On this Day in History ... 24th June

Chronicon ex Chronicis by Florence and John of Worcester. 24th June 1070. The feast of St. John the Baptist being near, earl Asbiorn sailed to Denmark with the fleet which had wintered in the Humber; but his brother Sweyn [aged 51] outlawed him, because he had accepted money from king William [aged 42], to the great regret of the Danes. Edric, surnamed the Forester, a man of the most resolute courage, of whom we have spoken before, was reconciled with king William. After this, the king summoned from Normandy Lanfranc [aged 65], abbot of Caen, a Lombard by birth, a man of unbounded learning, master of the liberal arts, and of both sacred and secular literature, and of the greatest prudence in counsel and the administration of worldly affairs; and on the day of the Assumption of St. Mary, appointed him archbishop of Canterbury, causing him to be consecrated at Canterbury on the feast of St. John the Baptist, being Sunday. He was consecrated by Giso, bishop of Wells, and Walter, bishop of Hereford, who were both ordained at Rome by pope Nicholas, when Aldred, archbishop of York, received the pallium,—for he evaded being ordained by Stigand, who then held the archbishopric of Canterbury, knowing him not to have received the pallium canonically. Bishop Heriman, who had already transferred the seat of his bishopric from Sherbourne to Salisbury, also assisted at his consecration, with some others. Afterwards, Lanfranc consecrated Thomas, archbishop of York. The suit of the reverend Wulfstan [aged 62], bishop of Worcester, was again prosecuted, there being now a bishop who could advocate the cause of the church of York; and the affair was, by the aid of God's grace, decided at a council held at a place called Pedred, before the king, archbishop Lanfranc, and the bishops, abbots, earls, and lords of all England. All the groundless assertions by which Thomas and his abettors strove to humble the church of Worcester, and reduce her to subjection and servitude to the church of York, were, by God's just judgement, entirely refuted and negatived by written documents, so that Wulfstan not only recovered the possessions he claimed, but, by God's goodness, and the king's assent, regained for his see all the immunities and privileges freely granted to it by its first founders, the holy king Ethered, Oshere, sub-king of the Hwiccas, and the other kings of Mercia, Cenred, Ethelbald, Offa, Kenulf, Edward the Elder, Athelstan, Edmund, Edred, and Edgar.

Annals of Six Kings of England by Nicholas Trivet. Thierry, count of Flanders, setting out on a journey to Jerusalem with his wife, left his son Philip, together with the whole land, in the care of Henry, king of England. Around the feast of Saint John the Baptist [24th June 1157], the king, having prepared an expedition, suppressed the uprising of the rebellious Welsh; and he strengthened two castles on the borders of Wales, Rhuddlan and Basingwerk, and between them built a house for the Knights of the Temple. In the month of September a son was born to the king, whom he named Richard. In this same year Thomas became the king's chancellor in London. The Saracens, entering Spain, captured the city of Almería after putting to flight King Alfonso V, who soon afterward died from the shame and grief of his flight. In the same year, when the truce between Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, and the king of Aleppo had been broken because of plunder which King Baldwin had rashly taken from the Saracens, the city of Abilene, formerly called Caesarea Philippi, was besieged and was captured and completely destroyed by the Saracens, except for its principal fortress. King Baldwin, surrounded by ambush, scarcely escaped, and a very great slaughter was inflicted upon the Christians.

Terricus, comes Flandriæ, cum uxore sua, iter Ierosolymitanum arripiens, Philippum filium suum, cum tota terra, in manu regis Anglorum Henrici dimisit. Circa festum sancti Joannis Baptistæ, rex præparata expeditione Wallensium insurgentium tumultum compressit; firmavitque in finibus Walliæ duo castra, Rovelenc et Basyngwerc, et inter illa construxit Templi militibus domum unam. Mense Septembri natus est regi filius, quem Ricardum vocavit. Hoc anno Thomas, Londonii, cancellarius regis efficitur. Saraceni, Hispaniam ingressi, ceperunt Almariam civitatem, fugato rege Alphonso quinto, qui cito post obiit ex fugæ suæ verecundia et dolore. Eodem anno ruptis induciis, quæ erant inter Baldewinum regem Jerusalem et regem Halapiæ, propter prædam quam rex Baldewinus a Saracenis ceperat inconsulte, obsessa est civitas Abilina, quæ olim dicta fuit Cæsarea Philippi, et a Saracenis capta et destructa totaliter, præter ejus munitionem principalem. Rex Baldewinus, insidiis circumventus, vix evasit; illataque est strages maxima Christianis.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. Nicholas, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his venerable brothers, the Bishops of Winchester and Lincoln, greeting and apostolic blessing. Not without much matter of joy, not without great cause of exultation in the Lord, do we turn over within the secret places of our mind and publish to others, that He, the King in whose hand are the hearts of kings, has graciously touched the heart of our most dear son in Christ, the illustrious Edward, King of England, and has so enkindled in him the desire personally to aid the innumerable needs of the Holy Land, that he has taken upon himself, as a most Catholic prince and a most valiant prince, to prosecute in his own person and with royal power the business of that land, being about to cross the sea, with God's favour, on the feast of the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist [24th June] in the year of our Lord 1293, which date, for him and for other crusaders already signed with the cross and for those yet to be signed for the general passage, we, with the counsel of our brethren, have determined to set. And because for such a hard and weighty undertaking of so burdensome a business, there is no doubt that many things are required and that great subsidy is needed, therefore we, with the counsel of our brethren, have granted to the aforesaid king a tithe of all ecclesiastical revenues, incomes, and emoluments of the said kingdom of England, according to their true valuation, for six years, beginning from the feast of the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist next to come, etc." Accordingly, a new taxation was made that same year by the aforesaid bishops of Winchester and Lincoln. And although to those same bishops it had been enjoined by the pope that the said tithe should remain stored in the monasteries until the said king should have entered upon the sea in his journey toward the East, and only then should be paid to him, nevertheless the same king, by his own act, exacted from the collectors the tithe of three years, already gathered in the monasteries, and this violently and by force. Yet he did not set out, nor did he keep the promises he had made.

Nicolaus episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabilibus fratribus Wyntoniensi et Lincolniensi episcopis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Non absque lætitiæ multæ materia, non absque causa grandis exultationis in Domino, intra mentis secreta revolvimus et aliis publicamus quod ille Rex in cujus manu regum corda consistunt, carissimi in Christo filii nostri, Edwardi regis Angliæ illustris, benigne cor tetigit, et sic ad subveniendum personaliter innumeris necessitatibus Terræ Sanctæ ipsius accendit affectum, quod ejusdem terræ negotium in propria persona et regali potentia prosequendum, tanquam princeps catholicus tanquam princeps strenuissimus assumpsit, transfretaturus, Deo auspice, in festo Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistæ anno Domini MCCXCIII quod tam sibi quam aliis crucesignatis et crucesignandis ad generale passagium, de fratrum nostrorum consilio terminum duximus præfigendum. Et quia ad profectionem tam arduam onerosi negotii non est dubium quin oportet multa requiri et magnæ subventionis indigere, ideo decimam omnium ecclesiasticorum reddituum, proventuum, et obventionum dicti regni Angliæ juxta veram eorum æstimationem præfato regi, de ipsorum fratrum consilio, concessimus per sex annos a festo Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistæ venturos proxime subsequenti, etc. Facta fuit igitur taxatio nova per supradictos episcopos Wyntoniæ et Lincolniæ eodem anno, et licet eisdem episcopis per papam esset injunctum quod eadem decima in monasteriis recondita maneret quousque idem rex in suo itinere versus Orientem mare magnum esset ingressus, et tunc primo solveretur ei, idem applies the tamen rex ex proprio facto decimam trium annorum in monasteriis collectam ab ipsis collectoribus exegit et violenter quidem et potenter; nec tamen profectus est, nec promissa tenuit.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. A few days later, the king proceeded to Roxburgh Castle, which had long been held by the Seneshal of Scotland. Upon the king's arrival, it was immediately surrendered, with the lives, limbs, lands, and possessions of the garrison spared. There, 15,000 Welshmen came to the king, and he immediately sent back to England an equal number of fatigued English troops. After securing the castle, he moved with his entire army to the Castle of the Maidens, which is called Edinburgh in English. He besieged it for eight days and attacked it vigorously using large wooden siege engines, which he had brought in abundance. The defenders surrendered, and their lives were spared. The king then marched to Stirling, and found the castle empty, with no one offering resistance, for the garrison had fled in fear at his approach. At Stirling, the Earl of Ulster came to the king with 400 horsemen and 30,000 Irish foot soldiers. The king then moved on to the town called St. John's Town [Perth], where on the Feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist [24th June 1296], he created new knights and celebrated with great solemnity, remaining there for several days. Then messengers came to him on behalf of the King of Scots, requesting peace in his name, though he had recently spurned it. They pleaded that the king should not act according to what was deserved, but according to his merciful clemency, and grant peace. Our king, not weighing their offenses, but acting mercifully, graciously replied that within fifteen days, the King of Scotland himself, along with his nobles, should come to the Castle of Brechin, to discuss the terms of peace with his envoys. When the King of Scots arrived there, along with both John Comyns (of Badenoch and Buchan) and the other nobles of the realm, our king sent the Bishop of Durham, Antony Bek, with full counsel and full powers to negotiate the matter and bring it to a proper conclusion. After many negotiations and long discussions, no other form of peace could be agreed upon except that the King of Scotland resign his kingdom, and the Great Seal of Scotland be broken, and that he and all his nobles surrender unconditionally to the will of the King of England, with no conditions attached. And so they did. The King of Scots gave himself over to the will of the English king, and delivered his son Edward as a hostage, and renounced the Kingdom of Scotland by a written document in the following terms.

Post dies aliquot processit rex ad castrum de Rokesburgh, quod diu tenuerat senescallus Scotiæ, et statim illud reddidit in adventu regis, salvis vita et membris, terris et catallis; ibique venerunt ad regem XV millia Wallensium, et confestim in Angliam remisit quasi eundem numerum ex Anglicis fatigatis, stabilitoque castro, profectus est cum exercitu toto ad castrum Puellarum, quod Anglice dicitur Edensburgh, obseditque illud per VIII dies, et fortiter expugnavit ligneis machinis quas copiosas et maximas ibidem attulerat, dederuntque se castrenses et eisdem vita data est. Divertitque rex usque Strivelyn, et invenit castrum vacuum et neminem ei resistentem, fugerant enim custodes a facie ejus timore perterriti, ibique venit ad regem comes de Huluester cum quadringentis equestribus et triginta peditum millibus Hibernicorum; et profectus est rex usque villam sic dictam villa Sancti Johannis, ubi in nativitate beati Johannis Baptistæ fecit novos milites et solemnitatem magnam, mansitque ibidem diebus aliquot, et venerunt ad eum nuncii ex parte regis Scotorum postulantes pacem ex nomine ejus quam nuper exhorruerat, adjicientes ut non faceret ei secundum merita, sed secundum suam misericordiam benignam sibi pacem concederet. Rex vero noster, delicta non ponderans sed misericorditer agens, clementer respondit, quod infra XV dies veniret ipse rex Scotia cum optimatibus suis ad castrum de Brighyn, de ipsa pacis forma tractaturi cum suis nunciis quos missurus erat. Cumque venissent ibi rex, scilicet Scotia, et uterque Johannes Comyn, de Badenach scilicet et de Bughan, cæterique magnates ejusdem regni, misitque ibidem rex noster Antonium Dunolmensem episcopum cum consilio pleno et plena potestate tractandi negotium et debito fine claudendi, et per varios tractatus et multa colloquia non fuit alia pacis forma nisi ab ipso rege resignato regno, et fracto communi sigillo, ipseque rex et cæteri sui optimates voluntati regis Angliæ se darent et redderent, condiand resigns tione nulla apposita. Feceruntque sic, et dederunt se voluntati regis Angliæ, et tradidit ipse rex filium suum Edwardum in obsidem, et regno Scotia renunciavit per scriptum in hæc verba conceptum.

Note 1. Seneshal ska Steward. In Scotland the Stewards became the Stewart dynasty when King Robert II acceded to the throne, being the son of Walter Stewart and Majorie, daughter of King Robert the Bruce.

Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke. In the year of our Lord 1333, in the sixth year of the king's reign, the Scottish war,¹ begun the previous year, continued. Many English nobles and seasoned warriors, invited to take up service under Lord Edward Balliol and his allies, set out for Scotland around the feast of the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist [24th June]. In addition to these, many others eager for glory joined them at their own expense, and together they laid siege to the town and castle of Berwick. But the King of England, considering the many insults inflicted on him and his ancestors by the Scots, and recognizing the just cause of Lord Edward Balliol, King of Scots by conquest, as well as the fact that the agreement made between him and the Scots had been initiated through treachery while he was still a minor under the guardianship of his mother, who was wholly governed by the counsel of Roger de Mortimer, his traitor, decided to act. Now grown to manhood and, as the Apostle says, having 'put away childish things,' he gathered a host of armed men. Not in defence of his own claim, nor seeking exaction of tribute, but rather to promote and support the rightful claim of his friend Edward, King of Scots by conquest, he boldly attacked Berwick shortly before the feast of Saint Margaret [20th July]. The besieged, meanwhile, engaged in numerous deceitful negotiations² with the King of England and the King of Scots by conquest, in order to delay assaults upon them and to wait for promised external aid, which did arrive, but to no avail.

Anno Domini MCCCXXXIJ, regis anno VJ, continuata guerra Scotica, anno proximo incoata, multi nobiles Anglici et viri bellicosi ad stipendia domini Edwardi Baylol et suorum complicium invitati, circa festum Nativitatis sancti Iohannis Baptiste Scociam profecti, et preter eos multi laudis avidi sumptibus propriis et eiis associat, villam et castrum de Berewyk obsiderunt. Rex autem Anglie, considerans multa vituperia sibi et suis antecessoribus per Scotos illata, justam quoque causam domini Edwardi de Baylol regis Scotorum per conquestum, et quod concordia fuit inter ipsum et Scotos inita per prodicionem, ipso in minori etate notorie constituto et in custodia matris sue existente, que concilio Rogeri de Mortuo mari proditoris sui per omnia regebatur, factus autem vir, evacuans cum apostolo que parvuli erant, contra voluntatem matris sue collecta multitudine armatorum, non defensionem aut exaccionem sui iuris, set promocionem et sustentacionem iuste calumpnie sui amici Edwardi regis Scotorum pretendens, Berewicum viriliter est aggressus modicum ante festum sancte Margarete. Ubi obsessi multos cum rege Anglie et Scocie conquestore dolosos tractatus habuerunt, ut ipsos compescerent ab insultu, et auxilium ab extra promissum expectarent; quod venit, set incassum.

