the royalists had taken. The garrison defended themselves bravely, and with fire-casting missiles set alight a great part of the town. Seeing this, the barons drew back and turned toward the abbey, and the church itself was lit up with their missiles; but after a short while that fire was put out. The king's son, however, seeing their boldness and gathering many of his men again, since there still remained many most valiant warriors, prepared once more to sally out to battle. When the barons learned this, they sent mediators of peace, who, putting off the matter until the next day, promised that on the morrow they would speak of a full peace with effect. And these things took place in the month of May, on the feast of Saint Dunstan [19th May 1264] the bishop, in the year of our Lord 1264. On the following Thursday, pairs of friars of the Orders of Preachers and Minors passed between the king and the barons, carrying words of peace. And thus, with certain other parties intervening, it was arranged that on the next Friday the son gave himself up for the father, namely Edward for the king, and for his fellow-knights; and Henry, son of the king of Germany, gave himself up for his father. This was done in the hope of peace and quiet, so that with due deliberation they might afterwards discuss which provisions and statutes ought, for the good of the realm, to be observed, and which might reasonably be set aside; and that prisoners on both sides should be restored freely and without ransom. On the following Saturday the king dismissed almost all his men, and they departed in peace to their homes, both the garrison soldiers and household retainers, and others who had been in the church. The king also, by the counsel of his son and the earl, sent letters to his faithful men who had been stationed in the fortress of Tonbridge, ordering that they should thenceforth do no harm to the barons, but return to their own homes, since peace was at hand and to be fulfilled in every way. But they, not believing this, marched forth armed as they were to Bristol, and remained there in garrison until after the escape of Edward the king's son from prison. Yet first, when they had heard at Tonbridge that the king had been defeated and the Londoners put to flight by the king's son, William de Say, who had fled from the battle, reported that the Londoners who had fled were lodging at Croydon. So, at the approach of evening, they fell upon them, seized the spoils, and slew many.

Interim tumultuabat civitas per partes utrasque, vacabant enim spoliis, et rapinis, et equis occisorum stabiliendis, nec adhuc se mutuo cognoscere potuerunt; cumque post modicum coadunati barones insultum fecissent ad castrum pro Johanne Gyffard et aliis concaptivis quos regales acceperant; defenderunt se strenue castrenses et emissis telis ignitis magnam partem villæ incenderunt; quod videntes barones retraxerunt se et ad abbatiam diverterunt, et illuminata est ecclesia telis eorum, sed tamen post modicum ignis ille extinctus est; videns autem filius regis eorum audaciam et recollectis multis ex suis, cum remansissent adhuc plures viri strenuissimi, disposuit iterato exire ad pugnam: quo cognito miserunt barones mediatores pacificos qui diem differentes in crastinum promiserunt quod in crastina die loquerentur de pace plena cum effectu. Actaque sunt hæc in mense Maio die sancti Dunstani episcopi, anno Domini MCCLXIV, sequenti vero die Jovis discurrebant inter regem et barones bini et bini de ordine Prædicatorum et Minorum portantes verba pacifica, et sic cum quibusdam aliis interponentes partes, quod sequenti die Veneris tradidit se filius pro patre, Edwardus scilicet pro rege et pro cæteris commilitonibus suis, et Henricus filius regis Alemanniæ dedit se pro patre suo, et hoc sub spe pacis et quietis, ut cum deliberatione tractarent inposterum quæ provisionum et statutorum essent pro utilitate regni tenenda, et quæ rationabiliter recusanda, et quod hinc inde captivi libere et absque ullo dato redderentur: sequenti vero Sabbato licentiavit rex suos quasi omnes, et abierunt in pace ad loca sua, tam castrenses quam familiares, et cæteri qui fuerant in ecclesia constituti: misitque rex, de consilio filii sui et comitis, litteras suas ad fideles suos quos in munitione de Tunebrige constituerat, quod de cætero baronibus quicquam mali non inferrent sed redirent ad propria, eo quod pax erat in januis et modis omnibus adimplenda; at illi non credentes perrexerunt ita ut erant armati usque Bristow, et manserunt ibi in præsidio usque post evasionem Edwardi filii regis a carcere. Primo tamen cum audissent apud Tunebrige regem devictum et Londonienses per filium regis in fugam versos, prædicente Willelmo de Say, qui a conflictu fugerat, quod hospitarentur Londonienses qui fugerant apud Croyden, irruerunt in eos advesperante die, et, captis spoliis, multos peremerunt.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. In the same year, namely 1292, on the last day of February, the bishop of Carlisle, Ralph¹ of good memory, formerly our prior at Guisborough, died and was buried in the same church at Carlisle. Then, on the following feast of Saint Dunstan the Archbishop [19th May 1292], the entire city of Carlisle was horribly consumed and burned in a great fire, including the whole abbey and all the houses of the Friars Minor and the churches. Only the Dominican Friars were saved, and even then with great difficulty. For the fire broke out at night, and because a strong wind was blowing, there was nothing that could resist it. Now the cause of that wicked disaster was this: one of the townsmen had a depraved son, and because he hated him, he sold the houses he owned to a stranger. The son, angered by this, publicly threatened that the buyer would never peacefully enjoy his inheritance. And because the fire began almost suddenly in those very houses at dusk, the son was seized, drawn, and hanged.