Note 1. Balliol was driven out by a sudden rising on the 13th December 1332. With the assistance of the English he laid siege to Berwick on the 12th March 1333. Deeds of King Edward III by Robert of Avesbury.

Note 2. The Brute chronicle (Harley MS. 2279).

Chronicle of Jean le Bel Volume 1. Thus the winter passed and the feast of Saint John [24th June] drew near. The German lords began to make their preparations to carry out their enterprise. The King of France made ready in response¹, for he knew something of their intentions. The noble King Edward had all his provisions prepared in England and his men-at-arms transported overseas as soon as St. John’s Day [24th June 1339] had come. He himself went to Vilvoorde and lodged his men there; and when the town was full, he had them quartered outside in the fields, along the meadows, in tents and pavilions. There they remained from the feast of St. Mary Magdalene [22nd July] until after Our Lady’s Day [15th] in September, waiting from week to week for the arrival of the other lords and for the long delays of the Duke of Brabant.

Or passa cel yver et la feste Saint Jehan aprocha. Ces seigneurs d'Alemaigne se commencerrent à appareillier pour achever leur emprise. Le roy de France se pourvey à l'encontre, car ils sçavoit partye de leur entention. Le noble roy Edowart fist toutes ses pourveances aprester en Angleterre et ses gens d'armes passer par deça la mer, si tost que le Saint Jehan fut venue, et s'en ala luy mesmes à Vilvorde et loga luy propre ses gens; et quant la ville fut plaine, il les fit logier dehors aux champs, contreval les prez, en tentes et paveillons, et là demourerent dès la feste de la Magdalaine jusques aprez la Nostre Dame en septembre, en attendant de septmainne en septmainne la venue des aultres seigneurs et les long dangiers du duc de Brabant.

Note 1. It was at Saint-Quentin that Philip VI of France assembled his army in order to block Edward III of England. Nangis: 'In the same year [1399], around the same feast [St Michael, 29th September], the king of England gathered a great army of Englishmen, Brabanters, Germans, mercenaries, and raiders, in order to invade the kingdom of France. The king of France, wishing to oppose him, assembled a very great, strong, and powerful army at Saint-Quentin in Vermandois. But since he wished to enter the frontiers of the empire more easily, he delayed battle for some time and waited for his army, which was not yet fully assembled.' The numerous receipts preserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale relating to service performed in that army show that men were summoned from mid-July until 27th October.

1. C'est à Saint-Quentin que Philippe VI réunit son armée pour arréter Édouard III (Chronographia Regum Francorum, t. Il, p. 66; Guillaume de Nangis, éd. H. Géraud, t. II, p. 163.) Les nombreuses quittances concernant le service fait à cette armée conservées à la Bibliothèque Nationale montrent que les hommes étaient convoqués pour jusqu'au 27 octobre, depuis le milieu du mois de juillet. Voy. en particulier, Bibl. nat., Scellés de Clairambautk, vol. 8, no 139; vol. II, n^o 57; vol. 12, n^os 28 et 29; vol. 13, n^os 12 et 13 et fol. 823; vol. 16, n^o 55, etc.

Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. King Edward of England, with very few ships and only a small band of armed men, prepared to cross over into Flanders. But, by God's will, being forewarned of the French fleet, which had almost covered the sea near Sluys, within about seven days, by travelling in person through various places and ports with only a very small retinue, he hastily gathered together shipping, a company of armed men, and archers as best he could. Having raised the sails¹ and committed the fleet to wind and sea, he landed prosperously near Sluys, about three miles from the town which is called Ays, on Friday at noon, the vigil of St John the Baptist. The French, with 250 ships, very well supplied with armed men and crossbowmen, positioned themselves at what was almost the mouth of the river flowing from Sluys into the sea. On Saturday, the feast of St. John the Baptist [24th June 1340], at sunrise, they furled their sails, and arranged their ships in four naval lines. The ships were lashed together with great iron chains and ropes. The French also hung their small boats in the middle of the masts, loaded with stones, and erected their wooden "castles" at the tops of the masts. The King of England sent the Bishop of Lincoln to the town of Ays, instructing him to gather the Flemings and the other English who were there, so that, when the time to attack the enemy was favourable, while the king was engaging the French, they might be ready to go out to battle. His hope, however, came to nothing: for in the fighting the Flemings stood on the seashore, merely watching the outcome of the battle so that, as was said, they might join whichever side proved victorious.

Rex Angliæ Edwardus cum paucis admodum navibus, et armatorum tenui manu, ad transfretandum versus Flandriam se paravit; sed, Deo volente, de classe Gallicana quæ mare juxta Sclusam, quasi operuerat, præmonitus, infra septem fere dies per loca diversa et portus in persona propria cum paucis valde equitando, navigium, armatorum copiam, et arcitenentes, meliori modo quo potuit, festinanter congregavit. Erectis velis, navigioque vento et mari commisso, juxta Sclusam ad tria milliaria ad villam quæ Ays dicitur die Veneris in vigilia Sancti Johannis Baptistæ quasi in meridie prospere applicuit. Gallici vero cum CCL navibus, armatorum et balistariorum multitudine optime munitis, quasi in ostio fluvii de Sclusa decurrentis, ad mare se statuerunt. Die autem Sabbati in festo Sancti Johannis Baptistæ, orto vix sole, velis depositis quatuor acies navales, colligatis magnis catenis ferreis et cordis insimul navibus, Gallici statuerunt, scaphasque suas parvulas lapidibus plenas, in medio mali suspendentes, castella sua lignea in summitate mali erexerunt. Misit autem Angliæ rex ad villam de Ays episcopum Lincolniensem ut Flandrenses et cæteros Anglicos ibidem repertos, cum tempus infestandi inimicos opportunum arrideret, rege Gallicos impugnante, congregaret, ac paratos exire ad bellum faceret; spes tamen ejus evanuit. In conflictu enim stantes in ripa maris Flandrenses exitum belli, ut parti victrici favere valerent, ut dicebatur, solum expectabant.

Note 1. King Edward set sail from Orwell on the 22nd of June, 1340, 'at about the first hour of the day,' [i.e. 6am] Rot. Claus. 14 Edward III p. 1, m. 12, d.; Rymer, Fœdera, 2.1129.

Deeds of King Edward III by Robert of Avesbury. "Louis, by the grace of God emperor of the Romans, ever august and illustrious, to Edward king of England, his most dear brother, greeting and the affection of sincere love. Although innumerable and great affairs rest upon our shoulders and we are continually and variously occupied with them, nevertheless when the discord between you and the illustrious Philip king of France, our most beloved kinsman, presents itself before our eyes, a discord from which, if it is not settled, very many losses of persons and goods may in the future arise to you and to your kingdom, it especially troubles and moves our mind that we should apply the effort and labour of our care to removing it. Therefore, we wish you to know that the aforesaid Philip, at our request, has granted us by his letters authority to treat concerning peace between you and him regarding the discord that has arisen between you. Believing that such an agreement would in many ways be advantageous to you and to your kingdom, after carefully weighing all the circumstances of your condition and of our alliances, we urge this upon your friendship and earnestly exhort you to give your consent to it, so that we may be able to bring you and him back to concord and establish true bonds of peace between you. To this work we are willing to devote ourselves with ready mind and diligent effort. If you are willing, as we hope, to consent to and accept our counsel, please grant us by your letters the authority mentioned above to negotiate the agreement and to arrange a truce for one or two years. Nor should the friendship that has been entered into and contracted between us and the aforesaid Philip king of France move you. For since you accepted truces and certain terms for treating of peace between you and the said Philip king of France without our knowledge, will, or consent, we, by the advice of our princes, who know our leagues, agreements, and alliances, and who judged that this could be done without harm to our honour, have concluded concord and friendship with the said king of France and entered into an alliance with him. For the same reasons we have revoked the vicariate which we had committed to you. Yet be assured that in our negotiations we will provide for you in a brotherly manner, so that if you are willing to follow our counsel your cause may, with our assistance, be brought to a favourable conclusion. In order to inform your friendship more fully of our intention in these matters, we send to your brotherhood the religious man Brother Eliarhard, lector of the Order of the Hermits of Saint Augustine and special chaplain of our court, whom we ask you to dispatch back to us promptly after hearing him on these matters. Given at Frankfurt on the twenty-fourth day of the month of June [1341], in the twenty-fourth year of our reign and the thirteenth year of our empire."

"Lodowicus, Dei gratia Romanorum imperator semper augustas præclarus, Edwardo regi Angliæ, fratri suo carissimo, salutem et sinceræ dilectionis affectam. Licet innumera grandiaque negocia nostris incumbant humeris et circa illa multipliciter et assidue distrahamur, tamen, cum discordia inter te et præclarum Philippam regem Franciæ, affinem nostram prædilectum, ex qua tibi et tuo regno quamplurima personarum et rerum dispendia, ipsa non sedata, in futuram poterunt evenire, se nostris representat optutibus, mentem nostram specialius angit et excitat, ut ad tollendum illam stadium et operam nostræ solicitudinis apponamus; propter quod scire te volumus quod præfatus Philippus, ad requisitionem nostram, dedit nobis suis literis potestatem tractandi inter te et ipsum concordiam super discordiam inter vos suscitatam, quam etiam tibi et tuo regno, pensatis diligenter omnibus conditionibus tuis et alligatoram tnoram, multipliciter expedire credentes amicitiæ tuæ persuademur, teque cam diligentia exhortamur ut ad hoc taum assensum præbeas, quod te et ipsum revocare possimus ad concordiam et inter vos vera pacis fœdera ordinare, ad quæ libenti animo vacare volumus et impendere operosa persecutione labores. In quo si consiliis nostris consentire et adquiescere volueris, ut speramus, placeat tibi nobis tuis literis dare potestatem præmissam tractandi concordiam et treugas ad annum vel biennium ordinandi. Neo te moveat amicitia inter nos et Philippum regem Francoram prædiotaum inita et contracta. Nam, ex quo tu treugas et certos terminos ad tractandum de concordia inter te et predictum Philippum regem Francorum accepisti absque nostro scitu,' voluntate, et assensu, de consilio nostrorum principum qui ligas, pacta,' et uniones nostras noverint, quibus visum fuit quod hoc, salvo honore nostro, facere possemus, concordiam et amicitiam cum dicto rege Francis contraximus et unionem inivimus, vicariatumque, tibi per nos commissum, ex causis revocavimus prænotatis, pro firmo sciturus quod in tractatibus nostris sic tibi fraterne providemus quod, si in nostris consilis adquiescere volueris, causa tua ad finem bonum, mediante nostro auxilio, perduceretur. Super quibus tuam amicitiam de nostra intentione plenius informandam, religiosum virum fratrem Eliarhardum, lectorem ordinis fratrum heremitarum sancii Augustini, specialem nostre curie capellanum, tus fraternitati transmittimus, quem petimus super premissis celeriter expeditum remitti. Dats Franchinforde, XXIIIJ die mensis Junii, regni nostri anno XXIIIJ, imperii nostri XIIIJ."

Adam Murimuth Continuation. Around the feast of the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist [24th June 1345], Henry, earl of Derby, and the earl of Pembroke, and Ralph, lord of Stafford, Walter Manny, and John Grey of Codnor, with a great company of men-at-arms and archers, crossed the sea toward Gascony. Having arrived there successfully, by the grace of God, they drew to themselves the lord of Albret and many other lords of that land, together with an innumerable people—at least those who owed allegiance to the king of England. And, having arranged all things necessary for war, they advanced against the French with armed force. And since they spent no time there in idleness but in toil for a year and more, God granted them such success that they always prevailed in battle against their French enemies, killing many, taking very many into captivity and imprisonment, and capturing countless towns and strongholds; so that it could truly be said of them, "Their sound has gone out into all the earth," etc.

Circa festum Nativitatis beati Johannis baptistæ Henricus comes Derbyæ, et comes Penbrokiæ, eb Radulphus baro de Stafford, Walterus de Mauny, et Johannes Grey de Codenore, cum grandi comitatu armatorum et archeriorum, transfretaverunt versus Vasconiam. Quibus ibidem, mediante gratia divina, prospere applicatis, attraxerunt sibi dominum de la Brete et alios dominos illius terræ quam plures, cum cetero populo innumerabili, illos saltem qui fidem debebant regi Angliæ. Qui, dispositis universis ad guerram necessariis, procedebant contra Gallos cum vi armata. Quibus in eisdem partibus non moram sed laborem trahentibus per unum annum et amplius, talem Deus contulit expeditionem, ut contra inimicos suos Francigenas semper prævaluerunt in conflictu, multos occidendo, quam plures in captivitatem incarcerationis ducendo, oppida et villas capiendo innameras; ita quod de illis veraciter dici potuit, "In omnem terram exivit sonus eorum," etc.

Deeds of King Edward III by Robert of Avesbury. "These are the stages of the chevauchée of my lord the Duke of Lancaster in Normandy, who had in his company Sir John de Montfort, who claimed to be Duke of Brittany, and who from childhood had been raised by the King of England. He had with him 200 men-at-arms and 800 archers. Sir Philip, brother of the King of Navarre, and Sir Geoffrey de Harcourt also came to him with 100 men-at-arms from the region; and Robert Knolles brought 300 men-at-arms and 500 archers from the garrison of Brittany. So in total, my lord the Duke had 900 men-at-arms and 1,400 archers. On Wednesday [22nd June 1356] before the feast of Saint John the Baptist, he departed from the abbey of Montebourg in the Isle of Cotentin and moved to Carentan, which lies five leagues inland, each of those leagues being longer than two English leagues, and he stayed there on the eve of the feast. On Friday, the feast itself 24th June, he moved again, passing before the strong town of Saint-Lô, and travelled to Torigny, which was eight leagues from there, and there he stayed on Saturday. On Sunday, he moved to Evrecy, traveling seven leagues. On Monday, he moved, passing before Caen, to the town of Argences, a distance of seven leagues. On Tuesday, he moved again, crossing the bridge of Corbon, which is an extremely strong fortress and the most fortified crossing in the realm, built across a marsh, and travelled seven leagues until he came to the city of Lisieux. On Wednesday, he moved six leagues to the town and castle of Pont-Audemer, which belonged to the King of Navarre. This castle had been under siege by a great number of men-at-arms and crossbowmen. But when they heard that my lord the Duke had crossed the bridge of Corbon, they fled by night in great haste, leaving behind all their siege engines and artillery, crossbows, pavises, and other various equipment. There, the Duke stayed on Thursday and Friday, to repair the mines that had been dug, so well and so close to the walls that only four feet remained before breaching the castle. He provisioned the castle for a year, and installed as castellan Sir John de Luc, a knight from Brabant, with 50 men-at-arms and 50 archers of his own household. On Saturday, he moved five leagues to the abbey of Bec-Hellouin. On Sunday, he moved to the town of Conches by eight leagues, where he assaulted the castle and took the outer bailey by force, and set it on fire. On Monday, he went to Breteuil, which belonged to the King of Navarre, where there was a very strong castle, also under siege by the king's enemies. But before the Duke's arrival, they had already departed. My lord provisioned that castle well, and the same day went two leagues off the road to a large walled town called Verneuil, which belonged to the Countess of Alençon. That town my lord took by assault, capturing many prisoners and much booty. That same Monday, he attacked a tower within the town, which was very strong, and endured the assault all that day, and on Tuesday and Wednesday until the hour of prime, at which time the tower was surrendered, with all the goods inside, under the condition that the occupants would be spared and not made prisoners. During the assault, many English were wounded by crossbow bolts and stones. The Duke ordered the tower destroyed, for it held many valuable goods. The town of Verneuil is only eighteen leagues from Paris, and is considered the capital of Normandy. On Thursday, my lord rested there to refresh his men. On Friday, while returning toward the Cotentin, my lord the Duke came to a town called L'Aigle, where Sir Charles of Spain had been put to death by King John of France."