Eodem anno scilicet MCCXCII ultimo die Februarii obiit bonæ memoriæ Radulphus Carleolensis episcopus, quondam prior noster Gisburniæ, et in eadem Carleolensi ecclesia sepultus. In sequenti vero festo Sancti Dunstani archiepiscopi tota civitas Carleolensis horribili incendio concremata est et combusta, cum tota abbatia et universis domibus Fratrum Minorum et ecclesiis, solique Prædicatores salvati sunt, sed cum difficultate maxima; nocte enim evenit ignis, et irruente vento maximo non erat quod resistere posset. Contigit autem sic casus ille nefandus: erat unus ex civibus habens filium sceleratum, et quia habebat eum exosum vendidit extraneo domos quas habebat: indignatusque filius minabatur publice dicens quod emptor ille nunquam gauderet pacifice hæreditate sua: et quia in crepusculo noctis in eisdem domibus ignis quasi subito initium assumpsit, captus est ille filius, tractus, et suspensus.

Note 1. Ralph de Ireton, Prior of Gisborough, elected Bishop of Carlisle December, 1278, on the refusal of William de Rotherfeld, Dean of York, to accept that dignity, and consecrated by the Bishop of Tusculum, now Frescati, 1280.

Life Charles VI by a Monk of St Denis [~1420]. [19th May 1396]. Indeed, trustworthy men reported the fate of the king [King John I of Aragon [aged 45]] that, while he was riding through the countryside, it happened by chance that those accompanying his retinue found a hare lying in the woods, which was being pursued by the cries of all. However, the king [King John I of Aragon], in order to chase the hare, began to urge his horse toward that direction; but as he pressed hard on the course and hastened without thinking, the horse was driven headlong, and falling to the ground, threw the king down headfirst and mortally wounded him. At this event, all who were riding and those who were following, terrified by the harshness of the incident, turned back, and the courtiers attempted to offer help to the fallen one. But before he could be carried to the nearer village, he expired in their hands. And because the lord patriarch had not yet left the kingdom, he was recalled by the queen of Aragon [aged 31], performed the royal funeral rites, and delivered the royal body to ecclesiastical burial. Thus, with matters duly completed, the messengers returning to the king of France around the middle of October reported the responses of the kings, asserting that, because the king of Aragon had died without an heir, a great war was already arising between the Duke of Montblanc [aged 39] and another for the dignity of the sceptre to be obtained¹.

Referebant equidem fide digni casum regis, quod, cum per patriam equitaret, accidit casu, ut qui preibant ejus comittatum, leporem in silvis jacentem reperierunt, quem fugientem persequutus est clamor universorum. Rex autem, ut leporem insectaretur, equum ad illas cepit urgere partes; sed cum cursui vehementer instaret, et inconsulte festinaret, equus in preceps agitur, corruensque in terram regem dedit precipitem et letaliter vulneratum. Ad hunc casum universus, qui preibat et qui sequebatur, facti acerbitate perterritus conversus est comitatus, et aulici jacenti opem ferre conati sunt. Sed antequam ad villam viciniorem deferretur, inter manus eorum expiravit. Et quia dominus patriarcha nundum regnum exierat, a regina Arragonie revocatus, regias persolvit exequias, et corpus regium tradidit ecclesiastice sepulture. Sic rebus rite peractis, nuncii ad regem Francie circa medium octobris redeuntes, responsiones regum retulerunt, asserentes quod, quia rex Arragonie sine herede obierat, jam inter ducem Montis Albi et alterum guerra oriebatur maxima pro dignitate sceptrigera obtinenda.

Note 1. John I, having died on May 19, 1596, Matthew, Count of Foix, his son-in-law, claimed the succession to the throne of Aragon; but the States awarded it to the infant, Duke of Montblanc and brother of the late king, who was then in Sicily.

Memoires Jacques du Clercq. On the 19th day of May [1466] also, which is Saint Yves' day, who was an advocate in the town of Lille, there ended his last day, at the age of eighty-nine years, Master Jacques Du Clercq, my father, licentiate in decrees, counsellor and advocate to my lord the Duke of Burgundy. The said Master Jacques was married in the year one thousand four hundred and nine, in the town of Compiègne, to a young woman, daughter of Pierre de Camelin, named Jehenne, and was then in the service of the Duke of Orléans, and afterwards of Duke John of Burgundy, and later of Duke Philip of Burgundy, so that he lived as counsellor and advocate in the castellany of Lille, Douai, and Orchies. By this his first wife he had seven children, of whom the first two died young. The other five were named as follows: the first, Sohier, who later became licentiate in decrees and in law, canon of Arras, and schoolmaster of Cassel; the second was named Marie, and was married to a burgess of Douai named Ricart Botin, with whom she lived but two years and had one son who died; the third was named Jacques Du Clercq, who is myself, and who married in the town of Lille a young woman named Jehenne, daughter of an esquire named Balduin de la Cherie, by whom I had no children; the fourth was named Floure, and became a nun in the abbey of Estrun near Arras; the fifth was named Jehenne, who was married to one named Guillebert de Brenay, receiver to Sir Englebert d'Enghien, dwelling at Tournai, by whom she was left a widow in the year 1465, as has been said above, he having been murdered in the town of Tournai, and she was left with five daughters; afterwards she remarried a gentleman named Pierre Delbourre, by whom she had a son named Josse. The said Master Jacques became a widower on the 7th day of March in the year 1434, and afterwards remarried in the year 1439 a widow of a burgess of Lille named Esteve Hangouart, who was daughter of Roppin, lord of Houpplines, a gentleman in the castellany of Lille; by her he had a son who died young. The said Master Jacques, so long as he lived, did not diminish in any way in his sense towards God nor towards the world, and had as good an end as any Christian might have; for until he yielded up his spirit he spoke both Latin and French, and, commending himself to God, departed from this world and failed like a candle. The said Master Jacques Du Clercq was a native of Douai, the legitimate son of Thomas Du Clercq and Emmelot Barré, daughter of Jehan Barré, burgess of Douai. The said Thomas, in his youth, served Count Louis of Flanders, and went in arms with the said Louis, who was not yet Count of Flanders, into the land of the Romans in aid of the Pope, and returned with the said Count Louis, who, upon his return, granted him two hundred écus of wages upon the town of Douai, which he received all his life. The said Thomas died in the year 1407, and was the legitimate son of Pierre, who married at Douai the daughter of an esquire named Jehan de Fierin, called Rogue. Further of the lineage from which the said Master Jacques descended I know not. His first wife, as I have said above, was the daughter of an esquire named Pierre de Camelin, legitimate son of Philippe de Camelin, who himself was the legitimate son of another Philippe de Camelin, who was the legitimate son of one named Jehan de Camelin, who in his time was servant to the Count of Ponthieu, and was his master of the household and his seneschal of Ponthieu. Of the lineage of the said Jehenne de Camelin I know no more. The said Jehenne had a legitimate sister named Isabelle, who married Raoul Pouillet, a gentleman of Compiègne, by whom she had a son named Jehan Pouillet, who married a gentlewoman, niece of Jacques de Vauchelles, and had several children by her. The said Jehenne and Isabelle were daughters of the daughter of Collart de Boucher, named Marie, a very wealthy burgess of Compiègne, who had several daughters, all richly married.