"Ces sount lez journees de la chivache monseignur le duk de Lancastre en Normandie, qavoit en sa companye monsire Johan de Mounfort, qe chalange destre duyk de Bretaigne et de lenfaunce avoit este nurry od le roy Dengleterre, et avoit D hommes darmes et VIIJ^c archiers. Et sire Phelipe, frere au roy de Navarre, et sire Godefray de Harecourt vindrent a luy od C hommes darmes de le pays, et Robert Cnolles amesna del Garenstour de Brutayne CCC hommes darmes et D archiers; si qe mounsire le duyk avoit en toutz DCCCC hommes darmes et mil CCCC archiers. Et le Mescredy proschein devaunt la feste de seint Johan le baptistre se remus del abbeye de Mounteburghe en isle de Constantin a Carant, hors del isle, V lienes de la terre, dount chescun liene est plus long qe IJ lieues Dengleterre, et demurroit illesques la veille de la dite feste. Et le Vendredy, en la dite feste, il se remus, en passaunt devaunt la forte ville de Seintlou, tantqe a Troioye, gest dilleosqes VIIIJ lienes de la terre; et la demurroit il le Samady. Et le Demynge il se remus a Frosscye, par VIJ liemes de la terre. Et le Lundy il se remus, en passaunt par devant Caame, a la ville Dargentyn, par VIJ lieues de la terre. Et le Mardy il se remua, en passaunt le pount Corboun, gest un tres graunt forteresse et le plus forte passage qe soit de realme, en une mareys, par VIJ lienes de la terre, tantqe al cite de Lyseus. Et le Mekerdy il se remua par VJ lieues de la terre tantqe a la ville et le chastiel de Pountodomer, qe sount au roy de Navarre. Quel chastiel fust assiege ou tres graunt nombre dez geantz darmes et arblasters. Et gaunt ils oyeront ge mounseignur le duyk estoit passe le dit pount Corboun, ils se fuerent de nuyt ou trop graunt haste, issint qils lesserount toutz lours engynnes et artillers, arblastes, pavys, et aunltres herneys diverges. Ou il demurroit le Jeofdy et le Vendredy, pur refaire les mynes, qils avoient faitz tres biens et tres fortz a chastiel si pres qils ne faillerent forsqe de IIIJ pees de lez mures del chastiel; et fist vitailler le chastel pur un an, et myst leinz une chastelyn, monsire Johan de Luk, chivaler de Braban, od L hommes darmes et L archiers de ses gentz demene. Et le Samady il se remua dillesqes V lieues de la terre, al abbeye de Bekharlewyn. Et le Dymenge il se remus dillesqes tantqe al ville de Counse, par VIIJ lienes de la terre, od il fist assaut al chastiel et gayna la primere garde du chastiel par force et le fist mettre en fen. Et le Lundy il sen ala a Brycoyl, gest au roy de Navarre, la ou estoit une tres forte chastiel, assege par lez enemys le dist roy. Mes, devaunt la venue mounseignur le duyk, ils se departerount dillesqes. Le quele chastiel mounseignur fist bien vitailler; et sen ala mesme le jour IJ liecues dun ocoste au ume graunt ville murre, appelle Vernoyl, qest a la countesse de Alassoun. Quele ville monseignur gayna par assaut, ls ou estoient pris plasours prisoners et plusours® biens. Et tauntost mesme la Lundy il fist assailler une tour en la dite ville de Vernoyl, qestoit tres fort et endurra Iasxaut tout cele jour et le Marsdy et le Meskerdy tanqe al houre de prime, quele houre la tour luy feust rendus od touts les biens dedeinz la tour, en cel condicion qils deveroient aver lour vie et nient estre prisoners. En quele assant fasrent plusours Engleys naufrez de quarels et de peeres. Quele tour mounseignur fist destruire; et avoit illecsqes mults des biens. Et Ia dite ville de Vernoyl nest qe XVIIJ lieues de Parys, et est appelle le chief de Normandy. Et le Jeofdy mounseignur demurra illecsqes pur refressher ses gents. Et le Vendredy, en retournaunt devers la isle de Constantyn, mounseignur le duyk se remua a une ville gest appelle la Egle, ou mounsire Charles Despayne estoit mys a ls mort de le roy Johan de Fraunce."

Memoires Jacques du Clercq. When the King of France learned that the town of Caen was requesting to parley in order to arrange its terms, the king, placing God before his eyes and considering the pity it would be to destroy such a city, to violate and pillage the churches of God, and also to avoid the shedding of the blood of men, women, and children who might be within, consented to negotiate with them; and thus the town was received by agreement. Indeed, in truth, there was no doubt that, had it pleased the king, the town would have been taken by assault without remedy, and afterward also the castle and the keep, though not so quickly, for that castle is one of the strongest in Normandy, furnished with a strong enclosure and a great bulwark of very hard stone, set upon a rock, as large as the town of Corbeil or that of Montferrand. Within it is a very strong keep, made as a large and high square tower like that of London or of the castle of Amboise, and surrounded all around by four great masonry towers rising from the bottom of the ditches to the height of the ground, very tall; and it is enclosed all around by strong and high walls proportionate to those towers. Within this castle were the Duke of Somerset, his wife and children; and within the town were Sir Robert Vere [aged 40], brother of the Earl of Oxford, Sir Henry Redford, Sir Expansier, Henry Seandre, William Carne, Henry Lord Clogiet, Toucquet, Ethon, and many others, who were commanders under the Duke of Somerset of four thousand English for the defense of the town of Caen. During the siege these English sallied out several times against the French, and likewise the French against them, namely, for the King of France, the Count of Dunois, the seneschal of Poitou, and many others. When the English learned that the king was willing to parley with them and with those of the town, they appointed, with the king's consent, a place for negotiation. There, for the King of France, were deputed the Count of Dunois, the seneschal of Poitou, and Sir Jean Bureau, treasurer of France; and for the English, Sir Richard Kenton, bailiff of Caen, Foucquiers, Othon, and John Gages; and for those of the town, Ytasse Caninet, lieutenant of the bailiff, and the abbot of Saint-Étienne of Caen. These, assembled together, negotiated until, on the day after the feast of Saint John the Baptist [24th June], the agreement was concluded in the following manner: that the said English promised to place the town, castle, and keep into the hands and obedience of the King of France by the 1st day of July, provided that the king and his forces were not attacked by the English. In return, the Duke of Somerset, his wife, his children, and all other English who wished to depart might go, they, their wives and children, with horses, armour, and other movable goods; and they would be given ships and transport to carry them to England, and nowhere else, at their own expense. On condition also that the English would release all prisoners, would leave the townspeople unmolested, and would acquit all those of the town, churchmen, merchants, and others, of any debts owed to them, without exacting payment or taking anything from them upon their departure. They would also leave all artillery, great and small, except bows, crossbows, and hand-guns; and to ensure the observance of these terms, they would give as hostages twelve Englishmen from England, two knights of Normandy, and four burgesses of the town of Caen. On the 1st day of July, in the year 1450, they surrendered the town, castle, and keep of Caen, since no relief had come. The said bailiff brought the keys of the keep into the fields and placed them in the hands of the Constable of France, in the presence of the Count of Dunois, lieutenant general of the King of France; and the constable immediately delivered them to him as captain and governor of the said town and castle for the king. The constable remained in the field to oversee the departure of the English and to ensure they kept the road toward Cherbourg; and shortly thereafter the Count of Dunois, accompanied by the Marshal of France, the lord of Jalognes, preceded by two hundred archers on foot, and between them the heralds and trumpeters of the King of France, followed closely by three equerries bearing the king's banners, and behind them one hundred men-at-arms on foot, entered on foot through the keep into the town and castle, and had the king's banners set upon the keep and upon the gates of the town.

QUANT le roy de Franche sceut que ville de Caen requefoient parlamenteq pour trouver leui traictié, icelluy roy mectant Dieu devant ses yeulsx, regardaut la pitié que ce seroit de desu truire: une telle ville, et de violer et piller les eglises de Dieu; pour aussy eschevir l'effusion de sang de hommes; de femmes, etyde enfants qui dedans euiSseht pu estre,tués; Se consentist de parlamenter au eulx, ret: la ville fust receuptej ac composition, jasoit que: aila verité il n'y avoit. nulle; apparencc, que s'il eustopleu åwrey,quetlatville n'euist esté prinse d'assault sans nul remede et euist eu aprés le chastel et le donjon; mais non pas sitost, car icelluy chastel est l'ung des forts de Normandie, garni de haye et grand boulleovert de moult dure pierre, assis sur une roche, laqueelle contient autant que la ville de Corbeil ou celle de Montferrant, et y a dedans un donjon tres fort,fait d'une largeet haulte tour carrée de la fachon de celle de Londres ou du chastel d'Amboise, et environné tout autour de quatre grosses tours maconnées depuis le pied des fossés jusques au hault a l'esgal de la terre, lesquelles tours sont moult haultes; puis est fermé de fortes murailles et haultes tout autour, selon la quantité des tours dessusdites. Dedans icelluy chastel se tenoient le duc de Sombreset, ses femme et enfants, et dedans la ville, messire Robert Vere, frere du comte de Meffort, messire Henry Reddefort, messire Expausier, Henry Seandre, Guillaume Carne, Henry lord Clogiet, Toucquet, Ethon, et plusieurs aultres, lesquels estoient conduiseurs pour le duo de Sombreset de quatre mille Anglois pour la garde de la ville de Caen; lesquels Anglois durant le siege s'assemblerent par plusieurs fois etJ coururent sus aulx Franchois, et ce feirent pareillement les Franchois sur,les Anglois. C'est a sçavoir: pour le roy de Franche, le comte de Dunois, le seneschal de Poitou et plusieurs aultres. Quant les Anglois sceurent que le roy estoit content de tenir parlement a eulx et ceulx de la Nille, sy ordonnerent, par l'octroy du roy de Franche, certain lieu pour parlamenter; auquel lieu pour le roy de Franche feurent deputés le comte de Dunois, le seneschal de Poitou et messire Jean Bureau, thresorier de Franche; et pour les Anglois, messire Richard Kenton, bailly de Caen, Foucquiers, Othon, et Jehan Gages; et pour cculx de la ville, Ytasse Caninet lieutenant du bailly, et l'abbé de St Estienne de Caen, lesquels ensemble assemblés, parlamenterent tant que le lendemain du jour de St JehanBaptiste, fust le traictié faict par la maniere que s'ensuit; c'est a sçavoir: que les dessusdits Anglois promeirent de mectre les ville, chastel et donjon en -la main et obeissance du roy de Franché, endedans le premier jour de juillet, au cas. que le roy de Franche et sa puissance ne seroient combattus des Anglois, et moiennant ce, le duc de Sombreset, sa femme, ses enfants et touts les aultres Anglois qui s'en vouldroientaller, s'en Iroient, eulx, leurs femmes et enfants, chevaulx, harnois et aultres biens meubles; et avecq ce, pour les porter et mener, on leur bailleroit vaissaulx et charroy pour les passer en Angleterre et non ailleurs a leurs despens, a telle condition que les Anglois delibvreroient touts prisonniers; sy delibvreroient et laisseroient bourgeois, touts scellés, et sy quicteroient touts ceulx de la ville, tant gens d'eglise, marchands et aultres qui leur debvoient sans riens leur en faire payer, et sans encoires que pour ce, ils leur ostassent riens du leur, quant ils se partiroient de la ville; et avecq ce laisseroient toute artillerie, grosse et menue, rescrvés arcqs et arbalestres et coullevriues en main; et pour entretenir les choses dessusdites sans faillir, bailleroient les Anglois pour hostaiges, douze Anglois d'Angleterre, deux chevalliers de Normandie et quatre bourgeois de la ville de Caen; et le premier jour de juillet ensuivant, mil iiijc l, rendirent les ville, chastel et donjon de Caen pour ce qu'ils ne feurent point secourus; et en apporta les clefs aulx champs pour le dessusdit donjon, le dessusnommé bailly, et les meit es mains du connestable de Franche en presence du comte de Dunois, lieutenant general du roy de Franche, auquel incontinent les livra icelluy connestable comme le capitaine et gouverneur d'icelle ville et chastel pour le roy de Franche, et demoura le connestable aulx champs, pour faire wider les Anglois et leur faire tenir chemin droit a Caen, et au plutost après le comte de Dunois accompagnié du mareschal de Franche, Sr de Jalloingnes, debvant Iui deus cens archiers a pied, ct entre deux les heraulx et trompettes du roy de Franche, aprés lui joignant trois escuyers d'escurie, portants les bannieres du roy de Franche,et derriere cent hommes d'armes a pied, entra par le donjon a pied dedans la ville et chastel et feit mectre les bannieres du roy sur le donjon et sur les portes d'icelle ville.

Memoires Jacques du Clercq. Five days after the Duke Philip of Burgundy had thus been received, celebrated, and honoured in the town of Arras, the said duke assembled and summoned the three estates of the county of Artois. To these three estates he requested that, in order to resist the enemies of the faith, they would grant an aid of one hundred and twenty thousand gold crowns, each weighing seventy to the mark of Troy, which is eight ounces. At this request, the said three estates were greatly astonished; for the county of Artois in domain brought to the count no more than fourteen thousand francs. Nevertheless, both out of fear and affection, they agreed and promised to pay fifty-six thousand francs, on the condition that he would not levy the said money until he departed, with his army, to go against the said Turks; and the duke himself promised this. After this, the duke departed from the town of Arras and went into Flanders, Brabant, Hainaut, and elsewhere in his lands, where he likewise requested very large and heavy subsidies for the said expedition, which were partly granted to him, as stated above, both through fear and through goodwill. At this time, in the year 1455, around the feast of Saint John the Baptist [24th June], Raoul de Habare, brother of the lord of Habare, accompanied by fourteen or fifteen men, entered the city of Arras around six in the morning through the Master Adam gate. At this gate he left eight of his companions, and he with six others went inside to the cellar of the inn of the Crown in the city, which is between the church porch and the gate of Arras. There he seized in his bed, completely naked, a man named Estienne Braquet, sergeant of the provost of the city, dragged him out, and beat him so severely that two or three days later he died.

CINQ jours après ce que le duc Philippe de Bourgogne olt ainsy esté receu, festoyé et honoré en la ville d'Arras, ledit duc assembla et manda les trois estats de la comté d'Artois, aulxquels trois es tats il requist que, adfin de resister aulx ennemys de la foy, qu'ils volsissent faire ayde de six vingt mille couronnes d'or, les soixante dix pesant huict onces, qui est le marc de Troye, de laquelle ayde qu'il requit lesdits trois estats feurent moult esbahis; car la comté d'Artois en domaine ne vault au comte d'Artois, que quatorze mille frans; toutesfois, tant par crainte que par amour on lui accorda et promit payer cinquante six mille frans, moiennant qu'il ne leveroit point ledit argent jusques a ce qu'il se partiroit, et son armée avecq lui, pour aller sur lesdits Turcs, et aussy le duc de soy mesme le promit. Après ce fait le duc se partist de la ville d'Arras, et s'en alla en Flandres, Braband, Haynault et ailleurs ses pays, ou illecq il requit aussy moult grandes et grosses aydes pour faire ledit voyage, lesquels en partie on ly accorda, comme dessusdit est, tant par crainte que par amour. En ce temps, l'an mil iiija lv, ou environ le saint Jehan Baptiste, Raoul de Habare, frere germain du Sr de Habare, accompagnié de xiiijou xv hommes, entra en la cité d'Arras, environ six heures du matin, par la porte Maitre Adam; laquelle porte il laissa les huict de ses compagnons, et lui sixiesme alla ens au cellier de l'hostel de la Courronne, en la cité, qui est entre le portal de l'eglise et la porte d'Arras, et illecq print au lit tout nud ung nommé Estienne Braquet, sergeant du presvot de la cité, et le tira hors, et tant le bastit que deux jours ou trois après il mourut.

Memoires Jacques du Clercq. In the year 1455, the bishop of Utrecht, a great city situated between the lands of Holland and Frisia, died. After his death, the canons of that church elected as bishop the provost of the same church, who was brother to the Lord of Brederode. This lord bore the Order of the Duke Philip of Burgundy, that is to say the Order of the Golden Fleece, and was related to the duke. But before this election was made, the duke had already sent to request of the canons of the church of Utrecht, even before the bishop had died, that if the said bishop should die, they would choose as bishop David, his bastard son, bishop of Thérouanne. This they refused to grant. Therefore the duke sent to obtain the said bishopric for his son from the pope, who granted and confirmed the bishopric to the said David after the death of the bishop. And when, during that time, the bishop of Utrecht died, and after the duke had obtained this confirmation from the pope for David, he went into his land of Holland, to a town called The Hague, seeking by gentle means to persuade the people of Utrecht to accept his son as bishop. The duke arrived at The Hague around the feast of Saint Remigius [1st October] in the year 1455, and remained there until the feast of Saint John the Baptist in 1456 [24th June], without being able to reach agreement with the people of Utrecht. And when the duke saw that without force he would not place his son in that bishopric, he assembled his army near the city of Utrecht. After he had gathered his forces, the people of Utrecht came to terms with him, and a treaty was made between the duke and them on the condition that the said David would have the bishopric of Utrecht, with four thousand gold francs each year, and two thousand francs each year from the bishopric of Thérouanne, which made four thousand gold crowns.

En l'an mil iiij^e cinquante cinq, l'evesque d'Utrech, une grosse cité, située entre les pays de Hollande et le pays de Frise, mourut; après laquelle mort les chanoines de ladite eglise esleurent le presvot d'icelle eglise, lequel estoit frere du Sr de Brederode, lequel S de Brederode portoit l'ordre du duc Philippe de Bourgogne, qui estoit le Toison d'or, et estoit parent au duc; et ains ladite election faite, le duc envoya prier aulx chanoines de ladite eglise d'Utrech, et ains aussy que l'evesque fust mort, que se ledit evesque mouroit, qu'ils volsissent eslire a evesque David, son fils bastard, evesque de Therouanne, ce qu'ils ne voullurent accorder; pourquoy le duc envoya impetrer ledit evesquié pour son fils au pape, lequel confirma ledit evesquié audit David, après la mort de l'evesque; et comme ce temps pendant l'evesque d'Utrech mourut, après ce que le duc olt ladite confirmation du pape pour ledit David, il se transporta en son pays de Hollande, en une ville qu'on appelle La Haye en Hollande, contendant par doulce voye tant faire a ceulx d'Utrech, qu'ils receussent son fils a evesque; et arriva le duc a ladite Haye, environ le jour saint Remy, l'an mil iiij^e cinquante cinq, auquel lieu il sejourna jusques a la saint Jehan Baptiste, mil iiijo cinquante six ensuivant, sans qu'il sceut ne peult estre d'accord a ceulx d'Utrech; et quand le duc veit que sans forche il ne mectroit point son fils en ladite evesquié; sy assembla ses osts près de ladite ville d'Utrech; après ce qu'il ost assemblé ses osts, ceulx d'Utrech s'accorderent a lui, et fust le traictié fait entre le duc et ceulx d'Utrech, par telle condition que ledit David auroit l'evesquié d'Utrech, quatre mille frans d'or chacun an, et deux mille frans chacun an sur l'evesquié de Therouanne, qui font quatre mille courronnes d'or.

Memoires Jacques du Clercq. In that same year fifty-eight, toward the end of April, ambassadors from Charles, King of France, the seventh of that name, came to Philip, Duke of Burgundy, and informed him that King Charles had set a day to give judgment of release or otherwise concerning the Duke of Alençon, and also to treat certain matters touching the welfare of the realm, on the 15th day of June in the said year fifty-eight, at a town called Montargis, where he intended to assemble the peers of France, among whom the said duke was thrice a peer: namely, peer and dean of the peers by reason of his duchy of Burgundy, and peer by reason of his county of Flanders, and peer by reason of the county of Artois. After this notification made on behalf of King Charles, they summoned the duke to be present on that day, if it pleased him. The duke replied to the ambassadors that, although by the peace made between the king and himself in the city of Arras the king had no authority over his person, nor was his person in any way subject to him by that treaty, nevertheless, with God's will, he would be there. After this reply, the said ambassadors departed, and the duke sent Toison d'Or, his chief herald, to the king. And after that herald had departed, the duke had it proclaimed throughout all the principal towns of his lands that every man accustomed to bear arms, those holding fiefs and sub-fiefs, and the sworn archers and crossbowmen of the towns, should arm themselves and be ready in the field on the 24th day of June 1458. And the duke's proclamation stated that this was in order to go to Montargis on the appointed day to which King Charles had summoned him, and that it was his intention to go there with as great an array and force as he could muster.

OUDIT an cinquante huict, environ la fin du mois d'apvril, arriverent ambassadeurs de par le roy de Franche, Charles vij^e de ce nom, devers Philippe, duc de Bourgogne, lesquels signifierent audit duc que le roy Charles avoit prins jour pour baillier sentence de deslivrance ou aultrement au duc d'Allenchon, et aussy pour traicter d'aulcunes besoignes touchant le bien du royaume, au xvº de juing audit an cinquante huict, a une ville nommée Montargis, auquel lieu il avoit intention d'assembler les pairs de Franche, dont ledit duc estoit trois fois pair, c'est a sçavoir, pair et doyen des pairs, a cause de sa duchié de Bourgogne, et pair, a cause de sa comté de Flandres, et pair, a cause de la comté d'Artois; après laquelle signification faite de par le roy Charles, ils sommerent au duc qu'il fust a ladite journée, se bon lui sembloit; lequel duc respondit aulx ambassadeurs, que, jasoit que par la paix faite d'entre le roy et lui en la ville d'Arras, le roy n'avoit sur sa personne quelque commandement, et n'estoit sa personne en rien subjecte a lui par ledit traicté, toutefois, au plaisir de Dieu, il y seroit; après laquelle response, lesdits ambassadeurs partis, envoya Thoison d'Or, son premier herault, devers le roy; lequel Thoison d'Or parti, le duc feit publier par toutes les bonnes villes de ses pays, que tout homme qui avoit accoustumé de soy armer, fiefvés et arriere fiefvés, et archiers et arbaslestiers sermentés des bonnes villes se meissent en armes et feussent prests sus les champs le vingt quatriesme de juing cinquante huict, et contenoit le mandement dudit duc que c'estoit pour aller a Montargis a certain jour que le roy Charles lui avoit sommé qu'il y fust, sy estoit son intention d'y aller, a la plus grande arrivée et puissance qu'il pourroit.

Memoires Jacques du Clercq. Around the feast of Saint John the Baptist [24th June], in the year 1458, in the city of Naples, Alfonso, King of Aragon, King of Sicily, King of Naples, and lord of many other lands, and the richest king, as was said, that had been for a long time before him, ended his days and died a natural death. He left the kingdom of Naples with its dependencies, and likewise that of Sicily, to a bastard son he had, named Ferrand. And moreover he left to him, as was reported to Pope Calixtus, sixty thousand florins of gold, amounting to six million in gold, without counting his chapel, which was said to be the richest in the world, which he left to him with his jewels and treasury, valued, as was said, at more than a million. The said Alfonso, among many great vessels he had caused to be made for fighting at sea, had built a ship that was held to be the largest in the world; for it was so great that it could scarcely go to sea, and it was always kept in the port of Naples. A little before the king's death, this ship had been put out to sea; and at the very hour that King Alfonso died, it was brought back into the port of Naples, and upon arriving it struck the seabed so that it split apart, and broke the main mast, which was so large that five men could not have encircled it with their arms; and when it fell, the mast shattered the ship into more than a thousand pieces, and made such a great sound and noise that all in Naples and the surrounding region thought the land would collapse, as had happened in some places about two years before, as has been said above. Likewise, in the hall of King Alfonso, which was very beautiful and richly painted, there was a tabernacle above the seat where the king sat, gilded with fine gold and bearing painted arms and crowns; this tabernacle, eight days after the king's death, at the very hour he had died, broke together with its arms and crown, and fell down from above his seat. The said Alfonso, King of Aragon, was reputed a very bold and valiant man in war and otherwise, and very wise by natural sense, as he had well shown, for he had acquired most of the lands and kingdoms he held by force of arms and by the sword; and he also held, as was said, by force a part of the patrimony of the Church of Rome, although the pope did not make war upon him, the reason being, as was said, that he was so powerful and feared that no one dared to move against him. And although he was far from the lands of Philip of Burgundy, nevertheless the said king and duke were allied and companions in arms; the king bore the duke's order, which was the Golden Fleece, and the duke bore the king's order, which was a white band; and although they had never seen one another, they loved one another greatly, as was said. After his death, Pope Calixtus, although during Alfonso's lifetime he had agreed that his son should succeed to the kingdom of Naples, caused a revoking bull to be proclaimed, by which he expelled the bastard from the kingdom, not wishing him to succeed his father, and excommunicated him and his adherents, and all those who would give him aid or support, saying that the kingdom belonged to him, since Alfonso had no legitimate children. But after the death of Pope Calixtus, who died soon after the said king, Pope Pius received the bastard in homage for the kingdom of Naples, and it was said that the bastard had given a great sum of gold to Pope Pius.

ENVIRON le jour St Jehan Baptiste, mil iiija lviij, en la ville de Naples, Alphonse, roy d'Arragon, roy de Cecile, roy de Naples, et sieur de plusieurs aultres terres, et le plus riche roy, comme on disoit, qui avoit esté grand temps devant lui, cloist son dernier jour et mourut de mort naturelle, et laissa le royaume de Naples avecq les dependances, et illecq de Cecile, a ung fils bastard qu'il avoit nommé Ferrand; et avecq ce lui laissa, comme on certifia au St pere de Rome Calixte, six fois x mille florins d'or, qui font six millions d'or, sans sa chapelle qui estoit la plus riche du monde, laquelle il lui laissa avec ses joyaulx et sa credence qui valloient, comme on disoit, plus d'ung million; lequel Alphonse, entre aultres plusieurs grands vaisseaulx qu'il avoit fait faire pour combattre sur mer, avoit fait faire une navire, que on tenoit la plus grande du monde, car elle estoit sy grande que a grande peine pooit aller en mer, et estoit toujours au port de Naples; laquelle nef ung peu devant la mort du roy, on l'avoit mise en mer, et a ceste propre heure que icelluy roy Alphonse mourut, on ramena icelle nef au port de Naples, et a l'arrivée toucha au fond du gravier de la mer, tellement qu'elle se fendit, et rompit l'arbre du moilon, qui estoit de telle grosseur que cinq hommes ne l'eussent sceu embrasser aulx bras, et au cheoir ledit arbre rompit la nave en plus de mille pieches, et feit sy grand son et grande noise, que chacun de Naples et d'entour cuidoit que le pays deubt fondre, comme il avoit fait en aulcuns lieux environ deux ans devant, comme cy devant est dit. Et pareillement en la salle dudit roy Alphonse, qui estoit moult belle et richement peinctrée, en laquelle salle, il y avoit ung tabernacle dessus le siege ou le roy se seoit, lequel estoit doré d'or fin, et y estoient peinctes les armes et courronnées, icelluy tabernacle, huict jours après la mort dudit roy, a telle heure propre que le roy rendit l'ame, rompit avecq ses armes et sa courronne, et cheit de dessus son siege. Icelluy Alphonse, roy d'Arragon, estoit reputé très hardy et valliant homme de son corps en guerre et aultrement, et très sage de sens naturel, et bien le avoit monstré, car il avoit acquis la plus grande part des pays et royaume qu'il tenoit par forche d'armes et a l'espée; et sy tenoit, comme on disoit, par forche une partie du patrimoine de l'eglise de Rome, combien que le pape ne lui livroit la guerre, et estoit la cause, comme on disoit, qu'il 1 estoit sy fort et redoubté que nul ne se osoit mouvoir contre lui; et ja fust ce vray qu'il estoit bien loing des pays de Philippe de Bourgogne, toutesfois estoient alliés et compagnons d'armes lesdits roy et duc ensemble, et portoit le roy l'ordre du duc, qui estoit la Toison d'or, et le duc portoit l'ordre du roy, qui estoit une bande blanche; et combien qu'ils n'euissent oncques veu l'ung l'aultre, sy s'entre aimoient ils très fort, comme on disoit. Après la mort duquel, le pape Calixte, combien qu'il euist, durant la vie dudit Alphonse, accordé que son fils succedat au royaume de Naples, feit publier une bulle revocatoire par laquelle il chassoit le bastard du royaume, non voullant qu'il succedat a son père le roy, et excommunia le bastard et ses adherants, et touts ceulx qui lui presteroient ayde ne confort, et disoit le pape que le royaume lui appartenoit, puisqu'il n'avoit nuls enfants legitimes; mais après la mort du pape Calixte, qui mourut assés tost après ledit roy, le pape Pius receupt le bastard en hommaige du royaume de Naples, et disoit on que le bastard avoit donné grande somme d'or audit pape Pius.