Le xix jour de may aussy, qui est jour Saint Yves, qui fust advocat en la ville de Lille, cloist son dernier jour en l'eage de quatre vingt noeuf ans, maitre Jacques Du Clercq, mon pere, licentié en decrets, conseillier et advocat de Mr le duc de Bourgogne. Icelluy maitre Jacques se marria en l'an mil quatre cent et noeuf, en la ville de Compiegne, a une josne fille de Pierre de Camelin, nommée Jehenne, et estoit lors au duc d'Orleans, et depuis fust au duc Jehan de Bourgogne, et depuis au duc Philippe de Bourgogne; tant qu'il vesquit conseillier et advocat en la chastellerie de Lille, Douay et Orchies; de laquelle sa premiere femme il olt sept enfants, desquels les deux premiers moururent josnes; les aultres cinq feurent nommés, le premier Sohier, lequel fust depuis licentié en decrets et en loix et chanoine d'Arras, et escolatre de Cassel; la deuxiesme olt nom Marie, et fust marriée a ung bourgeois de Douay, nommé Ricart Botin, laquelle ne fust que deux ans marriée et en eut ung fils qu'il mourut; le tierch fust ce nommé Jacques Du Clercq, qui me marriay en la ville de Lille, a une josne fille nommée Jehenne, fille d'ung escuyer nommé Balduin de la Cherie, de laquelle je n'eus nuls enfants; la quarte olt nom Floure, et fust religieuse de l'abbaye d'Estrun, emprès Arras; la cinquiesme eust nom Jehenne, laquelle fust marriée a ung nommé Guillebert de Brenay, recepveur de messire Englebert d'Engien, demourant a Tournay, duquel elle demoura vefve l'an mil iiije lxv, qui comme cy dessus est dit fust meurdry en la ville de Tournay, et demoura cinq filles; puis elle se remarria a ung gentilhomme nommé Pierre Delbourre, de laquelle il olt ung fils nommé Josse. Icelluy maitre Jacques fust vefve en l'an mil iiij xxxiiij, le vije jour de mars, et depuis se remarria en l'an mil iiij xxxix, a une femme vefve d'ung bourgeois de Lille, nommé Esteve Hangouart, laquelle fust fille de Roppin, Sr de Houpplines, ung gentilhomme en la chastellerie de Lille; de laquelle il eult ung fils qui mourut josne. Ledit maitre Jacques, tant qu'il vesquit, ne diminua en rien de son sens vers Dieu ne vers le monde, et eut la plus belle fin que chrestien peut avoir; car jusques a rendre l'esprit parla latin et franchois, et en soy recommandant a Dieu se partist du monde et faillit comme une chandeille. Icelluy maitre Jacques Du Clercq estoit natif de Douay, fils legitime de Thomas Du Clercq et de Emmelot Barré, fille de Jehan Barré, bourgeois de Douay; ledit Thomas servit en ses josnes ans le comte Loys de Flandres, et alla en armes avecq ledit Loys, qui encoires n'estoit comte de Flandres, au pays de Romains, en l'ayde du pape, et revint avecq ledit comte Loys, qui, a son retour, lui donna deux cens escus de gages sur la ville de Douay, qu'il receupt toute sa vie; lequel Thomas mourut l'an mil iiij et sept, et fust fils legitime de Pierre, se marria a Douay a la fille d'ung escuyer de Douay nommé Jehan de Fierin, nommé Rogue; et plus avant d'où descendit ledit maitre Jacques, je ne sçay: sa premiere femme, comme dit ai dessus, fust fille d'ung escuyer nommé Pierre de Camelin, legitime; lequel Pierre fust fils legitime de Philippe de Camelin; lequel Philippe fust fils legitime de Philippe de Camelin; lequel PhiTippe fust fils legitime d'ung nommé Jehan de Camelin; lequel fust serviteur en son temps du comte de Ponthieu et fust son maitre d'hostel et son senes chal de Ponthieu; de la generation de ladite Jehenne de Camelin plus je ne sçay. Ladite Jehenne olt une soeur legitime, nommée Isabelle, laquelle a épousé Raoul Pouillet, ung gentilhomme de Compiegne, duquel elle eut un fils nommé Jehan Pouillet; le quel se marria a une gentille femme, niepce de Jacques de Vauchelles, dont il eut plusieurs enfans. Ladite Jehenne et Isabelle feurent filles de la fille Collart de Boucher, nommée Marie, un très riche bourgeois de Compiegne, qui eut plusieurs filles toutes richement marriées.