Memoires Jacques du Clercq. The said defendants and respondents, on the contrary, alleged and maintained, and in particular the said bishop of Arras, wishing to assume warranty for his said vicars, for the bishop of Baruto, for the inquisitor of the faith, and for all the others, that according to the common disposition of the law, the cognisance, determination and punishment of the abominable crime of heresy or idolatry belonged and pertained to ecclesiastical judges, and that the principal matter now in issue, from which the appeals claimed by the said appellants were said to proceed, being a matter ventilated upon the said crime, was ecclesiastical, and that the Church had fully taken cognisance of it in its own forum and judgment, and had, due process having been followed, pronounced its sentence and caused it in part to be executed. And these matters being presupposed, the said defendants further alleged that they had done and acted nothing in this regard save for the confirmation of the Catholic faith, for the said officers of the bishop of Arras had proceeded against several persons charged and accused of the most wicked sect called Waldensianism, of whom some had been condemned and others acquitted, and in making and completing the proceedings against those persons, the said vicars and inquisitor had found that the said Collard de Beauffort was charged and accused of the said sect of Waldensianism by two men and two women detained as prisoners in separate prisons. Nevertheless, notwithstanding this, the said vicars had delayed proceeding to the arrest of the said de Beauffort until the officers of the ordinary justice of the town of Arras had represented to them that provision ought to be made concerning him, and therefore, after great deliberation, on the feast day of Saint John the Baptist [24th June] in the year 1460, the said de Beauffort had been seized as a prisoner by the lay officers of the said town, and because the matter concerned the faith, had been handed over to the said bishop of Arras and his officers, and lodged in a chamber with such guards as he had requested. And the said commissioners had interrogated him upon articles concerning the said crime, so that the truth might be known from him, but he had been unwilling to confess anything, whereupon the said commissioners, for that day, had withdrawn without proceeding further. And on the following day, when the said commissioners and others, to the number of about ten, returned to the said de Beauffort, Philip, the eldest son of the said de Beauffort, and also the lords of Rivery and Mailly, and other nobles and esquires in a great company, had come to meet the said defendants and had requested leave to speak with the said de Beauffort, which the said commissioners granted, though in the presence of some of them. And after they had spoken many words with the said de Beauffort, the said de Beauffort, being a prisoner, having first taken a solemn oath, when questioned in the presence of the said officers and of his kinsmen, without inducement, threats or any tortures, had said and confessed that within the past three years, with a certain woman called la Pigneresse, in the town of Arras, he had had dealings, and that one day they had agreed to lie together, and in making that agreement the said la Pigneresse had asked him to go with her on a little stick to a fair gathering, to which the said de Beauffort had answered that he was willing, and thereupon they had both descended the steps of the house of the said la Pigneresse. And the said la Pigneresse had anointed a certain stick with a black ointment, and afterwards both of them, as if on horseback, had mounted the said stick and found themselves swiftly in the wood of Mofflaines, where they had found many persons seated at table, the first of whom bore the form of a red ape, and had many dishes before them. Before that ape the said de Beauffort had been presented, and the said ape had spoken these words to him, namely, "You are welcome"; and after supper had been taken, the said ape had stretched out its right foot, which foot the said de Beauffort, bending his knees, while the others danced, had kissed. And afterwards, before they departed from the said wood, the said de Beauffort had carnally known the said la Pigneresse, and they had also returned to the house of the said la Pigneresse, with whom he had had dealings many times, and further he had disclosed that the devil was under the said form of an ape, and had also revealed the lots and the colours of the garments with which the others were clothed. Moreover, he had confessed and declared that he had again gone to the said Waldensianism with another woman called la Parcheminiere, where they had found one in the form of a black dog, who had promised him money, and to whom the said de Beauffort had offered the hair of his head as a gift, and that a third time he had been in the wood of Hautefontaine with one of his servants, and had there seen the evil spirit in the said form of an ape. And he had persisted many times in those confessions, which confessions having been examined by several universities, great doctors, and other notable and learned persons, the said commissioners, by their sentence pronounced in the sight of the people of the said town of Arras, after first absolving the said de Beauffort from the sentence of excommunication, had condemned him to imprisonment in the prisons of the said bishop of Arras for a term of years, and also in the sum of six thousand livres of the money of Artois, to be employed for the Catholic faith against the Turks and nowhere else, and to be placed in the town of Mechelen outside the power of the said bishop of Arras, and also in one thousand four hundred livres to be expended according to the declaration of the said sentence, from which sentence no appeal had been made. But after its execution, the said de Beauffort and his kinsmen had obtained relief in the matter of appeal, and had caused the said respondents and defendants to be notified and summoned. The said our kinsman the Duke of Burgundy had likewise maintained that the prosecution of the said matter had been undertaken in good faith by the said vicars of the bishop of Arras and the inquisitor of the faith, for the extirpation of so great an error which, he said, was spreading in those parts by the evil spirit, and that by reason thereof the said de Beauffort ought to be held inadmissible. Likewise the said de Saneuses had said and caused it to be proposed that he, being a notable knight of seventy years of age, very wealthy in movable and immovable goods, had always conducted and governed himself well and honourably without reproach, and had had great friendship with the said Collard de Beauffort, whose son Philip de Beauffort he had lifted from the sacred font at baptism and given his name to, so that the said Philip de Beauffort was his godson, and that during the pendency of the proceedings against the said Collard his father, the said Philip had drunk, eaten and conversed with the said de Saneuses, but that the said de Saneuses had only been present in making the said process at the request of the said vicars, and that it was the said vicars, and not he, who had condemned the said de Beauffort. And the said Pierre du Hamel, Gilles le Flameng, Jacques du Bois, Jacques Thiebaut, Jehan Pochon, Pierre le Brossart, Jehan le Boullengier, Mathieu Paille, Jehan Forme, Mathieu du Hamel, Jehan l'Hostellier and Guillaume de Bary likewise alleged that the said plaintiffs had been charged and accused of the crime of Waldensianism, sorcery or heresy in the manner and form aforesaid by certain of their accomplices, and that, after being questioned and proceedings having been taken against them in many and various penalties, as declared above, they had been condemned. Wherefore, by the means aforesaid and others more fully set forth in the proceedings, they concluded and required that by judgment of our said court the said appellants should be declared not admissible, or at least that their appeals should be held abandoned, and that the said appellants should be returned and restored at their own expense to the prisons of the said bishop of Arras, and that the said de Beauffort should in like manner make honourable and beneficial amends towards the said de Saneuses, as the said de Beauffort had concluded against him, and likewise that it should be declared that the said de Beauffort should perform the faith and homage owed by him, by reason of the lordship of Beauffort, which the said lord de Saneuses held in his hands; and further that the said defendants should be absolved from all petitions, requests and conclusions of the said plaintiffs, and that the said plaintiffs should be condemned in the damages, interest and costs of the said defendants and respondents. Our said Attorney General, reducing the contents of the said proceedings to their effect, likewise alleged and maintained that the said defendants, without any prior information, had caused the said plaintiffs and many others to be seized and imprisoned on the occasion of the said Waldensianism, and had caused them to be questioned and tortured on many occasions by grievous, cruel and intolerable tortures, and had drawn up their proceedings, without observance of legal order, making no mention of the said tortures, and had condemned them in various penalties and amends. Wherefore the same our Attorney General required that all the said proceedings, both in the court of the Count of Artois and in the ecclesiastical court, made in the said matter of Waldensianism, should be declared abusive, false and null, contrary to all order and form of justice, having been done by intolerable cruelties and otherwise than they ought to have been, and that as such they should be publicly broken, shattered and torn up in our court, or at the least annulled and brought to nothing, together with all sentences, judgments, confiscations of movable and immovable goods, monetary condemnations, exactions and all other things which had followed by means of those proceedings, sentences and judgments. And in so doing, that all and singular the movable and immovable goods of the said plaintiffs, seized by reason of the premises, should be restored to the heirs wherever they were of those who had been executed, and to each of the said plaintiffs in so far as it concerned them, and that other goods and sums of money should be rendered and restored to all those from whom they had been seized, extorted and exacted, and that to effect this the said defendants and each of them should be compelled, and likewise all arrests, seizures and impediments placed upon such goods should be removed and lifted at their expense. And that the said plaintiffs should be restored to the honour, fame and estate in which they had stood before the said proceedings, and that in the places where the said condemned persons had been executed, and the others preached, scaffolded and mitred, and in the principal place where they had been preached, the said defendants should cause a stone cross to be built and erected as a sign of perpetual memory, in which the substance of the reparation should be contained, and that the said lay defendants should be punished with corporal and public punishment according to the exigency of the case; or otherwise, that in our said court, and in the places where the said abuses had been perpetrated and committed, they should make honourable amends, saying and declaring that they had falsely, unjustly and otherwise than was due committed and perpetrated the aforesaid excesses and abuses, and for that cause asking pardon of God, of us, of justice, and of the said plaintiffs and the heirs of those executed. And that, by way of beneficial amends, the said defendants and each of them jointly should be condemned in the sum of ten thousand gold crowns towards us, and to be held in close prison until the full satisfaction and completion of the premises, and further, at the instance of our said Attorney General, to cause five hundred Masses to be said and celebrated in the said cathedral church of Arras, of which three should be in a loud voice and the others in a low voice on those days on which the condemned persons had suffered the last penalty, and also to found in the said church a chaplaincy furnished with chalices, copes, chasubles and all other fitting ornaments, and to endow it with one hundred livres of duly mortmain revenue, so that one Mass should be said there each day for the salvation and remedy of the souls of the said deceased, and that all sums of money taken, exacted, extorted and levied from them should be rendered and restored to the said deceased and to the other living plaintiffs, or to their heirs, and that the said vicars of the bishop of Arras, and all others and each of them, should be forbidden and prohibited henceforth from using the aforesaid tortures and examinations, under pain of one hundred marks of gold, to be applied to us.

Memorati vero deffensores et intimati ex adverso dixissent et præsupposuissent, et signanter dictus episcopus atrebatensis, garandiam pro dictis suis vicariis, episcopo de Baruto, inquisitore fidei, ac cæteris aliis in se suscipere volens, quod secundum juris communem dispositionem, cognitio, decisio et punitio de nefando hæresis seu idolatriæ crimine ad judices ecclesiasticos spectabat ac pertinebat, quodque principalis materia de qua nunc agebatur et unde appellationes per dictos appellantes prætentes procedebant, super dicto crimine ventillata materia præ ecclesiastica erat; de qua etiam ecclesia in suo foro et judicio integraliter cognoverat, taliterque processibus debitè factis suam sententiam protulerat et partim exsequi fecerat; hisque præsuppositis dicebant ulterius dicti deffensores quod quicquam in hac parte, nisi pro confirmatione fidei catholicæ fecerant seu egerant; nam jam dicti officiarii episcopi atrebatensis plures personas de nefandissima secta valderiæ nuncupata, oneratas et accusatas in processu posuerant, quarum aliæ condemnatæ, aliæ absolutæ fuerant, earumdemque personarum processus faciendo et perficiendo dicti vicarii et inquisitor, jam dictum Collardum de Belloforti de dicta secta valderiæ per duos viros et duas mulieres in diversis carceribus prisonnieros detentos, oneratum accusatumque invenerant; his tamen non obstantibus dicti vicarii ad captionem dicti de Belloforti procedere distulerant donec gentes justitiæ ordinariæ villæ atrebatensis, eisdem vicariis quod super facto ejusdem de Belloforti provideri debebat, demonstraverant, et propterea magna deliberatione præhabita, die festi beati Joannis Baptistæ, anni 1460, dictus de Belloforti per officiarios laïcos dictæ villæ prisonnierus captus, ac eo quod de fide quæstio erat, jam dicto episcopo atrebatensi ac suis officiariis redditus, ac in una camera cum talibus custodibus quos habere requisiverat, conductus fuerat; quem dicti commissarii super articulis dictum crimen concernentibus, ut ab eo sciretur veritas, inter rogaverant, sed ipse nihil confiteri voluerat; ob quod ipsi commissarii pro illa die absque aliter procedendo, recesserant; et die sequenti, dum sæpè dicti commissarii et alii usque ad decennarium numerum, erga dictum de Belloforti reverterentur, Philippus dicti de Belloforti, filius natu major, nec non domini de Rivery et de Mailly, aliique nobiles et scutiferi in magna comitiva iisdem deffensoribus obviam occurrerant, et dictum de Belloforti alloqui requisiverant, quod fieri dicti commissarii in præsentia tamen nonnullorum ex ipsis concesserant; et postquam plura verba cum eodem de Belloforti habuissent, dictus de Belloforti prisonnierus, juramento solemni prius præstito, interrogatus in præsentia dictorum officiariorum suorumque parentum, absque inductione, minis neque aliquibus torturis, dixerat et confessus fuerat, quod a tribus annis citra ipsius cognitionem cum una muliere, la Pigneresse vocata, in villa atrebatensi rem habuerat, et una dierum in simul cubare seu jacere concluserant; quam conclusionem faciendo dicta Pigneresse ipsi de Belloforti in villeto ad unam pulchram comutinam pergere petierat; ad quam idem de Belloforti istud benè velle responderat, et ex tunc ipsi ambo gradus domus dictæ Pigneresse descenderant; quæ quidem la Pigneresse quemdam baculum uno nigro unguento unxerat, et postea uterque, ut eques, dictum baculum ascenderat et raptim in nemore de Mofflaines se repererat, et ipsi in dicto nemore plures personas, prima quarum speciem simiæ rufæ gerebat, ad mensam sedentes, multas epulas habentes, invenerant et repererant. Coram qua simia ipse de Belloforti præsentatus fuerat, cui dicta simia hæc verba videlicet, vos-bene veneritis, protulerat; et post coœnam peractam dicta simia pedem dextrum tetenderat, quem pedem dictus de Belloforti, genibus per eum flexis, aliis tripudiantibus, deosculatus fuerat; et postea idem de Belloforti, antequam a dicto nemore exirent, dictam la Pigneresse carnaliter cognoverat, et adhuc in domum dictæ la Pigneresse redierant, cum qua etiam ipse rem pluries habuerat; et ultra diabolum sub dicta figura simiæ esse, sortes etiam et colores vestium quibus alii induebantur declarando, revelaverat. Præterea quod in dictam valderiam, cum quadam alia, la Parcheminiere vocata, iterum fuerat, ubi quendam in speciem unius nigri canis, qui sibi pecunias promiserat, repererant; cui dictus de Belloforti capillos sui capitis dono præsentaverat, et tertio ipsum in nemore Alti-fontium cum quodam suo servitore fuisse, et ibidem malignum spiritum in dicta simiæ specie vidisse responderat et confessus fuerat; et in illis confessionibus pluries relictis perseveraverat, quibus quidem confessionibus per plures universitates magnosque doctores et cæteras alias personas egregias et scientificas visis, dicti commissarii per eorum sententiam in conspectu populi dictæ villæ atrebatensis prolatam, ipso de Belloforti a sententia excommunicationis prius absoluto, ad prisonem in carceribus dicti episcopi atrebatensis spatio annorum tenendum, nec non in sex millium librarum summam monetæ Artesii pro fide catholica adversus Turcos et non alibi impendendam ac in loco de Malinnes extra potestatem dicti episcopi atrebatensis ponendam, nec non in mille quadringentis libris secundum declarationem dictæ sententiæ impendendis condemnaverant, a qua quidem sententia minimè appellatum exstiterat; sed post executionem ipsius, dictus de Belloforti et ejus parentes re levamentum in causa appelli obtinuerant, ac jam dictos intimatos ac deffensores intimari et adjournari fecerant. Prædictus vero consanguineus noster dux Burgundiæ prosecutionem dictæ materiæ pro bona fide et pro abjuratione tanti erroris qui maligno spiritu ad partes augere dicebat, per jam dictos vicarios episcopi atrebatensis ac inquisitorem fidei factam fuisse, et ob hoc dictum de Belloforti inadmissibilem fore similiter proposuisset pariterque dictus de Saneuses dixisset et proponi fecisset, quod ipse de Saneuses notabilis miles in ætate septuagenaria constitutus, multum dives in bonis tam mobilibus quam immobilibus erat, ac benè et honorabiliter absque opprobrio sese rexerat ac gubernaverat, ac cum dicto Collardo de Belloforti magnam amicitiam habuerat, cujus filium Philippum de Belloforti vocatum ex sacris fontibus baptismatis nomen sibi imponendo levaverat, ipse Philippus de Belloforti, ejus filiolus, processu dicti Collardi sui patris pendente et durante cum eodem de Saneuses biberat, manducaverat ac conversus fuerat, sed dictus de Saneuses ad dictum processum faciendum ad requestam dictorum vicariorum dumtaxat sese repererat, dictique vicarii, et non idem de Saneuses dictum de Belloforti condemnarant. Præfati vero Petrus du Hamel, Ægidius le Flameng, Jacobus du Bois, Jacobus Thiebaut, Joannes Pochon, Petrus le Brossart, Joannes le Boullengier, Matheus Paille, Joannes Forme, Matheus du Hamel, Joannes l'Hostellier et Guillelmus de Bary dicebant similiter quod dicti actores eo crimine valderiæ, sortilegii seu hæresis modo et forma præfatis, per quosdam suos complices onerati et accusati fuerant, ob quod ipsis interrogatis, processibus contra eos factis in multis et diversis emendis, superius declaratis, condemnati fuerant; quare mediis præfatis et aliis latiùs in processu deductis et propositis, concludendo etiam petebant et requirebant. Dicti intimati et deffensores per arrestum dictæ curiæ nostræ dici et declarari jam dictos appellantes minimè fore admittendos, saltem suas appellationes desertas esse, ipsosque appellantes ad carceres dicti episcopi atrebatensis ipsorum expensis reddi et restitui debere, præfatumque de Belloforti in similibus emendis honorabilibus et utilibus erga dictum de Saneuses, prout ipse de Belloforti adversus ipsum concluserat, ipsum de Belloforti fidem et hommagium per eum, ratione domini de Belloforti, quod dictus dominus de Saneuses in suis manibus tenebat fore, fecisse similiter declarando; nec non memoratos deffensores ab omnibus petitionibus, requestis et conclusionibus, ipsorum actorum absolvi, eosque in ipsorum deffensorum et intimatorum damnis, interesse, et expensis condemnari. Memoratus procurator noster generalis, contentum dictis processibus ad effectum reducendo, dicebat etiam et proponebat quod prædicti deffensores absque informatione præcedente jam dictos actores et cæteros alios occasione dictæ valderiæ capi ac incarcerari, ac eos enormiter diversis vicibus, crudelibus et intollerabilibus torturis quæstionari et torturari, ipsorumque processus, absque juris ordine servato, de dictis torturis nulla habita mentione, fecerant, ac eos in diversis pænis et emendis condemnaverant; ob quod idem procurator noster generalis, omnes prædictos processus, tam in curia comitis Artesii, quam in curia ecclesiastica, in dicta materia valderiæ factos, abusivos, falsos, nullos, contra totum ordinem et formam jus titiæ per crudelitates intollerabiles, et aliter quam debitæ factos fuisse, dici ac declarari, ac tamquam tales publicé in nostra curia disrumpi, frangi et lacerari, saltem per ipsam, cum omnibus sententiis, judiciis, confiscationibus bonorum mobilium et immobilium condemnationibusque pecuniarum, exactionibus et cæteris aliis quæ medio processuum, sententiarum et judiciorumunde secuta fuerunt adnullari et adnihillari, et id faciendo, omnia et singula bona mobilia et immobilia dictorum actorum ratione præmissorum capta, hæredibus ubicumque illorum qui executati fuerunt, et cuilibet ipsorum actorum in quantum eos concernebat, alia autem bona et denariorum summas omnibus illis a quibus extortæ et exactæ fuerant reddi et restitui, ad eosque faciendum jam dictos deffensores et quemlibet ipsorum compelli nec non omnia arresta, manusumsias et impedimenta super hujusmodi bonis posita, suis expensis amoveri et levari; dictosque actores, in suo honore fama et statu in quibus ante dictos processus erant, reponi ac prædictos deffensores in locis in quibus dicti condemnati, executati, et cæteri alii prædicati, scalfaudati et mittrati fuerant, et in loco principali in quo prædicati exstiterunt, unam crucem lapideam in signum perpetuæ memoriæ, in qua casus reparationis contineatur construi et erigi, præfatosque deffensores laï- cos pœna corporali et publica secundum casûs exigentiam puniri; sin autem etiam in dicta curia nostra in locis in quibus dicti abusus fuerunt perpetrati et commissi, emendam honorabilem faciendum, dicendo et proferendo quod ipsi falso, iniquè ac aliter quam debitè supradictos excessus et abusus fecerant, commiserant et perpetraverant, et ob hoc, Deo, nobis, justitiæ et dictis actoribus ac hæredibus executatorum veniam exposcendo, et pro emenda utili dictos deffensores, et quemlibet ipsorum in solidum in decem millium scutorum auri summa erga nos, et ad tenendum carcerem fermatum usque ad plenariam satisfactionem et complementum præmissorum, et ex beneficio dicti procuratoris nostri generalis ad in dicta ecclesia cathedrali atrebatensi quingentas missas, quarum tres alta voce, altera voce submissa diebus illis quibus condemnati ultimo supplicio executati fuerant, dici et celebrari faciendum, nec non in dicta ecclesia unam capellaniam, calicibus, cappis, casulis et cæteris aliis ornamentis decentibus munitam, fundandam, ac illam de centum librarum reditu debitè admortisato dotandam; pro in ea qualibet die unam missam, ob dictorum defunctorum animarum salutem et remedium dicendo, et ad eisdem defunctis et aliis actoribus viventibus, seu eorum hæredibus omnes denariorum summas super eis captas, exertas, extortas et levatas reddendum et restituendum condemnari, supradictisque vicariis dicti episcopi atrebatensis, ac omnibus aliis et cuilibet ipsorum ne ipsi a modo torturis quæstionibusque supradictis uterentur, sub pœna centum marcarum auri, nobis applicandarum, inhiberi et defendi.

Memoires Jacques du Clercq. On the following Tuesday, the feast day of Saint John the Baptist [24th June 1460], the said Robert de Marquais arrested Sir Payen de Beaufort, a knight, a noble man and one of the ancient bannerets of Artois, about seventy-two years of age, and possessing an income of five or six hundred francs, as one accused of being a Waldensian. Before he was arrested, the said Lord of Beaufort knew well that he was accused of being a Waldensian, and he had been warned to take care. But he replied to those who told him this that, even if he were a thousand leagues away and knew that he was accused, he would return to clear himself and feared nothing. For this very reason he came to the town of Arras to present himself and justify himself. Even after he had arrived in Arras, at his lodging called Quiefvrette, which was his own, his eldest son and other friends earnestly begged and urged him that, if he felt himself guilty of the said crime, he should withdraw. He replied again that he would do no such thing and that he feared no man. There he made the most solemn oath he could, giving his soul to all the devils of hell and renouncing the glory of paradise if he knew what the said Waldensianism was or if he were guilty of it, and he swore that he was innocent. Nevertheless, that very day, as has been said, he was arrested after dinner by the lieutenant of Arras, though not yet placed in prison. The said Lord of Beaufort asked the lieutenant to take him before the Count of Étampes, who was then in the town of Arras for this matter, which the lieutenant did. But when the Lord of Beaufort came before the count, intending to justify himself, the count refused to speak with him, and instead ordered Sir Hugues de Mailly, knight, Lord of Boullencourt, a close relative of the said Lord of Beaufort, together with Guillaume de Berry, lieutenant of the bailiff of Amiens, and the lieutenant of Arras, to take him publicly to the bishop's prison. This the knight did, taking the Lord of Beaufort by the arm and leading him publicly, between four and five o'clock, into the city and to the bishop's prison. Several of his sons accompanied him as far as the prison, as well as a man named Jacques Guillemant, who had married his sister, a bastard. This Jacques was the son of a canon of Arras, and he too was detained in prison with the said Lord of Beaufort, as one accused of being a Waldensian. This Jacques was known for curing people of fevers by means of words, and many people had confidence in him, though this was against the commandment of God and of the Church.

Le mardy ensuivant, jour de saint Jehan Baptiste, par ledit Robert de Marquais, fust prins messire Payen de Beauffort, chevalier, noble homme et une des anchiennes bannieres d'Artois, agié de lxxij ans ou environ, et riche de v a vje francs de rente, comme accusé d'estre vauldois; icelluy Sr de Beauffort, aincheis qu'il fust fait prisonnier, sçavoit bien qu'il estoit accusé d'estre vauldois, et lui avoit on dit qu'il se gardast, mais il repondit a ceulx quilui dirent, que s'il estoit mille lieues loing et qu'il sceut qu'il en fust accusé, sy reviendroit il pour s'en excuser et ne craignoit rien; pour ce cas mesme vint en la ville d'Arras pour se monstrer et excuser, et encoires lui venu en ladite ville d'Arras, en son hostel del Quiefvrette qui estoit sien, son fils aisné et aultres ses amis lui prierent et requirent très instamment que s'il se sentoit coupable dudit crime, il se voulsit absenter; lequel leur repondit derechief qu'il n'en feroit rien et qu'il ne craignoit homme, et illecq leur feit le plus solemnel serment qu'il poeult, en donnant son ame a touts les diables d'enfer et en renonchant a la gloire du paradis, s'il sçavoit que c'estoit ladite vaulderie et s'il en estoit coupable, et jura qu'il en estoit innocent; toutesfois celuy propre jour, comme dit est, fust prins a l'après disner par le lieutenant d'Arras sans le tenir prisonnier, lequel Sr de Beauffort pria audit lieutenant qu'il le menat devers le comte d'Estampes, lequel pour ceste heure estoit en la ville d'Arras, venu pour ceste cause; ce que feit le lieutenant. Et comme le Sr de Beauffort fust venu devers le comte pour se cuider excuser, le comte ne voullut parler a lui, ains commanda ledit comte a messire Hues de Mailly, chevalier, St de Boullencourt, prochain parent dudit Sr de Beauffort, que accompagnié de Guillaume de Berry, lieutenant du bailly d'Amiens et du lieutenant d'Arras, il le menat publiquement en la prison de l'eveque, ce que feit ledit chevalier, et prist ledit Sr de Beauffort par le bras et le mena publiquement entre iiij et v heures en ladite cité en la prison de l'eveque, et allerent jusques en ladite prison plusieurs de ses fils et ung nommé Jacques Guillemant, lequel avoit epousé sa sœur, bastarde, lequel Jacques estoit fils d'un canoine d'Arras, et lequel Jacques fust aussi detenu prisonnier avec ledit Sr de Beauffort, comme accusé d'estre vauldois; icelluy Jacques usoit de guerir gens de fievres par parolles et y avoient plusieurs gens fianche, mais c'estoit contre le commandement de Dieu et de l'eglise.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1509. 24th June 1509. The Bishop of Canterbury, Chancellor, the Bishop of Winchester, Privy Seal, the Bishop of Durham, Secretary, my Lord Treasurer, the Master of the Rolls, the Lord Herberd, King's Chamberlain, Sir David Owen, first carver, Richard Hastynges, first cup-bearer, Sir William Vampage, first sewer, Henry Wyott, Master of the Jewel House, William FitzWilliam [aged 19], second cup-bearer, Sir Thomas West, second carver, Sir Andrew Wyndesore, Master of the Great Wardrobe. The King's Bench:—Sir William Fyneux, Chief Justice, Robert Brudenell and Humphrey Conysby, justices. The "Comyn Place":—Sir Robert Redd, Chief Justice, Sir John Fyssher, John Butteler, and William Greveld, justices. Barons of the Exchequer:—Sir William Hoody, Chief Baron, Barth. Westby, William Bollyng, John Aleyn. The King's serjeants:—Ric. Elyott, Lewis Pollard, John Ernley, King's attorney, William Porter, Clerk of the Crown, Edward Lewkenour, gentleman usher.