Letters and Papers. 19 May [1536]. Vienna Archives. Chapuys [aged 46] to Granvelle.

Refers him for the news to his letter to the Emperor. Hopes to make amends for his present brevity by writing to him the history of the conduct of this English Messalina or Agrippina during her imprisonment. The woman who has her in charge will not conceal anything from Chapuys. She has already sent to tell him some news, among others that the said Messalina could not imagine that anyone but Chapuys had got her in disgrace with the King, for ever since he came to Court the King has regarded her with an evil eye. It is well for Chapuys she did not escape, because with her humanity she would have given him to the dogs to eat. There are still two English gentlemen¹ detained on her account, and it is suspected that there will be many more, because the King has said he believed that more than 100 had to do with her. You never saw prince nor man who made greater show of his horns or bore them more pleasantly. I leave you to imagine the cause.

Owing to my illness, and to await the last act of the story, besides that George must have informed you what was to follow, I have not hastened to write sooner. London, 18 May 1536.

Yesterday the archbishop of Canterbury declared by sentence that the Concubine's daughter was the bastard of Mr. Norris [deceased], and not the King's daughter. This already removes an obstacle in the way of the Princess, who, I hope, whatever difficulty the King has made hitherto, will be declared true heiress of the kingdom, not as born of lawful marriage, but as legitimate propter bonam fidem parentum. Others tell me that the said Archbishop had pronounced the marriage of the King and Concubine [aged 35] invalid on account of the King having had connection with her sister [aged 37], and that, as both parties knew of this, the good faith of the parents cannot make the said bastard legitimate. Although the matter is not much to be relied on, many think that most of the new bishops "ont davoir leur Sainct Marten," because, having persuaded the Concubine that she had no need to confess, she grew more audacious in vice; and, moreover, they persuaded her that according to the said sect it was lawful to seek aid elsewhere, even from her own relations, when her husband was not capable of satisfying her. The Concubine, before her marriage with the King, said, to increase his love, that there was a prophecy that about this time a Queen of England would be burnt, but, to please the King, she did not care. After her marriage she boasted that the previous events mentioned in the prophecy had already been accomplished, and yet she was not condemned. But they might well have said to her, as was said to Cæsar, "the Ides have come, but not gone." Has no doubt that if the Emperor intends to negociate with the English he will send some one to give greater weight to the affair, according to the letters of his Majesty; and if the said personage could negociate before the conclusion of Parliament, it would be very advantageous both for the interests of the Princess and for the rest. If he come about St. John's Day, he will probably assist at the new marriage and coronation, in which the King intends to do wonders. He has already given orders to build a vessel like the "Busentaure de Venice," to carry the lady from Greenwich hither. London, 19 May. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.

Note 1. The mutilations in the original are supplied from Burnet. Compare also Herbert, who abridges.

Samuel Pepys' Diary. 19th May 1663. Thence home and being 10 o'clock was forced to land beyond the Custom House, and so walked home and to my office, and having dispatched my great letters by the post to my father, of which I keep copies to show by me and for my future understanding, I went home to supper and bed, being late. The most observables in the making of money which I observed to-day, is the steps of their doing it.