The King's Household:—The Earl of Shrewsbury [aged 41], steward, Sir Thomas Lovell, keeper of the Great Wardrobe of the Household, Sir Edward Ponynges, controller. Counting House: John Shurley, cofferer, William Atlyff, Thomas Byrkes, John Miklowe, clerk controller, John Robyns, clerk of records, Edward Welden, clerk cofferer, Thomas Darell, yeoman usher. Bakehouse: Richard Guyll, serjeant, John Bartilmewe, clerk, John Downer, yeoman "for the mouth," Henry Freyne, yeoman furnour, John Skern, purveyor, Henry Perkyn, groom purveyor, Hugh Mathewe, yeoman garnetor. Pantry: Stephen Coope, serjeant, Edward Addeley, yeoman for the mouth, Griffith Gwyn, groom for the mouth, Richard Bendon, William Busshe and Robert Rochester, yeomen of the Hall, John Knolles, yeoman "brewer," Richard Carpenter, John Egleston and Robert Johnson, grooms of the Hall, Thomas Blythe and Thomas Brampton, pages of the Hall. Cellar: Roger Mynors, serjeant, Thomas Bell, yeoman for the mouth, John Brent, groom for the mouth, Edward Atwood, yeoman "brewer," Ralph Annesley and Thomas Parker, grooms at the bar, Henry Hakker and Noel Loveday, pages, Alen Kyng, yeoman purveyor, Maurice Apparrey, yeoman for the bottles. Buttery: William Hogeson and William Bawdy, yeomen, Edward ApJohn, John Gylmyn and John Saulkyll, grooms, Thomas Annesley and Richard Parker, pages, William Kerne, yeoman ale taker, Thomas Cooke groom ale taker, William Bowman, groom ale taker. Pitcher House: Thomas Orme and George Vanhorn, yeomen, William Depyng, John Parre and John Man, grooms, John Stanbanke and Thomas Peper, pages. Spicery: Nicholas Hill, chief clerk, Nicholas Uddelston, second clerk, John Mery, under-clerk, William Herd, yeoman powderbeter. Confectionary: Richard Babbam, serjeant, Robert Dowker, yeoman, John Wolbaston, groom, William Towres, page. Wafery; Robert Lee, groom. Chaundry: John Ketilby, serjeant, John Symond, and William Rutter, yeomen, Richard Merston and William Coterell, grooms, Robert Spurnell, page. Ewery: George Brocas, serjeant, Edm. Lovesey and William Wymbysshe, yeomen, Roger Bedyll, yeoman for the Hall, William Davy and John Edwardes, grooms, Thomas Pacheford and Thomas Wyldyng, pages. Laundry: Hugh Deane, yeoman, Robert Bryce, Thomas Morres and Thomas Judde, grooms, John Sutton and John Mylt, pages. Kitchen: Ant. Legh, chief clerk, Edward Atclyff, 2nd clerk, John Cony, 3rd clerk, Thomas Barowe, master cook, John Case, yeoman for the mouth, William Meryman, Pero and John Hunt, yeomen, William Bolton and George Nelson, grooms, Robert Elys, yeoman for the Hall, Gilbert Alençon, Nicholas Lenton, and James Dewam, yeomen, William Beryman, groom of the Hall, Lancelot Clerk and William Mayo, grooms. Larder: John Ricroft, serjeant, William Blaknall, clerk, John Forster, yeoman for the mouth, John Gogh, yeoman usher, John Dale, yeoman of the larder, Richard Appulby, groom usher, Thomas Assheley, Robert Warner and James Michell, grooms, John Grove, page. Boiling House: Roger Elys, yeoman, William Stephyns and Thomas Russell, grooms. Accatry: Brian Roche, serjeant, Gervas Buklond, clerk, Edm. Sherp, yeoman for the mouth, John Stratton, yeoman of the store, William Honnyng, yeoman fisher, John Plome, yeoman butcher, Thomas Randolff and Robert Newman, yeomen, Thomas Raven, groom butcher, Robert Steyneford, groom, Richard Cudd and Richard Gybons, herds, James Huddylston, keeper of Creslowe, William Atkynson, pig taker. Poultry: Thomas Ynglysshe, serjeant, William Bonde, clerk, William Burwell, Thomas Strode and Nicholas Warde, yeomen purveyors, John Lylle, Thomas Shalford and John Botyll, grooms. Scaldinghouse: William Thomson, yeoman, Richard Hill, Rog. Kylward, Thomas Hervy, Rob. Lewesham, and John Proctour, grooms. Squyllary: John Sterkey, serjeant, Richard Anyden, clerk, John Dey, yeoman for the King, John Spokesman, yeoman, John Lovedey, yeoman for the Hall, John Harreson, yeoman, Boyt Joys, James Skelton and William Foly John, grooms. Saucery: Richard Pyttour, serjeant, Ant. Neele, clerk, John Fulmer and John Congell, yeomen, Ralph Holyn, John Summan, Gilbert Borowe and William Seynt, grooms. The Hall: Chr. Vyncent, John Stephyns, John Lytcote, John Gyttons and Morgan Holand, marshals, William Lathebury, serjeant, Richard Lee, clerk, William Chace, Richard Benson, John Hewett and Edward Ouseley, yeomen, John Kyllyngworthe, John Parker, John Savell, John Henkyn and Robert Bowyngton, grooms, Robert Clerk and John Tirrill, pages. Porters: Thomas Fogg, serjeant, Evan ap Rice, Thomas Greves, John Lynsey, John Passey, Robert Maunger and Robert Thornhey, yeomen, Hugh Jeynyng and John Jely, grooms. Harbingers ("Harbegeours"): Thomas Mathewe, gentleman, Humphrey Wylede, William Treswell, Thomas Ward and Richard Twety, yeomen. Almonry ("Amnosnery"): Doctor Ednam, great almoner, Sir John Hawkesfeld, under-almoner, John Hether and Thomas Dey, yeomen, Ric Dyves and John Dey, grooms. Mr. Robert Yong, confessor of the Household, William Edwardes, surveyor for the King, Edward Otheney, sewer of the Hall, William Fynall, John Segysmond and John Lloyd, sewers, Thomas Rider, surveyor for the Hall, Thomas Mangall, surveyor. Cart takers: John Ewdale, yeoman, and John Sherp, groom. Servitors of the Hall: Robert Whitlok, Thomas Dederygh, Edm. Sampson, Richard Stylbarnd, John Gogh, Robert Colle, Robert Dyker, Henry Kyghley, Reynold Hylles, Maurice Kydowen, Simon Symms, Roland Roosse.

Continues ...

Letters and Papers. 24th June 1536. R. O. 1193. John Husee to Lady Lisle [aged 42].

Has this day received her letter by Corbet, and with it £4, which he has delivered to Basset, "who is now, lauded be God, merry and in good health at Lincoln's Inn." This will pay all his debts and what he has borrowed for his commons. "And it is not to be doubted but he will be husband good enough, for he is both discreet, sober, and wise, and not too liberal in spending." Can keep nothing secret from her ladyship. Finds that Basset has not been half so well treated as he was at Mr. Danastre's, "but hath been grontyd and grudgid at, and laid in a worse lodging than he was wont to be." Finds he has no mind to return thither "by reason of a dunne cowe that is in the house, by whom he hath had five or six calves, so that she thought all too much that was set before him, and would have Mr. Danastre spare for to bring up her calves. God send them good weaning! But I had little thought Mr. Danastre had been a man of so vile and dissimuling a nature," else he should not have been so fat fed. Hopes to get "him" (Basset) an honest lodging within seven miles of London against the vacation, but Mr. Skerne and his wife have shown themselves at all times to be one manner of people. Will learn of my lady Sarum the Queen's [aged 27] pleasure about your coming over to the coronation. Will do all he can about Hide for my lord and my lady's profit. As to your ladyship's daughter, you will receive herewith my lord Montague's letter showing both my lady's and his meaning. My lord said the Queen had appointed all her maidens already, and that on the next vacancy he would get my lady to do her best for your daughter's preferment. This was all his answer. Mentioned the matter to Lady Rutland [aged 41], Mrs. Margery, and Mrs. Arundell, but is sure no one moved it except lady Sarum and Mr. Hennage. Did not press Lord Beauchamp [aged 36], who would scarce give him a hearing. Will show Mr. Hennage that Mrs. Catharine is of sufficient age. Will work by Mrs. Margery's counsel and Mrs. Goldyng's if he find her friendly. Is sorry Skutt has disappointed her about her gown. He promised repeatedly it should be made like the Queen's gowns. Is sure the "velot" (velvet) will be found satisfactory. God have mercy on Mr. Norres's [deceased] soul! for my lord may say he lost a friend. Hopes, however, his new friends will be good at length. Begs that William Sendy, Lady Lisle's man, may have the profits of making the passports. Has delivered the hogshead for lord Daubeney to Thomas Seller, who has cellared it till he know my lord's pleasure. Has written to lord Daubeney about it, and about the quails sent by my lady, which were given to his friends as he was so far off. Seller said he would undertake to redeem Bekonholt Wood for £40, or that if you would write to Mr. Hatche that my lord Dawbny should do his pleasure with Waram Wood, Bekonholt might be allowed to stand without money. Geofford is in town. Will speak with him in the morning. London, 24 June.

If her ladyship would send the Queen her bird and her dog, thinks they would be well received. Hol., pp. 4. Add.

On 24th June 1584 Dorothy Vernon [aged 53] died. On 4th June 1611 John Manners [aged 57] died at Haddon Hall, Derbyshire [Map]. Both were buried at All Saint's Church, Bakewell, Derbyshire [Map]. Elizabethan Period facing each other. Complex armorial of his arms impaled with her arms.

Arms of John Manners impaled with those of Dorothy Vernon.

On the left, Top Row: 1 Manners Augmented Arms 2 His great-grandmother Eleanor Ros.

Second Row: 5 Beauchamp Arms 6 Beaumont Arms 7 Berkeley Arms 8 Lisle Arms.

Third Row: 11 Tiptoft Arms.

On the right the arms of Dorothy Vernon. Top Row: 1 Vernon Arms. Her arms. Second Row: 5 Welles Arms. Third Row: 9 Tailboys Arms. Fourth Row: 10 Berkeley Arms.

Dorothy Vernon: In 1531 she was born to George Vernon "King of the Peak" and Margaret Tailboys. Before 22nd March 1572 John Manners and she were married. He the son of Thomas Manners 1st Earl of Rutland and Eleanor Paston Countess Rutland. They were fourth cousin once removed. He a great x 5 grandson of King Edward III of England.

John Manners: In 1527 he was born to Thomas Manners 1st Earl of Rutland and Eleanor Paston Countess Rutland.

Eleanor Ros: Around 1449 she was born to Thomas Ros 9th Baron Ros Helmsley and Philippa Tiptoft Baroness Ros of Helmsley. In or before 1460 Robert Manners and she were married. They were fifth cousins. He a great x 5 grandson of King Edward I of England. She a great x 5 granddaughter of King Edward I of England. In 1487 Eleanor Ros died. In 1492 George Manners 11th Baron Ros Helmsley became a ward of his uncle-in-law Thomas Lovell, husband of his mother's sister Isabel Ros as a consequence of his father Robert Manners being deemed unable to administer his own affairs.

Letters of the Court of James I 1613. 24th June 1613. London. Reverend Thomas Lorkin to Thomas Puckering 1st Baronet [aged 21].

If these letters did not assure you to the contrary, you might judge me dead; at least that some strange accident hath befallen me, who have kept so deep silence so long a time; for to imagine that either I could forget or neglect your so infinite merits towards me, were a censure too hard and rigorous once to enter into the conceit of so generous a disposition. None of these therefore have been the occasion, but only a mere necessity, first of drawing forth my journey into a longer tract than ever I propounded to myself, and then of making a farther abode in France, than at the beginning I intended, thereby to accommodate certain businesses of your brother [Note. brother-in-law] Newton's [aged 33]¹, which began through my absence to grow into some untowardly disorder. But now that I am safely arrived here, I shall promise to dedicate myself wholly to your affairs, and will hope to improve my industry and diligence such as you shall find no fault to complain that ever you reposed in me that trust which you have done. Touching your design in the prince's' service, I had already communicated it with Mr. Newton, who giveth small encouragement of proceeding farther in it, at least till his highpess grow near upon the point of his creation [as Prince of Wales], which is yet likely to hold us in expectance three years longer.

There hath been already some contestation had between your brother and Mr. Murray², the prince's tutor, touching the place of secretaryship, this man making it, as your brother formerly did, the chief end of his hopes; so that at length Mr. Newton hath been content to relinquish his right thereunto, upon condition to be made his highnesses Teceiver»general, which is like to be no less beneficial than the former. The mastership of his highness's horse hath divers competitors. Sir Thomas Howard is the most importunate suitor; and Ramsey, who is first escuyer to the prince, thinks it great wrong if he do not enjoy it. In the bedchamber, you know there are already two, Sir Robert Carey and Sir James Fullerton [aged 50]: David Murray sues to be the third, hoping by that means to recover himself of what he is so much cast behind in, having made a very weak and uncertain estate unto himself, notwithstanding all his former service. But he is like to meet with difficulty enough before be obtain it, notwithstanding all the furtherance he finds from Mr. Murray, his kinsman.

Among the grooms, Sandilands began the suit first, and had procured the king's grant for his present entrance into that charge: but this giving occasion to Gibb and Ramsey to do the like, their importunity hath been a means to revoke and cross that which the other made sure reckoning to have before fully effected for himself.

The first day of this next month the prince begins to keep house at Richmond, where Sir Arthur Mainwaring [aged 33] and Sir Edward Varnam [aged 23] (so I think they call him, for I am a bad treasurer-up of names) are like to exercise their former places, though they both sue to exchange them with being gentlemen of the privy-chamber. Mr. Alexander likewise shall be pat again into the possession of his. So shall Mr. Peter Newton and his fellow Shaw also. Few others shall be admitted above stairs at this present; and for them below, the first clerks in every office shall execute their proper charge as before.

The great places of the court are not yet disposed of. The manifest faction which is between the family of the Howards on the one side, and the Earl of Southampton [aged 39] and Viscount Rochester [aged 26] on the other, is supposed to be the cause thereof. For the treasurership, the general voice confers it still upon Northampton [aged 73], as it did that of the secretaryship upon Sir Harry Neville; though, for this latter, I suppose his hopes quite dashed; for merely depending upon my Lord Rochester, he wants not opposition; and then, besides, Overbury [aged 32] being fallen into disgrace³, he is thereby deprived of his best instrument. The most likely man to carry it, in the judgment of those who are not altogether unacquainted with those businesses, is Sir Charles Cornwallis, late treasurer to the prince deceased, who is reported very sufficient for foreign affairs: and with him it is thought shall be joined Sir Thomas Luke, though in a far meaner condition than were their predecessors, by reason of the lord treasurer's present greatness.