Note 1. Before they do anything they assay the bullion, which is done, if it be gold, by taking an equal weight of that and of silver, of each a small weight, which they reckon to be six ounces or half a pound troy; this they wrap up in within lead. If it be silver, they put such a quantity of that alone and wrap it up in lead, and then putting them into little earthen cupps made of stuff like tobacco pipes, and put them into a burning hot furnace, where, after a while, the whole body is melted, and at last the lead in both is sunk into the body of the cupp, which carries away all the copper or dross with it, and left the pure gold and silver embodyed together, of that which hath both been put into the cupp together, and the silver alone in these where it was put alone in the leaden case. And to part the silver and the gold in the first experiment, they put the mixed body into a glass of aqua-fortis, which separates them by spitting out the silver into such small parts that you cannot tell what it becomes, but turns into the very water and leaves the gold at the bottom clear of itself, with the silver wholly spit out, and yet the gold in the form that it was doubled together in when it was a mixed body of gold and silver, which is a great mystery; and after all this is done to get the silver together out of the water is as strange. But the nature of the assay is thus: the piece of gold that goes into the furnace twelve ounces, if it comes out again eleven ounces, and the piece of silver which goes in twelve and comes out again eleven and two pennyweight, are just of the alloy of the standard of England. If it comes out, either of them, either the gold above eleven, as very fine will sometimes within very little of what it went in, or the silver above eleven and two pennyweight, as that also will sometimes come out eleven and ten penny weight or more, they are so much above the goodness of the standard, and so they know what proportion of worse gold and silver to put to such a quantity of the bullion to bring it to the exact standard. And on the contrary, [if] it comes out lighter, then such a weight is beneath the standard, and so requires such a proportion of fine metal to be put to the bullion to bring it to the standard, and this is the difference of good and bad, better and worse than the standard, and also the difference of standards, that of Seville being the best and that of Mexico worst, and I think they said none but Seville is better than ours.

Note 2. They melt it into long plates, which, if the mould do take ayre, then the plate is not of an equal heaviness in every part of it, as it often falls out.

Note 3. They draw these plates between rollers to bring them to an even thickness all along and every plate of the same thickness, and it is very strange how the drawing it twice easily between the rollers will make it as hot as fire, yet cannot touch it.

Note 4. They bring it to another pair of rollers, which they call adjusting it, which bring it to a greater exactness in its thickness than the first could be.

Note 5. They cut them into round pieces, which they do with the greatest ease, speed, and exactness in the world.

Note 6. They weigh these, and where they find any to be too heavy they file them, which they call sizeing them; or light, they lay them by, which is very seldom, but they are of a most exact weight, but however, in the melting, all parts by some accident not being close alike, now and then a difference will be, and, this filing being done, there shall not be any imaginable difference almost between the weight of forty of these against another forty chosen by chance out of all their heaps.

Note 7. These round pieces having been cut out of the plates, which in passing the rollers are bent, they are sometimes a little crooked or swelling out or sinking in, and therefore they have a way of clapping 100 or 2 together into an engine, which with a screw presses them so hard that they come out as flat as is possible.

Note 8. They blanch them.

Note 9. They mark the letters on the edges, which is kept as the great secret by Blondeau, who was not in the way, and so I did not speak with him to-day¹.