There hath lately come forth a proclamation against one Cotton, a west-country gentleman and a great recusant, charging him with high treason against the king and State, for having published a very scandalous and railing book against his majesty; and promising a very large reward to whosoever could apprehend him and bring him in. At the very self-same time, this Cotton being to cross the Thames, and inquiring of the watermen what news, they, not knowing the man, told him what was newly happened concerning himself. Whereupon being landed, he muffled himself in his cloak, thinking thereby to pass unknown to any of his acquaintance that he might haply meet. But he had not passed thence many paces, when one Maine, a follower sometimes of the late Lord of Devonshire, and a sure friend of his meeting him in the street and discovering well what he was, [warned] him likewise of danger, with protestation nevertheless not to make any benefit of the discovery of his friend, but wishing him to provide for his own safety. Thereupon Cotton demanding his opinion what he thought fittest to be done, he advised him to submit himself to the king's mercy: whose counsel he followed, and presently went and surrendered himself into my Lord of South* ampton's hands, and so rests at his majesty's mercy.

Your brother Newton, Mr. Southcot, and one Mr. Wood, have all, jointly together, lately obtained letters-patents for the putting in practice of an invention of the said Wood's, who by steeping all kind of com and grain in a certain liquor, undertakes thereby to render it more fruitful with five shillings' cost, than would ever have been before done with forty. They are now very busy in projecting a course for the [spread]ing of it throughout the realm, and hope to reap no small profit and advantage by it. When that is settled, your brother meaneth to make a journey to Durham⁴, whither Sir Thomas Grantham and his lady purpose to accompany him. He despatches away before great store of provision by sea, both of wine, beer, and divers other commodities, and means to be at the charge of a very honourable entertainment. Only Mrs. Newton stays behind, being hindered by a very happy occasion, finding herself quick with child.

Sir Thomas Mildmay⁵ keeps Whitehall close, not daring to venture abroad, for Sir John Wentworth's debt. He intends [to sell] Moulsham away shortly, and so to procure his own liberty.

About four or five days since, the Duke of Savoy's [aged 51] ambassador took his leave, who hath been here honoured with a very royal entertainment. The occasion of his ambassage, I suppose, is well enough known unto you, namely, to treat of a second motion of marriage between our prince and one of the daughters of Savoy. His offers are very great, and such as none other cometh near to. His wars upon the Duke of Mantua do, in a manner, furnish the whole subject to the Frenchmen's discourse. To write anything of them, I hold it needless; for, being much nearer, you cannot but understand those things likewise, much better than myself. Only I shall, in a word or two, inform you in how doubtful a deliberation the state of France stands, touching those affairs. The Prince of Conde [aged 24] and the Duke of Bouillon press both very earnestly for the relief of the Mantuan against the Savoyard. The Duke d'Espemon, on the contrary, travaileth all he may to overthrow and hinder it. And not long since, this point being debated in open council. Monsieur le Prince, in the heat of his contestation with the said duke, spared not to tell him that there was now carried so much respect to the affairs of Spain, as in the mean time they quite forgot that natural affection which they owed unto France, threatening therewithal that, in case they continued to reject the wholesome counsel which he gave in a matter of that importance, he would go and make his protestations to the Court of Parliament. It is that which keeps the adverse part somewhat in bridle, though yet the queen seems rather inclined to authorize the advice of the others than his. For, as touching the little aid which the Chevalier de Guise hath lately carried over, it is rather by permission than any commission from the queen, and is wholly composed of mere voluntaries.

The Duke de Vendome having lately retired himself from court to a certain house of his, not far from Paris upon a discontentment taken in the behalf and favour of the Prince of Conde, and there threatening never to return again so long as the regency of this queen lasteth; the queen, being advertised thereof presently, sent and confined him to his house. But the said duke, not able to brook any such confinement, contrary to the queen's injunction, made a journey into Bretagne, and there put himself into a very strong castle, named Ansenis. Whereupon, the queen presently despatched Monsieur de la Yarenne towards him, to command him to return; and, in case of his refusal, threatened to deprive him of his goyemment. The duke thereto made a very humble and submissive answer, yet no way disposes himself to obey her commandment Hereupon, the queen hath renewed it a second time by letters; but these are thought will as little avail as the former. And yet, nevertheless, the Prince of Conde, employing himself very earnestly in favour of the said duke, it is not like that there will be any rigorous proceeding against him, as is threatened.

Note 1. Adam Newton, Esq. He is styled by Dr. Thomas Smith, "Vitre quorandam eruditise et illost. virorim," printed in 4to., in 1707, vir elegantissimi ingenii."

Note 2. This appears to refer to Mr. Thomas Murray, who was tutor to the Duke of York, Charles I [aged 12].

Note 3. He had ventored to remonstrate with the favourite respecting his intimacy with the Countess of Essex [aged 23].

Note 4. See the letter of Letter August 12. Mr. Newton was, as we have stated, Dean of Durham, though a layman: such an appointment being allowable at this period.

Note 5. Knighted by King James I., at his majesty's arrival at Whitehall from Scotland, July 23, 1603, and created a baronet, Jane 29, 1611.

Samuel Pepys' Diary. 24th June 1663. He tells me, too, that he hath lately been observed to tack about at Court, and to endeavour to strike in with the persons that are against the Chancellor [aged 54]; but this he says of him, that he do not say nor do anything to the prejudice of the Chancellor. But he told me that the Chancellor was rising again, and that of late Sir G. Carteret's [aged 53] business and employment hath not been so full as it used to be while the Chancellor stood up. From that we discoursed of the evil of putting out men of experience in business as the Chancellor, and from that to speak of the condition of the King's party at present, who, as the Papists, though otherwise fine persons, yet being by law kept for these fourscore years out of employment, they are now wholly uncapable of business; and so the Cavaliers for twenty years, who, says he, for the most part have either given themselves over to look after country and family business, and those the best of them, and the rest to debauchery, &c.; and that was it that hath made him high against the late Bill brought into the House for the making all men incapable of employment that had served against the King [aged 33]. Why, says he, in the sea-service, it is impossible to do any thing without them, there being not more than three men of the whole King's side that are fit to command almost; and these were Captain Allen [aged 51], Smith, and Beech; and it may be Holmes, and Utber, and Batts might do something. I desired him to tell me if he thought that I did speak anything that I do against Sir W. Batten [aged 62] and Sir J. Minnes [aged 64] out of ill will or design. He told me quite the contrary, and that there was reason enough. After a good deal of good and fine discourse, I took leave, and so to my Lord Sandwich's [aged 37] house, where I met my Lord, and there did discourse of our office businesses, and how the Duke do show me kindness, though I have endeavoured to displease more or less of my fellow officers, all but Mr. Coventry [aged 35] and Pett; but it matters not. Yes, says my Lord, Sir J. Minnes, who is great with the Chancellor; I told him the Chancellor I have thought was declining, and however that the esteem he has among them is nothing but for a jester or a ballad maker; at which my Lord laughs, and asks me whether I believe he ever could do that well.

Samuel Pepys' Diary. 24th June 1663. We did talk highly of Sir W. Batten's [aged 62] corruption, which Mr. Coventry [aged 35] did very kindly say that it might be only his heaviness and unaptness for business, that he do things without advice and rashly, and to gratify people that do eat and drink and play with him, and that now and then he observes that he signs bills only in anger and fury to be rid of men. Speaking of Sir G. Carteret [aged 53], of whom I perceive he speaks but slightly, and diminishing of him in his services for the King [aged 33] in Jersey; that he was well rewarded, and had good lands and rents, and other profits from the King, all the time he was there; and that it was always his humour to have things done his way. He brought an example how he would not let the Castle there be victualled for more than a month, that so he might keep it at his beck, though the people of the town did offer to supply it more often themselves, which, when one did propose to the King, Sir George Carteret being by, says Sir George, "Let me know who they are that would do it, I would with all my heart pay them". "Ah, by God", says the Commander that spoke of it, "that is it that they are afeard of, that you would hug them", meaning that he would not endure them. Another thing he told me, how the Duke of York [aged 29] did give Sir G. Carteret and the Island his profits as Admirall, and other things, toward the building of a pier there. But it was never laid out, nor like to be. So it falling out that a lady being brought to bed, the Duke was to be desired to be one of the godfathers; and it being objected that that would not be proper, there being no peer of the land to be joyned with him, the lady replied, "Why, let him choose; and if he will not be a godfather without a peer, then let him even stay till he hath made a pier of his own¹".

Note 1. In the same spirit, long after this, some question arising as to the best material to be used in building Westminster Bridge, Lord Chesterfield [aged 29] remarked, that there were too many wooden piers (peers) at Westminster already. B.

Samuel Pepys' Diary. 24th June 1666. By and by the Council rises, and Sir W. Coventry [aged 38] comes out; and he and I went aside, and discoursed of much business of the Navy; and afterwards took his coach, and to Hide-Parke, he and I alone: there we had much talke. First, he started a discourse of a talke he hears about the towne, which, says he, is a very bad one, and fit to be suppressed, if we knew how which is, the comparing of the successe of the last year with that of this; saying that that was good, and that bad. I was as sparing in speaking as I could, being jealous of him and myself also, but wished it could be stopped; but said I doubted it could not otherwise than by the fleete's being abroad again, and so finding other worke for men's minds and discourse. Then to discourse of himself, saying, that he heard that he was under the lash of people's discourse about the Prince's not having notice of the Dutch being out, and for him to comeback again, nor the Duke of Albemarle [aged 57] notice that the Prince was sent for back again: to which he told me very particularly how careful he was the very same night that it was resolved to send for the Prince back, to cause orders to be writ, and waked the Duke, who was then in bed, to sign them; and that they went by expresse that very night, being the Wednesday night before the fight, which begun on the Friday; and that for sending them by the post expresse, and not by gentlemen on purpose, he made a sport of it, and said, I knew of none to send it with, but would at least have lost more time in fitting themselves out, than any diligence of theirs beyond that of the ordinary post would have recovered. I told him that this was not so much the towne talke as the reason of dividing the fleete. To this he told me he ought not to say much; but did assure me in general that the proposition did first come from the fleete, and the resolution not being prosecuted with orders so soon as the Generall thought fit, the Generall did send Sir Edward Spragge [aged 46] up on purpose for them; and that there was nothing in the whole business which was not done with the full consent and advice of the Duke of Albemarle.

Samuel Pepys' Diary. 24th June 1666. But he did adde (as the Catholiques call 'le secret de la Masse'), that Sir Edward Spragge [aged 46]-who had even in Sir Christopher Mings's [deceased] time put in to be the great favourite of the Prince, but much more now had a mind to be the great man with him, and to that end had a mind to have the Prince at a distance from the Duke of Albemarle [aged 57], that they might be doing something alone-did, as he believed, put on this business of dividing the fleete, and that thence it came¹. He tells me as to the business of intelligence, the want whereof the world did complain much of, that for that it was not his business, and as he was therefore to have no share in the blame, so he would not meddle to lay it any where else. That De Ruyter [aged 59] was ordered by the States not to make it his business to come into much danger, but to preserve himself as much as was fit out of harm's way, to be able to direct the fleete. He do, I perceive, with some violence, forbear saying any thing to the reproach of the Duke of Albemarle; but, contrarily, speaks much of his courage; but I do as plainly see that he do not like the Duke of Albemarle's proceedings, but, contrarily, is displeased therewith. And he do plainly diminish the commanders put in by the Duke, and do lessen the miscarriages of any that have been removed by him. He concurs with me, that the next bout will be a fatal one to one side or other, because, if we be beaten, we shall not be able to set out our fleete again. He do confess with me that the hearts of our seamen are much saddened; and for that reason, among others, wishes Sir Christopher Mings was alive, who might inspire courage and spirit into them. Speaking of Holmes, how great a man he is, and that he do for the present, and hath done all the voyage, kept himself in good order and within bounds; but, says he, a cat will be a cat still, and some time or other out his humour must break again. He do not disowne but that the dividing of the fleete upon the presumptions that were then had (which, I suppose, was the French fleete being come this way), was a good resolution. Having had all this discourse, he and I back to White Hall; and there I left him, being [in] a little doubt whether I had behaved myself in my discourse with the policy and circumspection which ought to be used to so great a courtier as he is, and so wise and factious a man, and by water home, and so, after supper, to bed.

Note 1. This division of the fleet was the original cause of the disaster, and at a later period the enemies of Clarendon charged him with having advised this action, but Coventry's communication to Pepys in the text completely exonerates Clarendon.

Samuel Pepys' Diary. 24th June 1667. He tells me, speaking of the horrid effeminacy of the King [aged 37], that the King hath taken ten times more care and pains in making friends between my Baroness Castlemayne [aged 26] and Mrs. Stewart [aged 19], when they have fallen out, than ever he did to save his kingdom; nay, that upon any falling out between my Baroness Castlemayne's nurse and her woman, my Lady hath often said she would make the King to make them friends, and they would be friends and be quiet; which the King hath been fain to do: that the King is, at this day, every night in Hyde Park with the Duchesse of Monmouth [aged 16], or with my Baroness Castlemaine's: that he [Povy [aged 53]] is concerned of late by my Lord Arlington [aged 49] in the looking after some buildings that he is about in Norfolke, where my Lord is laying out a great deal of money; and that he, Mr. Povy, considering the unsafeness of laying out money at such a time as this, and, besides, the enviousness of the particular county, as well as all the Kingdom, to find him building and employing workmen, while all the ordinary people of the country are carried down to the seasides for securing the land, he thought it becoming him to go to my Lord Arlington (Sir Thomas Clifford [aged 36] by), and give it as his advice to hold his hands a little; but my Lord would not, but would have him go on, and so Sir Thomas Clifford advised also, which one would think, if he were a statesman worth a fart should be a sign of his foreseeing that all shall do well. But I do forbear concluding any such thing from them. He tells me that there is not so great confidence between any two men of power in the nation at this day, that he knows of, as between my Lord Arlington and Sir Thomas Clifford; and that it arises by accident only, there being no relation nor acquaintance between them, but only Sir Thomas Clifford's coming to him, and applying himself to him for favours, when he come first up to town to be a Parliament-man. He tells me that he do not think there is anything in the world for us possibly to be saved by but the King of France's [aged 28] generousnesse to stand by us against the Dutch, and getting us a tolerable peace, it may be, upon our giving him Tangier and the islands he hath taken, and other things he shall please to ask. He confirms me in the several grounds I have conceived of fearing that we shall shortly fall into mutinys and outrages among ourselves, and that therefore he, as a Treasurer, and therefore much more myself, I say, as being not only a Treasurer but an officer of the Navy, on whom, for all the world knows, the faults of all our evils are to be laid, do fear to be seized on by some rude hands as having money to answer for, which will make me the more desirous to get off of this Treasurership as soon as I can, as I had before in my mind resolved.