Note 1. Professor W. C. Roberts-Austen, C.B., F.R.S., chemist to the Royal Mint, refers to Pepys's Diary and to Blondeau's machine in his Cantor Lectures on "Alloys used for Coinage", printed in the "journal of the Society of Arts" (vol. xxxii.). He writes, "The hammer was still retained for coining in the Mint in the Tower of London, but the question of the adoption of the screw-press by the Moneyers appears to have been revived in 1649, when the Council of State had it represented to them that the coins of the Government might be more perfectly and beautifully done, and made equal to any coins in Europe. It was proposed to send to France for Peter Blondeau, who had invented and improved a machine and method for making all coins 'with the most beautiful polish and equality on the edge, or with any proper inscription or graining.' He came on the 3rd of September, and although a Committee of the Mint reported in favour of his method of coining, the Company of Moneyers, who appear to have boasted of the success of their predecessors in opposing the introduction of the mill and screw-press in Queen [aged 24] Elizabeth's reign, prevented the introduction of the machinery, and consequently he did not produce pattern pieces until 1653.... It is certain that Blondeau did not invent, but only improved the method of coining by the screw-press, and I believe his improvements related chiefly to a method for 'rounding the pieces before they are sized, and in making the edges of the moneys with letters and graining,' which he undertook to reveal to the King [aged 32]. Special stress is laid on the engines wherewith the rims were marked, 'which might be kept secret among few men.' I cannot find that there is any record in the Paris mint of Blondeau's employment there, and the only reference to his invention in the Mint records of this country refers to the 'collars,' or perforated discs of metal surrounding the 'blank' while it was struck into a coin. There is, however, in the British Museum a MS. believed to be in Blondeau's hand, in which he claims his process, 'as a new invention, to make a handsome coyne, than can be found in all the world besides, viz., that shall not only be stamped on both flat sides, but shall even be marked with letters on the thickness of the brim.' The letters were raised. The press Blondeau used was, I believe, the ordinary screw-press, and I suppose that the presses drawn in Akerman's well-known plate of the coining-room of the Mint in the Tower, published in 1803 'Microcosm of London,' vol. ii., p. 202, if not actually the same machines, were similar to those erected in 1661-62 by Sir William Parkhurst and Sir Anthony St. Leger, wardens of the Mint, at a cost of £1400, Professor Roberts-Austen shows that Benvenuto Cellini used a similar press to that attributed to Blondeau, and he gives an illustration of this in his lecture (p. 810). In a letter to the editor the Professor writes: "Pepys's account of the operations of coining, and especially of assaying gold and silver, is very interesting and singularly accurate considering that he could not have had technical knowledge of the subject"..

Note 10. They mill them, that is, put on the marks on both sides at once with great exactness and speed, and then the money is perfect. The mill is after this manner: one of the dyes, which has one side of the piece cut, is fastened to a thing fixed below, and the other dye (and they tell me a payre of dyes will last the marking of £10,000 before it be worn out, they and all other their tools being made of hardened steel, and the Dutchman who makes them is an admirable artist, and has so much by the pound for every pound that is coyned to find a constant supply of dyes) to an engine above, which is moveable by a screw, which is pulled by men; and then a piece being clapped by one sitting below between the two dyes, when they meet the impression is set, and then the man with his finger strikes off the piece and claps another in, and then the other men they pull again and that is marked, and then another and another with great speed. They say that this way is more charge to the King than the old way, but it is neater, freer from clipping or counterfeiting, the putting of the words upon the edges being not to be done (though counterfeited) without an engine of the charge and noise that no counterfeit will be at or venture upon, and it employs as many men as the old and speedier. They now coyne between £16 and £24,000 in a week. At dinner they did discourse very finely to us of the probability that there is a vast deal of money hid in the land, from this:-that in King Charles's time there was near ten millions of money coyned, besides what was then in being of King James's and Queene [aged 53] Elizabeth's, of which there is a good deal at this day in being. Next, that there was but £750,000 coyned of the Harp and Crosse money², and of this there was £500,000 brought in upon its being called in. And from very good arguments they find that there cannot be less of it in Ireland and Scotland than £100,000; so that there is but £150,000 missing; and of that, suppose that there should be not above 650,000 still remaining, either melted down, hid, or lost, or hoarded up in England, there will then be but £100,000 left to be thought to have been transported. Now, if £750,000 in twelve years' time lost but a £100,000 in danger of being transported, then within thirty-five years' time will have lost but £3,888,880 and odd pounds; and as there is £650,000 remaining after twelve years' time in England, so after thirty-five years' time, which was within this two years, there ought in proportion to have been resting £6,111,120 or thereabouts, beside King James's and Queen Elizabeth's money. Now that most of this must be hid is evident, as they reckon, because of the dearth of money immediately upon the calling-in of the State's money, which was £500,000 that came in; and yet there was not any money to be had in this City, which they say to their own observation and knowledge was so. And therefore, though I can say nothing in it myself, I do not dispute it.

Note 2. The Commonwealth coins (stamped with the cross and harp, and the inscription, "The Commonwealth of England") were called in by proclamation, September, 1660, and when brought to the Mint an equal amount of lawful money was allowed for them, weight for weight, deducting only for the coinage (Ruding's "Annals of the Coinage", 18 19, vol. iii., p. 293). The harp was taken out of the naval flags in May, 1660.

Samuel Pepys' Diary. 19th May 1669. By and by the Duke of York [aged 35] comes, and readily took me to his closet, and received my petition, and discoursed about my eyes, and pitied me, and with much kindness did give me his consent to be absent, and approved of my proposition to go into Holland to observe things there, of the Navy; but would first ask the King's leave, which he anon did, and did tell me that the King [aged 38] would be a good master to me, these were his words, about my eyes, and do like of my going into Holland, but do advise that nobody should know of my going thither, but pretend that I did go into the country somewhere, which I liked well. Glad of this, I home, and thence took out my wife, and to Mr. Holliard's [aged 60] about a swelling in her cheek, but he not at home, and so round by Islington [Map] and eat and drink, and so home, and after supper to bed. In discourse this afternoon, the Duke of York did tell me that he was the most amazed at one thing just now, that ever he was in his life, which was, that the Duke of Buckingham [aged 41] did just now come into the Queen's [aged 30] bed-chamber, where the King was, and much mixed company, and among others, Tom Killigrew [aged 57], the father of Harry [aged 32], who was last night wounded so as to be in danger of death, and his man is quite dead; and [Buckingham] there in discourse did say that he had spoke with some one that was by (which all the world must know that it must be his whore, my Lady Shrewsbury [aged 27]), who says that they did not mean to hurt, but beat him, and that he did run first at them with his sword; so that he do hereby clearly discover that he knows who did it, and is of conspiracy with them, being of known conspiracy with her, which the Duke of York did seem to be pleased with, and said it might, perhaps, cost him his life in the House of Lords; and I find was mightily pleased with it, saying it was the most impudent thing, as well as the most foolish, that ever he knew man do in all his life.

Derbyshire Archaeological Journal Volume 30 1908 Page 155. May 19th 1825. We opened a barrow composed principally of stone situated on the top of Cronkstone Hill¹. It is on a farm belonging to the Duke of Devonshire, called Cronkstone Grange, in the Parish of Hartington, and is about three miles N.W. of Arborlow, which can be distinctly seen from it. We have discovered the remains of a human skeleton, deposited in a cist, formed of Stones, widely piled together, and about 4 feet in length. The body could not, of course, have been laid straight, but was doubled up with the knees towards the chin and breast, and reclined on the right side. This mode of interment is not very unusual in the Derbyshire barrows, and is supposed to be of the most remote antiquity. Under the head of the skeleton was placed the part of the horn of what I imagine to be the red-deer, and apparently must have been of large dimentions. It measures 9¼ inches round the base or root.

I have before noticed in my essay on Arbor-low that it was not uncommon to bury the horns of Deer with human bodies in these sepulchral tumuli. There was the usual accompaniment of rats' bones in this barrow, which I conceive, from analogous examples, should be referred to a very early date among the ancient Britons.

The top of Cronkston hill², which is of great elevation is surrounded by a vallum and rampart of earth and stones, of no great height, ranging about 100 yards on every side of the barrow, and apparently intended solely to enclose and protect it. On the East side of the Hill is an amphitheatre, which has been formed by the excavation of the earth from the sides of the hill in a semi-elliptic form. There is a low bench of turf running quite round the amphitheatre, which has clearly been used as a seat for the principal spectators. It is about 15 or 16 yards across, and to the eastward, which is the side open, a space of the same width, and perhaps 100 yds. in length has been carefully levelled, and may perhaps have served as a cursus. This place is very similar to the semi-circular cove of earth mentioned by Stukeley, in his 2nd Itinerary as existing at Staden Low, near Buxton, and which he, with great probability, imagined to have been used for shows. Whether these remains at Cronkstone have served as a place of common amusement for the inhabitants of this district, or have been used for games instituted in memory of, and to the honour of the warrior or hunter buried in this barrow, whose remains we have deterred, must, of course, be quite conjectural."

Samuel Mitchell Junior [aged 22].

Note 1. Vestiges, p. 125.